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FRANK BAKER, Smithsonian Institution, Washington ; FRANZ BOAS, American 
Museum of Natural History, New York ; ALEXANDER F. CHAMBERLAIN, 
Clark University, Worcester ; STEWART CULIN, University of Penn- 
sylvania, Philadelphia ; GEORGE A. DORSEY, Field Columbian Museum, 
Chicago; ALICE C. FLETCHER, Peabody Museum, Cambridge; W. H. 
HOLMES, U. S. National Museum, Washington ; j. W. POWELL, 
Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington ; F. W. 
PUTNAM, Harvard University, Cambridge. 

F. W. HODGE,- Secretary and Managing Editor, Washington, D. C. 






Cbc Tknicherbochcr Iprcss, "Mew ll)orl? 



Man's Place in Nature. VV J McGee i 

Certain Gambling Games of the Klamath Indians. George A. 

DORSEY ........... 14 

Laboratory Outlines for Use in an Introductory Course in Soma- 
tology. Frank Russell 28 

Sophiology, or the Science of Activities Designed to Give Instruc- 
tion. J. W. Powell . . . . . . . .51 

The Chukchi of Northeastern Asia. Waldemar Bogoras . . 80 
The Technic of Aboriginal American Basketry. Otis T. Mason. 109 
Memoranda on the Maya Calendars Used in the Books of Chilan 

Balam. Charles P. Bowditch . . . . . .129 

The 111 Health of Charles Darwin — Its Nature and its Relation to 

his Work. W. W. Johnston 139 

Obituary of George Mercer Dawson. W J McGee . . . 159 

The Owakulti Altar at Sichomovi Pueblo. J. Walter Fewkes . 211 

Chalchihuitl in Ancient Mexico. Zelia Nuttall . . . 227 

Notes on the Alsea Indians of Oregon. Livingston Farrand . 239 

■^^ootenay Group-drawings. Alexander F. Chamberlain . 248 

^ Ethnology in the Jesuit Relations. Joseph D. McGuire . . 257 

"" Rare Books Relating to the American Indians. Ainsworth R. 

Spofford .......... 270 

Summary of the Archeology of Saginaw Valley, Michigan. — 1. Har- 
lan I. Smith 286 

Mummification, Especially of the Brain. D. S. Lamb . . . 294 
Decorative Symbolism of the Arapaho. A. L. Kroeber . . 308 
Initiation Ceremonies of the Wiradjuri Tribes. R. H. Mathews. 337 
The Development of Illumination. Walter Hough . . . 342 
Use of Textiles in Pottery Making and Embellishment. W. H. 

Holmes ........... 397 

The Categories. J. W. Powell 404 

Antler-pointed Arrows of the Southeastern Indians. Charles C. 

Willoughby 431 

The Lesser New-fire Ceremony at Walpi. J. Walter Fewkes . 438 



An Eskimo Brain. Ales Hrdlicka 454 

Summary of the Archeology of Saginaw Valley, Michigan.— 11. 

Harlan I. Smith 5°! 

Arrow Wounds. Thomas Wilson 5^3 

Mexican Codices— A List of Recent Reproductions. M. H. 

Saville 532 

Classification of the Sciences. J. W. Powell . . . .601 

The Aborigines of the Province of Santa Marta, Colombia. 

Francis C. Nicholas 606 

The Lodges of the Blackfeet. George Bird Grinnell . . 650 
"Significations of Certain Algonquian Animal-names. Alexander 

F. Chamberlain 669 

Aboriginal Copper Mines of Isle Royale, Lake Superior, William 

H. Holmes 684 

On the Age of Maya Ruins. Charles P. Bowditch . . .697 
A Painted Skeleton from Northern Mexico, with Notes on Bone 

Painting among the American Aborigines, Ales Hrdlicka. 701 
Summary of the Archeology of Saginaw Valley, Michigan. — IIL 

Harlan L Smith 726 

Recent Progress in Anthropology at the Field Columbian Museum. 

George A. Dorsey 737 


Lumholtz : Symbolism of the Huichol Indians {Mooney) 
Wood : The Political Economy of Humanism {Peters) 
Klugmann : Vergleichende Studien zur Stellung der Frau im 

Alterthum {Casanowicz) ....... 

FoY : Tanz Objecte vom Bismarck Archipel., Nissan und Buka 

{Afaso/i) .......... 

Wirth : Volkstum und Weltmacht in der Geschichte {Mason) 
Wiklund : Om Kalevala, Finnarnes nationalepos och forsknin 

garna rorande de detsamma {Gatschet) .... 
Meyer and Parkinson : Album of Papua-Types, II {Hodge) 
Bureau ok American Ethnology : Seventeenth Annual Report 

1895-96 {Chamberlain) ....... 

Bureau of American Ethnology : Eighteenth Annual Report 

Part I {Chamberlain) ....... 

Leon : Apuntes para una Bibliografia Antropologica de Mexicc 

{Chamberlain) ........ 

Nuttall : The Fundamental Princijjles of (Jld and New World 

Civilizations ( lFi/.u>//) ....... 











MooNEY : Calendar History of the Kiowa Indians {Matthnvs) . 542 
Roth : Strings and other Forms of Strand i^Masoii) . . . ^44 
Mortimer : Peru : A History of Coca {Jlagar) .... 545 

Codex Fejervary Mayer : Manuscrit Mexicain Precolumbien 
des Free Museums de Liverpool Public par Le Due de Loubat 
{Saville) . . . . . . . , _ . S46 

Herron : Explorations in Alaska {Mooney) ..... 547 

Drahms : The Criminal, his Personnel and Environment {Baker). 548 

White : How to Make Baskets {Mason) 54p 

HoERNES : Primitive Man {Mason) ^40 

Rivers : Report of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to 
Torres Straits. Vol. II, Physiology and Psychology ; Part I, 
Introduction and Vision {Bui-nett) . . . . . .751 

Barrows : The Ethno-botany of the Coahuilla Indians of Southern 

California {Jetiks) . . . . . . . . .754 

Roth : The Structure of the Koko-Yimidir La.ngmge {C/iamder/atn). 756 
FooTE : Government Museum, Madras. Catalogue of the Prehis- 
toric Antiquities {Chatnberlain) . . . . . . 7S7 

Wood : The Symphony of Life {McGee) 7rg 

Maler : Researches in the Central Portion of the Usumatsintla 

Valley ( 77;^;;/«5-) . . . . , . . . -759 


Archeological Survey of Michigan, 198. Twined weaving, 201, 202. Artifacts from 
Norse ruins, 202. "The Skeleton in Armor"; was it Norse or Indian? 204. 
Death of Colonel Hilder, 205. Jipijapa or Panama hats, 206. Twine-making 
without apparatus, 207. Study of Romance languages and literature, 207. Death 
of Miles Rock, 208. Conscious word-making by the Hupa, 208. Cushing's 
" Zuni Folk-Tales," 209. Eskimo stone implements, 209. Minor notes, 210. 
A Maine Indian ceremony in 1605, 387. Skeleton in armor, 388. Robert Grant 
Haliburton, 389. An Algonquian loan-word in Kiowa, 390. Eskimo and Samoan 
" killers," 391. Ollivier Beauregard, 391. Minor notes, 392. Anthropology at 
the University of California, 582. The savage progressive and the savage station- 
ary, 583. Egyptian mummification, 584. Apache and Navaho fire-making, 585. 
Andrew Ellicott Douglass, 586. Etymology of "caribou," 587. The African 
Society, 588. Poisoned arrows for blowguns, 589. A new archeological publi- 
cation, 589. Dr Walter Hough's researches, 590. Phillips Academy, 590. Dr 
L. Serrurier, 591. Anthropological Society of Paris, 591. Father William Pope 
591- Dr Leon's studies, 592. Dr Joshua Miller, 592. Preservation of caverns 
and prehistoric stations, 592. Hollowing pipe-stems, 592. Minor notes, 593. 
Anthropological lectures in German, Austrian, and Swiss universities, 791. In- 
ternational Congress of Americanists, 792. Philippine hats, 793. Lectures at 
the Ecole d'Anthropologie, Paris, 793. Dr Fewkes' researches, 794. Minor 
notes, 794. 

American Anthropologist 


Vol. 3 January-March, 1901 No. i 



In the opening paragraphs of his most memorable contribution 
to knowledge {Alajis Place in Nature, 1863) Huxley made men- 
tion of certain similarities between the activities of anthropoids 
and those of men ; and while the burden of the work was devoted 
to structural homologies, the initial keynote was retouched here 
and there throughout the discussion. Huxley's classic contribu- 
tion to anthropology needs no encomium ; it was a pioneer's mile- 
mark of progress, erected under difficulties; and it suffices that all 
later travelers have found it in the direct way of experiential 
truth. Yet it is worth while now and then to take stock of 
advances subsequent to, and largely consequent on, the Huxleian 

Since Huxley's pioneer work, a host of investigators have 

carried forward the study of structural homologies connecting 

the genus Homo with lower genera and orders ; and today the 

physical similarities are among the commonplaces of knowledge, 

whatsoever the background of philosophical opinion concerning 

' Address of the retiring President of the Anthropological Society of Washington, 
delivered before the Washington Academy of Sciences and Aiifiliated Societies, 
February 26, 1901. 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 3 — I 


cause and sequence. During the last decade or two the investi- 
gators themselves, with scarce an exception, have gone one step 
further, and now include sequence of development from lower to 
higher forms as among the commonplaces of opinion, whatsoever 
the background of metaphysical notion as to cause. There the 
strictly biologic aspect of the question as to man's place in nature 
may safely be considered to rest ; there has been little advance in 
opinion beyond that of the pioneer in 1863; but the data have 
been multiplied, and the knowledge and opinion have been 
diffused widely. 

Since Huxley's epoch-marking memoir was first pubhshed, oc- 
casional contributions have been made to knowledge of the 
activities displayed by various sub-human animals, and during the 
last quarter of the nineteenth century a science (which has been 
called the New Ethnology) has been organized to deal with the 
activities of mankind ; yet singularly little has been done in the 
way of tracing activital homologies between the genus Homo and 
lower genera. It is indeed conventional for sociologists, and cus- 
tomary for comprehensive writers on anthropology, to instance the 
social habits of mammals and birds, and even of insects and infu- 
soria, as analogous to human society ; one naturalist has gone so far 
as to study various mammals and birds in their activital aspects, 
thereby opening a most attractive field in science as well as in 
literature ; but no investigators have turned seriously toward the 
habitual activities displayed by the anthropoids — still less have 
comparative studies been made of the activities normal to both the 
higher quadrumana and the lower races of mankind, albeit this is 
perhaps the most inviting field now open to research. Thus far 
this line of inquiry grovels in the stage of travelers' tales; the 
gorilla-hunter tells how the family sire sleeps at the foot of a 
tree in wliich mother and young are nested, the naturalist in 
Liberia incidentally describes the use by monkeys of stick and 
stone implements, while the Bornean tourist tells of the simian 
servant who prefers the society of human masters to that of his 

mcgee] MAN'S place in nature 3 

kin and discriminates among the garments he is permitted to wear ; 
but there is a woful deartli of critical observation and a lament- 
able lack of judicious generalization pertaining to this promising 
meeting-ground of zoology and anthropology. So this aspect, too, 
of the great question concerning man's place in nature remains 
nearly as it was left by Huxley; the data are more abundant, 
and opinion has been both clarified and diffused ; yet definite 
homologies remain practically unfound, if not unsought, and the 
scattered facts have thrown little light on cause, lesson sequence. 
Since Huxley's prime, the New Ethnology has arisen ; and 
it has opened a vista of facts and relations which apparently 
escaped the keen vision of the pioneer in 1863 — the vista em- 
bracing thought, with all the other psychic factors pertaining to 
the activities, sub-human as well as human. This vista is perhaps 
the broadest and most attractive ever opened by science : When 
Galileo descried the harmonious paths of the planets in a sun- 
centered system, he raised the minds of men to a new plane ; 
when Newton grasped the idea of gravitation, he gave human 
thought a new hold on nature ; when Darwin discerned the lines 
of specific development, he wrought a revolution in the world of 
intellect; but when students still living scanned the lines of activital 
development and realized that thought itself is bred by the very 
activities over which it comes later to hold dominion, they opened 
a new intellectual world — a world at once so novel and so com- 
manding that some of the students themselves are fain to sit at 
the gate and view the prospect as fieeting phantasm rather than 
veritable reality. Nor is their hesitation either unprecedented or 
unpardonable : When the biologists of only one long generation 
ago unrolled the scroll picturing the origin and perpetuation of 
species through natural interactions, their interpretation seemed 
too simple to be true ; when the anthropologists of the present 
generation unrolled a similar scroll picturing the origin of activi- 
ties (arts, industries, laws, languages, doctrines ) through natural 
interactions and self-developed interrelations — and in this way 


alone — , their interpretation in turn seemed too simple to be true; 
and when the anthropologists of the old century's end (and of 
this Society ) unroll a scroll picturing the origin and development 
of thought itself through the long chain of interactions between 
the thinking organism and external nature — and in this way 
alone — , they foresee that their interpretation must seem too simple 
to be true — though they find comfort in the teachings of experi- 
ence that in the long run simple explanations are preferred, that 
simple doctrines at last prevail, indeed that the progress of 
knowledge is best measured by its own simplification. But even 
after full allowance for hesitation and doubt, it must still be said 
that the opening of the post-Huxleian vista has had much effect: 
It has widened the view of nature to include the psychical as well 
as the physical aspects of organisms ; it has correspondingly nar- 
rowed the range of extra-natural explanations of phenomena; 
and, specifically, it has revealed a new class of homologies among 
the races of men and between these and sub-human organisms. 
So the homologies recognized today as defining man's place in 
nature are of three classes: (i) structural, as wrought outby Huxley ; 
(2) activital, as suggested by Huxley and wrought outby Powell; 
and (3) mental, or psychic. Expressed otherwise, man's place in 
nature is now defined, first by what mankind and their kindred 
are, second by what they do, and third by what they think. And 
the chief progress of the post-Huxleian epoch, albeit practically 
confined to Homo sapiens in various grades of development, has 
followed the lines of psychic homologies. 

It is just to say that the foundation for modern knowledge of 
psychic homologies was laid by Tylor in his Primitive Culture 
(1871), and especially in the seven notable chapters on animism 
elaborated in successive editions; for he showed that a certain 
type of philosophy is of world-wide extent and is, or has been, 
shared by every race, every known people, whatsoever their diversi- 
ties of color or condition. This foundation was gradually raised 
into a definite platform, partly by Tylor in later publications. 

mcgeeJ MAN'S place in nature 5 

partly by Powell in brief memoirs on TJie Mythology of the North 
American Indians (1879) and Activital Similarities (1881), in 
which it was shown that the interactions between distinct peoples 
and similar environments frequently produce similar activities, 
howsoever diverse the peoples themselves ; and important ad- 
ditions to the platform were made by Brinton in various contri- 
butions summarized in his Religions of Primitive Peoples {i^gy), in 
which he showed that the human mind, even in its more complex 
operations, reflects environment with striking fidelity. True (as 
recently shown by Boas ' ), the products of interaction between 
peoples and environments are in some measure inconsistent, and 
may even at first sight seem contradictory ; but, as pointed out on a 
previous occasion,* the incongruities shrink or disappear when 
the comparisons are confined to peoples in corresponding degrees 
of cultural development. 

The modern platform for the study of psychic homologies may 
be defined briefly in terms of a few generalizations, which seem to 
be consistent with the sum of knowledge concerning the psychic 
attributes of both human and sub-human organisms, viz : (i) the 
mentality of animals is instinctive rather than ratiocinative, and 
for each species responds practically alike to like stimuli ; (2) the 
savage mind is shaped largely by instinct, and responds nearly alike 
to like stimuli ; (3) all barbaric minds are measurably similar in 
their responses to environmental stimuli ; (4) civilized minds rise 
well above instinct, and work in fairly similar ways under like 
stimuli ; and (5) enlightened minds are essentially ratiocinative, 
largely independent of instinct, and less nearly alike in their re- 
sponses to external stimuli than those of lower culture. The 
several generalizations are mutually and significantly harmonious ; 
they combine to outline a course of development beginning in the 
animal realm with organisms adapted to environment through 

' " The Mind of Primitive Man," Science, vol. xni, 1901, pp. 281-289. 
^ " Cardinal Principles of Science," Proceedings of the Washington Academy of 
Sciences, vol. 11, 1900, p. Ii. 


physiologic processes, and ending in that realm of enlightened 
humanity in which mind molds environment through nature-con- 
quest ' ; and they measure the gradual mergence of bestial instinct 
in the brightening intellect of progressive humanity. To, or at 
least toward, this platform those working anthropologists con- 
cerned with the broader aspects of the science have been pressed 
by accumulating observations and generalizations ; yet the plat- 
form owes much of its character and most of its strength to the 
concurrent development of a scientific psychology at the hands 
of a notable group of experimentalists in psychic phenomena. 
The several generalizations embodied in the platform have already 
been summarized as the latest and most comprehensive among the 
principles of science, i. e., the responsivity of mind " ; and by aid 
of this principle, psychic homologies may be traced between 
higher culture-grades and lower, and from people to people and 
tribe to tribe down to the plane of lowest savagery — where the 
lines cease for lack of data, leaving the lowly mind in a state even 
more suggestively akin to that of the sub-human organism than is 
the lowest human skeleton to that of the highest anthropoids. 

Especially within the last decade of the old century, anthro- 
pologists have come to recognize a course of development of the 
esthetic arts — a sort of natural history of esthetics, arising in 
symbolism, running through conventionism, and maturing in a 
degree of refined realism found satisfying by civilized and 
enlightened peoples. Now a significant feature of this develop- 
ment is found in the fact that the initial symbolism is zoic or ani- 
mistic, putatively if not patently : The esthetic hunger of 

' Cf. " The Seri Indians," Seventeenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American 
Ethnology, 1898, p. 269. 

* " The cardinal principles of science may be reckoned as five : the indestructibility 
of matter, the contribution chiefly of Chemistry ; the persistence of motion, tiie gift 
mainly of Physics ; the development of species, the offering of the biotic sciences ; the 
uniformity of nature, the guerdon of Geology and the older sciences ; and the respon- 
sivity of mind, the joint gift of several sciences, though put in final form by Anthro- 
pology." — Proceedings of the Washington Academy of Sciences, vol. n, 1900, pp. 11-12. 


primitive artists is sated by the carving of totems on trees or 
rocks, by the molding of animal effigies, perhaps by the deline- 
ation and painting of zoic pictographs; as the artists rise in 
the scale of culture, the zoic designs are partly conventionized 
(eventually passing into arbitrary alphabets), partly perpetuated 
in more realistic forms still conceived as fraught with mystical 
meaning, like the asp of Egyptian sculpture, the dragon of 
oriental painting, the curiously vestigial unicorn of a modern 
nation's coat-of-arms, and even the eagles of other national 
insignia. So, also, when primal man first yields to the charm 
of music, his songs and accompaniments mimic the rhythmic 
footfalls of feared or venerated animals, the rustling sounds of 
animal movements, the inchoate melody of animal voices ; when 
he enters the demesne of drama, his characters are beasts or un- 
canny monsters tricked out in zoic trappings ; and it is only 
after long stages of development that anthropomorphic motives 
are introduced, and that the music and drama rise to the plane of 
realistic representation. In some cases, if not commonly, the germ 
of esthetic development quickens in painting of face or body, to 
grow into tattooing; in simplest form the painted devices 
may serve as beacon-marks for the identification of kindred 
(like the face-marks of various animals), as among Seri matrons,' 
or may symbolize fearsome animals, as among Sioux warriors ; 
but in every well-known case the motive is symbolic expression 
of zoic attributes. From these germinal efforts of esthetic 
faculty to that modern stage of art in which the noblest realism 
and the highest idealism are wedded, the way is long ; but every 
step is marked by the dropping of zoic motives and the substitu- 
tion of motives springing from human attributes and aspirations. 
Within a few years working anthropologists have come to 
recognize more or less clearly a natural history of industries, com- 
parable with that of arts — a course of development also arising 

'The sematic and telle functions of face-painting are discussed in " The Seri 
Indians," op. cit.,p. 167 et seq. 


in symbolism, running through instinct-guided conventionism, 
and maturing in that sublimest product of mentality, invention. 
It has long been known that barbaric artisans seek omens among 
birds, borrow lore from beasts, and run to zoic motives in deco- 
ration ' ; it has long been known, too, that savage huntsmen not 
only imitate the movements of feral animals in the chase and 
seek to incite their weapons and strengthen their arms by zoic 
trophies, but even mimic the feral carnivores' blood-craze in fierce 
berserker rage at times of battle ; and more recently it has been 
noted that the most primitive implements are of tooth, claw, 
shell, and bone, selected and used as emblems of zoic power. In 
a typical tribe — the Seri, most primitive of known Amerinds — 
the pristine implement is a sea-lion tooth, differentiated into arrow, 
harpoon, and firestick ; the teeth themselves are classed as stones, 
and natural pebbles are used for tools emblematic of the zoic or- 
gans ; while the methods of chase and warfare still mimic the 
habits of local beasts. The lines of human progress from primal 
savagery to enlightenment may be traced in terms of development 
of each or all of the great groups of activities ; and while all the 
tracings conform so closely as to inspire confidence in each, no 
outline is more definite than that represented by the stages of in- 
dustrial progress — stages best defined in terms of the mind-led 
activities of which artifacts are normal products. These stages 
(beginning with that typified by the Seri) are (i) Zoomimic, in 
which bestial organs are used as arrows and other implements, to 
which magical powers are imputed by dominating zootheistic 
faith ; (2) Protolithic, in which naturally-formed stones are used 
for cleavers and other implements, under the sway of mystical 
faith modified by experience of mechanical chance ; (3) Techno- 
lithic, in which design-shaped stones are used for knives and other 
implements in ways revealing the germ of invention ; and (4) 
Metallurgic, in which ores are smelted and used for tools under 

' Even the faith-guided anti-zoic motive of arabesque decoration attests the force 
of the zoic tendency and tlie effort required to divert it. 

mcgee] MAN'S place in nature 9 

the influence of invention.' Whether the progress be traced 
through these stages or otherwise, the way from the simple 
industries of the prime to the elaborate devices of modernity- 
is long, very long ; yet a full half of the steps are marked by the 
dropping of zoic motives and the substitution of motives express- 
ing man's growing consciousness of power in nature-conquest. 

Since Tylor traced primitive culture, and especially since 
Morgan wrote on Ancient Society (1877), it has been recognized 
that all known primitive peoples are banded in consanguineal 
groups, while advanced peoples are bound in larger groups by laws 
defining proprietary and personal rights ; and during the last 
decade or two working anthropologists have come to recognize the 
course of development of social organization in its several stages 
— i. e., the natural history of laws. Now it is significant that the 
most primitive social bond (found alike in America, Africa, Aus- 
tralia, and parts of Asia) is that fixed by the ocular blood-kinship 
of maternity, and that the next great stage is defined by paternal 
relationship ; for in both stages the lines seem to be homologous 
with the instinctive habits of sub-human species, while the earlier 
the more closely approaches the low plane of brute knowledge — 
so far as this can be inferred from brute conduct. The researches 
among the aborigines of America have thrown strong light on 
the lowly laws of primitive peoples ; for it has been ascertained 
that both savage clans and barbaric gentes are bound not merely 
by community of blood but welded into homogeneous units by 
community of faith in zoic tutelaries — faith so profound, so blent 
with fear and hope, so impressed by recurrent ceremony from birth 
to maturity and thence to old age and death, as to dominate 
every thought and regulate every action. The Amerind tribes- 
men are grouped by totems (or tutelaries) of Wolf, Badger, Bear, 
Fox, Deer, Coyote, Eagle, Bluejay, etc. ; they call themselves 
Wolves, or Badgers, or Bears, or Eagles, and glory in the strength 

'The stages and transitional sub-stages are set forth in greater detail in "The 
Seri Indians," op. cit., pp. 249-254. 


and magical prestige believed to be brought them by their genii ; 
most of them recite traditions of descent from the tutelary 
animals, or else from fantastic monsters invested with their attri- 
butes ; and every adequately studied tribe has been found to 
possess a traditional genesis or sacred cosmogony in which the 
tutelaries, and perhaps other beasts, are glorified if not deified. 
The exoteric bond of clan or gens is blood-kinship ; but the union 
is reinforced by an incomparably stronger esoteric bond of animis- 
tic belief. The way from beast-clanship to free citizenship is long 
— so long as to afford the most striking measure of human pro- 
gress ; yet every step of the way is marked by the elimination of 
zoic concepts and by the substitution of humane concepts forced 
on the genus Homo in his ceaseless strife for nature-conquest. 

During some decades past, students of aboriginal tongues have 
been impressed by the failure of primitive folk to discriminate 
clearly between men and animals in their everyday speech ; and 
this lowly habit forms one of the phenomena which have served 
(as recently shown by Powell)' as a clue to the natural history 
of languages. Many Amerind tribes denote themselves by a term 
connoting animals, either in general or of a particular class, and 
when pressed to specify are compelled to employ an affix or ad- 
jective to distinguish the human kind (often considered inferior) 
from the rest ; some, like the Papago, trace human genealogy 
througli only a few generations forward or backward, and con- 
ceive the lines as beginning and ending in an undifferentiated 
magma of zoic life designated by a single term ; while some 
groups have progressed so far in the way of human superi- 
ority as to dignify themselves by the expressions " Real 
Men," " True Men," etc., in contradistinction from alien tribes 
and other contemptible creatures. The scroll picturing the de- 
velopment of language is expanded about midlength by the 
addition of the scriptorial branch, representing the growth 

' " Philology, or the Science of Activities Designed for Expression," A/ncrican 
Anthropologist, vol. 11, 1900, pp. 603-637. 


of graphic expression ; and it is quite in accord with the 
growth-lines of oral expression to find that the earliest essays in 
ideography are pictures of zoic objects, or objects to which zoic 
attributes were manifestly imputed. Most of the primal features 
of modern alphabets have been conventionized beyond recogni- 
tion ; but the hieroglyphs of Mexico and Egypt and the 
ideographs of China are among the clearer vestiges of primitive 
standards, while the fancy-wrought constellations of the celestial 
sphere — birth-mates of pre-Cadmean characters remaining un- 
changed by reason of remoteness from practical affairs — still con- 
serve the graphic zoolatry in which writing began. The way 
from lowly language linking men and beasts in word and sign 
to a discrete graphic vocabulary is long ; yet the earlier steps 
were unquestionably marked by the dropping of instincts shared 
by brutes and the substitution of humanitarian concepts im- 
pressed by ever-widening human associations. 

Since Tylor taught the world-wide range of animism in 1871, 
anthropologists have grouped the myths and faiths of mankind in 
a series of stages outlining a course of development — a natural 
history of doctrine — coming up through a slavish and despairing 
hylozoism, and ascending thence through higher zootheism and 
broadening worship of nature-powers on successive planes, each 
brighter and more humane than the last. The zoic factors of 
primitive arts, industries, laws, and languages were manifestly 
made potent in the olden time, as they are today among lowly 
folk, alike by overweening faith and ever-present custom ; they 
were, and still are, kept alive not only by recurrent ceremony and 
daily taboo and hourly precept, but by tireless study of animal 
contemporaries whose habits huntsmen must know under pain of 
hunger; so that much (perhaps most) of the sentient feeling of 
primal man must have been — as it is today among his survivors 
— of animal contemporaries. In savage life men and their animal 
associates are compelled to consecrate their best efforts to study 
of each other; in affairs of feeling and faith as in matters of 


immediate utility, the association engenders habits of body ma- 
turing in instincts eventually ripening into action-shaping habits 
of mind ; and the stronger mentality is naturally the more deeply 
influenced — until continued experience of superior faculty 
awakens consciousness of superior power, stirs the sleeping giant 
of self-confidence, and rends the shackles of zoophobia forever. 

Lo, the poor Indian ! whose untutored mind 
Sees Beasts in clouds, or hears them in the wind ; 

SO a modern Pope would write of the American natives ; and so, 
too, he might write of any and all other aborigines made known 
through the researches of the last half-century. The upward way 
from primal beast-faith through concurrent fetichism and shaman- 
ism and thence through mysticism and all manner of occultism 
is long and need not now be traced ; it sufifices that all of the 
earlier and many of the later steps were marked by the dropping 
of zoic motives or vestiges and the substitution of ever nobler 
motives and imageries. 

When the scrolls picturing activital development are brought 
together — when the natural history of doctrines is outlined over 
those of languages, laws, industries, and arts — the leading lines 
are found consistent in every essential feature ; and all are seen 
to rise from a mentality both reflecting and approaching that of 
lower animals (though just how closely may not be measured 
until the sub-human mind is better understood) toward the highest 
human plane revealed in science and statecraft. The savage Seri 
— lowest of American tribesmen — is loathed by Caucasian neigh- 
bors as an uncanny beast, and it is a revelation to find that he 
reciprocates the loathing and glories in the contumely, feeling 
that it allies him the more closely with venerated consociates like 
puma and shark, and divides him the more widely from the hated 
white creatures of unnatural ways; and the sentiment of the Seri 
is measurably common to all aborigines of strong individuality. 
The impressive fact, learned alike through observation of a typical 
tribe and through analysis of the mental operations of primitive 

MC G eeJ ma .V ' S PLA CE IN NATURE 1 3 

peoples in general, is that the savage stands strikingly close 
to sub-human species in every aspect of mentality as well as in 
bodily habits and bodily structure. 

Since Huxley's prime, the chief advances in anthropology 
have related to what men do and what men think; and the pro- 
gress has been such as to indicate with fairly satisfactory clearness 
the natural history of human thinking as well as that of human 
doing. Thereby man's place in nature may be defined more 
trenchantly than was possible in 1871 : (i) As shown by Huxley, 
the structure of Homo sapiens is homologous with that of lower 
orders, while the morphologic differences between highest an- 
thropoids and lowest men are less than those separating lowest 
men from highest men ; (2) as suggested by Huxley and estab- 
lished by later researches, the activities of Homo sapiens are 
homologous with those of the anthropoids, while the activital 
range between club-using gorilla and tooth-using savage is far 
narrower than that separating the zoomimic savage from the 
engine-using inventor ; (3) as shown by the latest researches, the 
mental workings of Homo sapiens are homologous with those of 
lower animals, while the range from the instinct and budding 
reason of higher animals to the thinking of lowest man seems 
far less than that separating the beast-fearing savage from the 
scientist or statesman. The resemblances and differences in 
doing and thinking may not yet be measured in definite units, 
as are cranial capacities and facial angles (though the recent pro- 
gress in experimental psychology gives promise of quantitative 
determinations of general sort at no distant day) ; yet the relations 
are hardly less clear and tangible than those customarily measured 
in inches and ounces and degrees. 

So in the light of the latest researches man must be placed 
wholly within the domain of nature, yet above all other organisms 
at heights varying widely with that highest product and expression 
of nature, mental power. 




During the month of June, 1900, it was my good fortune to 
spend a week among the Klamath Indians of Upper Klamath 
lake, Oregon, the object of my visit being to obtain ethnological 
collections for the Department of Anthropology of the Field 
Columbian Museum. In this I succeeded far beyond expecta- 
tions, for, although the Klamath are reached only after a long 
and tiresome stage journey of 120 miles, and hence are rather 
free from the visits of collectors, they early in their association 
with the Indian Bureau willingly and even eagerly decided to 
adopt the manners and customs of the white man, consequently, 
to a very large extent and from many points of view, they have 
ceased to be a subject of general interest to the anthropologist. 
But so tenacious a hold has the primitive life upon the Indian 
that there still survives much that is of value and real importance 
to the student. Naturally I had access to Gatschet's scholarly 
work on the language of the Klamath,' and in many ways it 
proved of great assistance ; but the importance of making a full 
and complete ethnologic collection in connection with a work of 
this nature was many times proved, for of the 250-odd specimens 
which I collected not more than three-fourths are mentioned in 
Gatschet's dictionary. 

Among the categories of objects collected by me among the 

Klamath, none is more complete or interesting than that of 

games, of which not fewer than ten varieties were procured. 

With most of these satisfactory data were gathered ; with one or 

' A. S. Gatschet : "The Klamath Indians of Southwestern Oregon" ; Contribu- 
tions to A^orth Americaft Ethnology, vol. n, Washington, 1890. 



N. S. , VOL. 3, PL. II 

fCat. Nos. 61673, 61712, Field Columbian Museum. Natural size) 

dorsey] gambling games of the KLAMATH INDIANS 1 5 

two I had difficulty in obtaining such information as was desired, 
but this must be attributed to the nature and briefness of my 
visit. Not so much on account of the number of games col- 
lected as on account of the very peculiar geographical position 
of the Klamath have I thought a brief account of these games to 
be of sufficient importance to merit publication. The almost 
unique geographic position of the Klamath may best be compre- 
hended by a glance at Powell's Map of the Linguistic Stocks of 
North America.' This map shows them to be near neighbors of 
not fewer than twelve different stocks, among which may be 
noted families of such importance as the Shoshonean, Shahap- 
tian, and Athapascan. With such neighbors, so diversified in 
their origin and culture, it will be more than surprising if we do 
not find the Klamath games full of interest ; and above all we 
may reasonably expect a wide variety of forms, for it seems 
probable that no phase of American aboriginal life was so sub- 
ject to adoption by other tribes as gaming devices. 

In considering the order in which the Klamath games should 
be treated, I have thought it better to follow a classification based 
on the character or nature of the games themselves than to treat 
first of the games played by the men, following with those of the 
women. It is now a well-known fact that, owing chiefly to the 
investigations of Mr Culin, the sixty or more varieties of games 
found in North America may be resolved into not more than five 
general divisions, the games in each being more or less intimately 
related and all perhaps having had a common origin, 

I. As an example of the first category, the Arapaho wheel- 
and-arrow game may be cited. In this class of games a spear is 
hurled or an arrow is shot at something, generally a ring. Suc- 
cess in these games depends primarily on the ability to shoot or 
hurl a missile so that it may strike in some particular spot or that 
it will come to a full stop at some point in contact with a special 
portion of the ring. 

' Sevenih Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. 


II. Somewhat similar to games of the first division, those of 
the second also require the ability of the player to take good aim, 
but the object in this case is directly struck, as a ball by means 
of a stick. Strength and (to a greater extent) agility are also 
required, for the ball must be driven to a certain point in opposi- 
tion to the efforts of an opponent, or certain positions of the ball 
must be maintained for a length of time greater than is possible 
with the adversary. Such are the game of shinny, so common 
among the Plains Indians, and the game of football or kicked stick 
among the Pueblo tribes. 

III. In the third category of games success depends rather 
on skill acquired by long and patient practice, the object being to 
catch some such object as a cup-shaped bone, or a fish vertebra, 
or a ball, upon the point of a bodkin or needle. The so-called 
matrimonial game of the central and eastern Indians is the best- 
known example. 

IV. In this category success is dependent solely on judgment, 
the object being to guess the location of an object, or of one 
object from two or more which have been concealed. Good 
examples are the moccasin game and the hand or grass game. 

V. In the fifth class of games, objects are thrown on the 
ground or are permitted to fall in a basket or bowl, and the count 
is determined by the chance of the throw, one side or the other 
of the objects having a certain value, either singly or in combina- 
tions ; such are the well-known stave and dice games. 

The order in which these five categories of games has been 
given is based merely on the personal convenience of the writer. 
That this order suggests any line of development is not believed ; 
on the contrary, it is extremely likely that the games of the 
second division represent the oldest of American games. 


The games of this class, nine specimens of which were collected,, 
represent five distinct variations. 


S., VOL. 3, PL. Ill 

t I 


(Cat. No. 61537, Field Columbian Museum. Three-fourths natural size) 

dorsey] gambling GAMES OF THE KLAMATH INDIANS 1 7 

WoSHAKANK. — This is a ring-and-arrow game, the arrows em- 
ployed not differing from those used by boys in hunting. The 
ring (61682)' measures 11 inches in diameter and is made of 
the inner fiber of the tule rush, wrapped with tule bark. The 
object of the game is to hit the ring with an arrow. 

Another specimen of ring (6168 1) belonging to this game is 6 
inches in diameter. Rings of this size are used chiefly by boys. 
In construction it does not differ from the ring just described, ex- 
cept that half of the outer wrapping is of tule. 

Shu'kshuks. — This game is generally similar to the one just 
described. It is usually played in a wikiup by either men or boys, 
and most commonly in winter, in the following manner : One of 
two boys, sitting from eight to ten feet apart, rolls a ring toward 
the other who shoots at it with an arrow {iite' kisJi). In case he 
hits the ring, the one who rolled it endeavors, by shooting, 
to dislodge the arrow therefrom. Should the latter succeed, 
there is no count ; otherwise the one who first shot gains an arrow, 
the object of the game being to win arrows. In the set collected 
(61641), there are a small bow, 2 feet in length, and three small 
reed arrows with long sharp wooden points of sage. The rings 
belonging to the set measure 3 and 4 inches in diameter, respec- 
tively, and are made of a variety of flexible bast. 

Another ring (61530) belonging to this game measures 4 
inches in diameter; it is made of tule fiber loosely wrapped 
with straw-like rush. 

Shu'kshuks. — Although this game bears the same name as 
the one last described, the manner of playing is somewhat differ- 
ent. The ring {shii' kshuks) measures half an inch in diameter 
(figure i), is rather tightly woven, and is not so flexible as the 
rings above described. Instead of an arrow, a small awl-like 
object is used, consisting of a bone point mounted in a sharp 
wooden handle. This variety of the ring game is played by both 
sexes and by all ages, and generally in the wikiup. The players 

' Numbers refer to specimens in the Field Columbian Museum. 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 3 — 2. 



[n. s., 3, igor 

sit facing each other, and as one rolls the ring in front of him 
his opponent attempts to pierce one or both sides of the ring 

with the point of his awl. To pierce 
one side counts one, both sides two. 
Two specimens (61716-17) of this game 
were collected. 

Shu'kshuks. — This is an interest- 
ing variation of the ring game for which 
T could get no native name to distinguish 
it from the ones just described ; nor 
do I know that an account of this 

Fig. I — Ring and awl for game. (Cat. No. 61717, Field Columbian Museum. Natural size.) 

game has ever been published. The ring (figure 2) measures 1 1 
inches in diameter and is an inch thick. Across one side of it is 
fastened a cross-bar, measuring 17 inches in length, projecting three 
inches beyond the ring on each 
side. Both ring and cross-bar are 
made of the inner fiber of the tule 
rush, closely wrapped with tule 
bark, the inner surface being 
placed outside, giving the ring a 
whitish color. In playing the 
game two rings of equal size are 
used ; these are placed in an up- 
right position, one end of the 
cross-bar resting on a sharp wooden 
pin firmly fixed in the ground. 
The interval between the two goals 

Fig. 2 — Tule fiber rint; for game. (Cat. No. (5/(57^, 
varies according to agreement Field Columbian Museum. I natural size.) 

between the players. There are always two opposing sides, each 


consisting of one or more individuals. The ring is shot at with 
arrows from a bow, the object being to pierce both sides of the 
goal, which is always placed at right angles. Two specimens 
(61622, 61674) of this game were collected, the only difference 
being in the size of the diameter of the ring and the length of the 
cross-bar. This game, I was informed, has not been played for 
many years, and satisfactory information concerning the method 
of playing could not be obtained. 

Shikna. — This interesting variation of the ring game is played 
only by men. It consists of as many spears {shikna) as there are 
individual players, and two goals {tchedaik), each of which is simply 
a forked stick thrust into the ground at such interval as may be 
mutually agreed on. The spears are of .willow, measuring 6 feet 
in length and sharpened at one end. They are decorticated, ex- 
cept at the lower extremity. The spears are hurled from the 
hand, the object being to cause them to fall in such manner that 
the end of the spear will rest on the fork of the goal. Such a 
throw counts five, otherwise the one whose spear falls nearest 
the goal counts one ; ten usually constitutes the game. The 
game is still practised to some extent by the Klamath, and in 
playing they exhibit great skill, one of the players whom I saw 
not failing to strike the goal oftener than once in six or eight 
throws. One set of this game (61 710) consists of two spears and 
a pair of forked sticks. 


Of games of this variety two sets were collected, one of which 
is not without considerable interest : 

TCHIMMAASH. — This game (61538) is generally played by 
women. Two goals {dnkii) are marked about a hundred yards 
apart. Each player is armed with a short willow pole {skii^kusJi) 
with which she attempts to drive before her, in the direction of 
her opponent's goal, two wooden billets, 6 inches long and an 
inch in diameter, fastened to each other by means of a stout cord, 
10 inches in length, which passes through the center of each 



[n. s., 3, 1901 

Q O 

billet (figure 3). From two to ten generally play. The set of 
two poles (61538) collected by me are of willow; they are decorti- 
cated and marked throughout the greater 
part of their length with two burnt spiral 
bands which run in opposite directions. This 
game has been described by Gatschet ' as 
follows : 

In playing tcMmmaash, the Klamath women 
run back and forth, every one holding willow 
poles. In the middle of the starting places on 
either side they plant sticks for fixing bases, then 
with their poles they throw up the game string. 
Having caught it they throw it to the others, then 
they run over there ; they throw the game string 
while chasing each other. One party throws back 
the poles to the girls on their side ; and they then 
chase each other to the bases. 

Shinny. — For some reason, which I can 
not now explain, I failed to get the Indian 
name of this game. The set collected {6i'j26) 
consists of a bat of white pine terminating 
in a flat extended portion, and a ball 2^ 
inches in length, of the same material. There 
is nothing in the Klamath method of play- 
ing this game which calls for special com- 

Heshtalxeash. — The invariable answer 
to repeated inquiries among the old men was 

Fig. 3-Poles and double ball ^ ^ ° 

^wITrai sS ^°' ^'^^^' to the efi"ect that the Klamath possessed tops 

before the advent of the whites. The first 

specimen (61729) has a disk, 2| inches in diameter, made of 

white-pine bark, through which is thrust a 4-inch stick sharpened 

at each end, thus giving the form of an ordinary spinning top. 

' Gatschet, loc. cit., part I, p. 80. This and following quotations from Gatschet 
are literal translations of native texts. 

dorsey] gambling GAMES OF THE KLAMATH INDIANS 21 

The second specimen collected (61728) is similar to the first ex- 
cept that the disk is of cedar bark and instead of being beveled at 
the edges is cut off squarely. 


A number of specimens of a single variety of a game of this 
category which were collected are unusually interesting and, so 
far as I know, have not previously been noted as existing in this 

SOQUOQUAS. — This specimen (61 531) consists of a long ellip- 
tical ball made of tule pith. The lower end of the ball, which 
remains loose, consists of a dozen or more strings of tule fiber 
which project beyond the ball. The upper portion or body of the 
ball is tightly wrapped with the outer bark of the tule rush. 
Projecting from the upper end of the ball is a small braided loop, 
a quarter of an inch in diameter, to which is fastened a 6-inch 
thread of native grass. At the end of this thread is attached a 
small bone pin a little more than an inch in length. The game is 
played as follows : Taking the pin by the end to w^hich the cord 
is attached between the thumb and forefinger, and permitting the 
ball to hang loosely at the end of the string, a sudden downward 
thrust is given, the object being to strike the braided loop and 
catch it on the point of the pin. This is known z.s sJiapasJispatcJia 
(" to split or punch out the moon "). The game is always played 
in winter and generally only by adults. It is believed that -by 
" punching out the moon " in this fashion the winter months are 
shortened and the advent of spring is hastened. 

Another example (61673) is made similarly to the specimen 
just described ; the ball, however, is 5 inches in length, while 
from it project several strands of the inner fiber of tule, also 5 
inches in length ; the knot, string, and pin are somewhat larger. 

In another specimen (61532) no strands of fiber project 
from the ball, the two ends being similarly finished. Instead of 
the string being tied in a loop at the upper end, it is simply 



[n. s., 3, 1901 

fastened in one of the wrappings. This ball is not wound from 
side to side with a circular wrapping of tule bark, but it is 
wrapped about the center from eight to ten times with a tightly 
woven thread of that material. 

The three other specimens (61712,-13,-15) are much smaller 
than the specimens described, the largest not being over 2\ inches 
in length. They are all made of the bark of tule, which has been 
tightly wrapped from end to end, being considerably larger about 
the middle than at either end, thus giving the ball a sort of loz- 
enge shape. In each of these three specimens the thread connect- 
ing the pin and the ball is unusually well made and is very soft 
and pliable, while the pin consists simply of a porcupine quill. In 
all those specimens in which no loop projects from the ball to 
which the string is attached, the object of the game is to strike 
the knot where the string is fastened to the ball. 


As might be expected, we find the well-known hand game 

played among the Klamath, and in addition the four-stick game, 

'mmpmrmFr—-—zs'^-—^^'«~-~-~^ '^"^ ^^^ most interest- 

ing form, is found. 

L61PAS. — The 
single set of hand 
game (61616) collect- 
ed consists of four 
solid bones 3 inches 
in length and taper- 
ing toward each end. 
Two of the bones 
(figure 4) have wound 
about their center 
several wrappings of a 
c^ n ( \. A in . yci A A A 1 in buckskin thong ; all of 

Fig. 4 — Bones for hand game. (Cat. No. 6/6/6. \ natural size.) ° 

them are decorated, 
the two plain ones having on one side of one end a double cross 



( X X ), while the marked bones have at one end an incision, running 
around the bone, from which spring two parallel incised spirals 
terminating under the wrappings. The two marked bones are 
known as skiitasJi (tied around) or JiisJiiiaksJi (male), while the un- 
marked bones are ^f/j-^^ (female). With this set are twelve sticks, 
8 inches in length and sharpened at one end, which serve as 
counters {kshesh) for the hand game. 

In connection with this hand game there should be mentioned 
a lozenge-shape stone (figure 5) measuring 2^ inches long by i\ 
in breadth and an inch in thickness. This stone, with several 
others similar in 
shape, was found at 
Klamath falls, near 
the foot of Klamath 
lake, and was ob- 
tained by me from a 
merchant as I was 
leaving the reserva- 
tion. The person 
from whom I pro- 
cured the specimen 
said that a number of 
Klamath Indians had 
seen the stone and had unanimously declared that it was formerly 
used in playing the hand game. It was not possible for me to 
verify this statement, but from the shape of the stone and from 
my inability to see to what other use it could have been put, I am 
inclined to the belief that it has been used in the hand game. 

Shulsheshla, Spelshna, or ShAkla.— This game (61537) 
consists of four hardwood sticks (plate III) 12 inches in length. 
Two of the sticks {sku'tasli) are less than half an inch in diameter 
and are closely covered with wrappings extending from end to end 
of a buckskin thong which has been painted black; the other two 
sticks {mii'jHcni, or solses) are half an inch in diameter at the ends 

Fig. 5 — Stone used in hand game (?). (Cat. No. 61772. 
3 natural size.) 



[n. s., 3, 1901 

and an inch at the center, and the extremities have been black- 
ened by being charred with a hot iron. Toward the center of 
these two sticks are two bands, two inches apart, which have been 
burnt in. Connecting the two bands are four parallel spirals also 
made by burning. There are also six small sticks, 8 inches in 
length, sharpened at one end and painted red ; these are counters 
{kshesJi) which, at the beginning of the game, are in possession 
of one or the other side and lie flat on the ground. As points are 
won by one or the other side, they are taken up and thrust into 
the ground in front of the winner according to the number of 
points gained. In playing this game the four long sticks are ar- 
ranged in one of a number of possible combinations, the player 
hiding them under a blanket or large basket tray. A taking 
the counters on his side makes the first guess, B manipulating the 
sticks under a blanket or mat. Should A guess correctly the 
position of the sticks, he wins and thrusts in the ground one or 
two counters according to the value of his guess, and B again ar- 
ranges the sticks under the blanket. Should A guess wrongly he 
forfeits one counter and guesses again, but in this case B conceals 
only two of the sticks, that is, one large and one small wrapped 
one. \{ A wins, or guesses correctly, the sticks are passed to him, 
when he manipulates them under the blanket and B guesses. 
But if A loses, he forfeits a counter and B again manipulates the 
single pair of sticks. In guessing, when they wish to designate 
the small wrapped sticks, the index and middle fingers are used ; 
for the thick sticks, the index finger alone. In expressing the 
guess at positions numbered i (figure 6) and 2 (vuish) they 

2 I 3 I 4 I 5 

Fig. 6 — Possible combinations of large and small sticks. 

move the hand sideways one way or another as they desire to in- 
dicate the positions as expressed in numbers i or 2. To miss the 
guess when '■' iniish is laid " neither side loses nor wins, nor is there 

dorsey] gambling GAMES OF THE KLAMATH INDIANS 2$ 

any changing to the other opponent of the sticks ; but when the 
position 3 or 4 is laid, with A guessing and winning, the sticks 
must be passed to him for manipulation and he wins no counters. 
When the sticks are laid in position 5 or 6 and A guesses, using 
two fingers, he obviously loses doubly and two counters are 
passed to B. 

Another set (61724) of this game which was collected is ex- 
actly similar to the one just described, except that the buckskin- 
wrapped sticks are not painted black, while the two large sticks 
are not painted alike, one having two burnt bands about the cen- 
ter two inches apart, from each side of which a row of zigzag lines 
extends entirely about the stick. On both of the large sticks of 
this set there are four parallel bands, equidistant from the burnt 
ends of the stick, the two pairs being connected by parallel 

A third set (61723) collected has two small sticks wrapped 
with rawhide which has been painted red ; the large sticks are 
charred at each end for an extent of about an inch, while in the 
center are two parallel black bands. The intervening portions of 
these two sticks are painted red. This game has been described 
by Gatschet ' as follows : 

They play the stick game with four sticks ; there are two thick, also 
two slender skin covered sticks. They guess at the slender sticks with 
index and middle finger, at the thick ones however with the index fin- 
ger ; they guess at the vuish moving the hand sideways ; they also guess 
with the thumb making a side move. By the vuish they can only win 
one counting stick ; with the index and middle finger they win two 
counting sticks, having put forward the index finger. When they 
have won all stakes from the losers then they stop. 


In this category of games two well-known varieties were col- 
lected, the stave game and the woodchuck-teeth dice. 

Skushash. — One set(6i7ii) of this game which was collected 

'Gatschet, loc. cit., p. 79. 



[n. s., 3, 1901 

consists of four pine staves (figure 7), 7f inches long, flat on one 
side, rather rounded on the other, and tapering toward the ends. 
Two of the staves are marked by a series of nine parallel lines at 



Fig. 7 — Set of staves for game. (Cat. No. 6/7//, Field Columbian Museum. \ natural size.) 

each end and three parallel lines in the center. These are known 
as shnawedsh, or women ; the remaining two sticks are marked 
from end to end by zigzag lines crossing back and forth from side 
to side ; these are called xoxsJia or hishuaksk (male person). All 
of these lines have been burnt in by means of a sharp-pointed, 
heated iron tool. The counting is as follows : All marked sides 
up or down count two ; both male sticks up with women down, 
or vice versa, count one. These are the only counts. 

Set No. 61722 differs from the preceding only in the number 
of parallel lines in the two shnawedsh staves. At the ends of 
the two staves there are seven parallel lines, while in the center 
of one are five and of the other six parallel lines. 

Skushash. — Although this game is played with woodchuck 
teeth (figure 8) instead of staves, it bears the same name as the 
stave game. The two upper teeth (set 61536) are marked flat- 
wise with zigzag lines extending throughout the length of the 



tooth ; these are laki (male) dice. The lower teeth are marked 
by four incised dots and are hllii (female). In playing the game, 
which is generally done only by women, the teeth are dropped on 
a hard level object, such as an under grinding stone. The count 
is the same as in the stave game, namely, all marked dice up or 
down, two ; both males up with females down, one. 

In another set 
(61734) the mark- 
ings are as in the 
preceding set, ex- 
cept that the lower 
teeth have five dots 

instead of four and Fig. S^Set of woodchuck-teeth dice. (Cat. No. 6/7J/. | natural size.) 

that the incised markings on all the four teeth have been filled 
with red paint instead of black as in the preceding set. This 
game has also been described by Gatschet,' as follows : 

The Klamath Lake females play a game with beavers' teeth, letting 
them drop on a rubbing stone. All teeth having fallen up side, where 
they are marked, they win two checks. If both female teeth come 
down falling right side up, they win one check. If both male teeth 
come down falling right side up, on that account also they gain one 
check. Falling unequally, however, they win nothing ; and having won 
all the stakes from each other they quit. Only women play this game. 

' Gatschet, loc. cit., p. 80. 


By frank RUSSELL 

At Harvard University two classes of students take courses in 
Somatology : those who are preparing for the profession of medi- 
cine and those who are fitting for professional work in Anthro- 
pology. The choice of the former is sanctioned by Topinard in 
these words: "The knowledge of Anthropology adds to medicine 
a certain superiority, it adds interest to the study of anatomy and 
physiology; it is the crown of the school of life." The other 
class acquire knowledge that is essential, in my opinion, to the 
anthropologist, whatever special division of the science he may 

These outlines are published in the hope that they may prove 
useful to students of Somatology who have not had, heretofore, 
such a guide. The prominence given to osteology is due in part 
to the limitations of a recently established laboratory and in part 
to the abundance of such material at hand. It is to be under- 
stood that other sections of the science of Somatology are pre- 
sented in this general introductory course by means of lectures 
illustrated by charts, etc. 


A. — Racial and Sexual Type 

Study the series of Caucasian and Amerindian bones to de- 
termine the average size and form for each of the two races. 
Compare with the skeletons of other races as far as possible. 

Determine the mean for each SEX separately and compare 
one with another. If DISEASED BONES are found, study their 
condition : osteoporosis, exostosis, ostitis. 



In the study of paired bones compare right with left. 


a. Clavicle: 

Measure its length ' ; identify the deltoid tubercle ; trape- 
zoid line ; subclavian groove ; rhomboid impression ; conoid 

b. Scapula: 

1. Length. 

2. Length to base of spine. 

3. Breadth. 

4. Vertical diameter of glenoid fossa. 

5. Transverse diameter of glenoid fossa. 

6. Scapular index. 

7. Infraspinous index. 

Identify the acromion ; coracoid process ; supra-scapular 
notch ; spine. 

c. Humerus: 

1. Maximum length. 

2. Maximum diameter of head. 

3. Antero-posterior diameter at deltoid eminence. 

4. Transverse diameter at deltoid eminence. 

5. Index of shaft at deltoid eminence. 

6. Maximum transverse diameter of condyles. 

7. Angle of shaft from vertical. 

8. Angle of neck and shaft. 

g. Angle of torsion. Compare with that of quadrupeds. 
10. Relation to stature taken as 100. 
Identify tuberosities ; pectoral ridge ; deltoid eminence ; coro- 
noid, radial, and olecranon fossse ; trochlea ; capitellum ; spiral 
groove ; supratrochlear and entepicondylar foramina. 

' Fractions less than .5 of a millimeter may be disregarded ; when above .5 the 
next higher whole number should be written. Whenever the series of measurements 
is sufficiently large, determine the mean magnitude instead of the average. 


d. Radius: 

1. Length. 

2. Circumference at middle of shaft. 

3. Perimetral index. 

4. Humero-radial index, radius X 100 -~ humerus. 

5. Relation to stature taken as 100. 

6. Relation of radius plus humerus to stature taken as 100. 
Identify the tuberosity ; oblique lines ; sigmoid cavity ; sty- 
loid process ; tubercle. 

e. Femur: 

1. Length. 

2. Length to great trochanter. 

3. Oblique length. 

4. Oblique length to great trochanter. 

5. Maximum diameter of head. 

6. Length of neck and head. 

7. Index of braiicJie oblique. 

8. Height of neck at middle. 

9. Antero-posterior diameter of neck. 

10. Index of neck. 

11. Antero-posterior diameter at subtrochanteric region. 

12. Transverse diameter. 

13. Platymeric index. 

14. Degree of curvature. 

15. Antero-posterior diameter at middle of shaft. 

16. Transverse diameter at middle of shaft. 

17. Pilastric index. 

18. Popliteal transverse diameter. 

19. Diameter Mn. 

20. Diameter Mp. 

21. Popliteal index. 

22. Transverse diameter of condyles. 

23. Condylar index. 

24. Antero-posterior diameter of external condyle. 


25. Angle of neck and shaft. 

26. Angle of shaft from the vertical. 
2y. Angular index. 

28. Angle of torsion. 

29. Relation to stature taken as 100. 

Identify the bicipital fossa ; great, small, and third trochan- 
ters ; tubercles of the quadratus and of the femur; intertrochan- 
teric, spiral, and pectineal lines ; gluteal ridge ; linea aspera ; 
popliteal surface ; supracondylar ridges ; tuberosities ; intercondy- 
lar notch. Study the lamellae in a transverse longitudinal section ; 
pilastered femur; fossa hypotrochanterica. 

Effects of dampness. — Measure a femur with the greatest care, 
then soak it in water for eight days and measure again 
to determine the amount of increase in volume. 
/. Tibia: 

1. Length. 

2. Transverse diameter of condyles. 

3. Curve of external condyle. 

4. Antero-posterior diameter at middle of shaft. 

5. Transverse diameter. 

6. Index of shaft. 

7. Minimum circumference of shaft. 

8. Perimetral index. 

9. Angle of torsion. 

10. Tibio-femoral index, length of tibia X 100 -f- length of 


11. Intermembral index, length of humerus + radius X 100 

-^ the length of femur + tibia. 

12. Relation to stature taken as 100. 

13. Relation of tibia plus femur to stature taken as 100. 
Identify the spine ; popliteal notch ; tuberosities ; tubercle ; 

oblique line ; crest ; internal malleolus. Note the significance and 
racial distribution of the curved external condyle and astragalo- 
tibial articulation. 



Determine the stature from each of the long bones by the 
mathematical method. 

Compare the methods of Rollet, Manouvrier, Topinard, and 
g. Pelvis : ' 

1. Breadth. 

2. Height, summit of ilium to most depending part of 


3. Breadth-height index, height X 100 -^ breadth. 

4. Breadth between the anterior superior iliac spines. 

5. Breadth between the posterior superior iliac spines. 

6. Breadth between ischial tubera, outer borders. 

7. Breadth between ischial spines, tips. 

8. Maximum diameter of obturator foramen. 

9. Vertical diameter of obturator foramen. 

10. Transverse diameter of obturator foramen. 

11. Obturator index, transverse diameter X 100 -f- vertical 


12. Subpubic angle. 

Diinensio7is of true Pelvis 

13. Transverse diameter, between the ilio-pectineal lines. 

14. Conjugate diameter, promontory to body of os pubis 

near the symphysis. 

15. Pelvic index, conjugate diameter X 100 -~ transverse 


16. Oblique diameter, right and left, sacro-iliac joint to ilio- 

pectineal line, internal to the pectineal eminence. 

' These measurements are taken from the article by Sir William Turner, " Report 
on the Bones of the Human Skeleton," in the Challenger Reports, vol. xvi, part iv, p. 6. 


17. Inferior sagittal diameter, from the middle of the an- 

terior inferior border of the body of the fifth 
sacral vertebra and the lower border of the pubic 

18. Coccygeo-pubic diameter, tip of coccyx to lower border 

of symphysis. 

19. Intertuberal diameter, inner borders below sciatic notch. 

20. Depth of pubic symphysis. 

21. Depth of pelvic cavity, from brim near pectineal emi- 

nence to most depending portion of the tuber ischii. 

Dimensions of Individual Bones 

22. Height-length of ilium, angle at bottom of acetabulum 

to summit of crest. 

23. Breadth of ilium, between superior spines: anterior and 


24. Iliac index, breadth X 100 -^ height-length. 

25. Breadth of innominate bone, posterior superior iliac 

spine to pubic symphysis. 

26. Length of os pubis, angle in acetabulum to the pubic 


27. Pubo-innominate index, pubic length X 100 -^ innomi- 

nate breadth. 

28. Length of ischium, angle in acetabulum to most de- 

pending part of the tuber ischii. 

29. Innominate index, breadth X 100 -^ height-length. 

30. Ischio-innominate index, ischial length X lOO -7- pelvic 


31. Length of coccyx. 

32. Breadth of coccyx. 

Define the limits of the ilium, sacrum, os pubis, and os 
acetabulum in the os innominatum ; epiphyses ; position of the 
pelvis in the course of ontogenetic development ; true and false 
pelvis ; spines ; crests ; foramina ; notches ; symphysis ; tuberosity ; 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 3 — 3 


ilHo-pectineal line and eminence ; angle of inclination ; sexual 

dimorphism in different races. 



Compare the shoulder girdle with the pelvic. 


h. Vertebral Column : 

Study the changes due to the assumption of the erect atti- 
tude ; anomalies in number of vertebrae ; compare curves in child 
and adult; lumbar curve and index : 




Determine the proportions of the cervical, thoracic, and 
lumbar regions. 
i. Sacrum : 

1. Length. 

2. Breadth. 

3. Index. 

Study the normal form and note such anomalies as an open 
sacral canal ; oblique sacrum ; irregularities in the number of 
parts ; number of coccygeal vertebrae ; vertebra fulcralis. 


j. Thorax : 

1. Primary type. 

2. Secondary type. 

Determine the number of sternal ribs; sacral and lumbar 
vertebrae in the embryo ; length of floating ribs ; cervical ribs ; 
bicipital ribs. 
k. Sternum: 

I. Length of manubrium. 


2. Length of body. 

3. Breadth at base of first sternebra. 

4. Thickness. 

5. Index, thickness X lOO -=- breadth. 

6. Relation of length to stature. 

Test Hyrtl's law. Study the ensiform process; clavicular and 
interclavicular notches; fissura sterni ; sternal foramen; ossa 
/. Cranium : 

Make outline drawings of the front (norma frontalis) and side 
(norma lateralis) of a skull with Broca's stereograph and locate 
the following points : 











jugo-maxillary point 










Define the limits of the calvaria and calvarium. 


Crafiiomeirical planes : Arrange the skull for the above draw- 
ings with the alveolo-condylion plane horizontal ; this plane is 
determined by the occipital condyles and prosthion : 

Broca's horizontal or orbital, by the axes of the orbits ; 

Auriculo-infraorbital, by the auricularia and orbitalia. 
Instruments: Measure the angles and projections with Ranke's 
goniometer or Verneau's cephalometer : 

The arcs with a steel tape ; 

The larger diameters with Bertillon's calipers; 

The smaller dimensions, except the optico-nasion length and 
the dimensions of the choanae, with the sliding calipers. 


1. Capacity. Gage with water, Poll's method, or shot^ 

Broca's method, or if the skull is too fragile use 
millet seed, or calculate the cubical capacity from the 
skull modulus (p. 43). 

2. Glabello — occipital length. 

3. Breadth. 

4. Biasterial breadth. 

5. Biauricular breadth, at superior margin of external audi- 

tory process. 

6. Bistephanic breadth. 

7. Interpterion breadth. 

8. Minimum frontal breadth. 

9. Bizygomatic breadth. 

10. External biorbital breadth. 

11. Internal biorbital breadth. 

12. Bijugal breadth, between jugalia. 

13. Bimaxillary breadth, maximum. 

14. Bialveolar breadth. 

15. Maxillary length, prosthyon to posterior extremity of 

arch ; use thin strip of metal and measure in the 
middle line. 


16. Basi-alveolar length. 

17. Basi-nasal length. 

18. Basi-bregmatic height. 

19. Basion-obelion. 

20. Basion-lambda. 

21. Length of foramen magnum. 

22. Breadth of foramen magnum. 

23. Malar height. 

24. Naso-alveolar height. 

25. Spino-alveolar height. 

26. Naso-mental height. 

27. Orbital breadth, dacryon to maximum extent of largest 


28. Orbital height. 

29. Orbital depth, nasion to optic foramen. 

30. Bidacryc breadth. 

31. Nasal height, nasion to level in middle line of inferior 

margin of the nasal aperture. 

32. Nasal breadth. 

33. Palatal length, inner margin of arch anteriorly and ex- 

clusive of the palatal process. 

34. Palatal breadth, between canines. 

35. Palatal breadth, second molars. 

36. Dental length, molars and premolars. 

37. Height of choanae. 

38. Breadth of choanae. 


39. Naso-malar, between outer margins of orbits over nasion. 

40. Frontal, nasion to bregma. 

41. Parietal, bregma to lambda. 

42. Occipital, lambda to opisthion. 

43. Total sagittal, nasion to opisthion. 

44. Maximum transverse, anterior to external auditory 



45. Supraauricular, from superior border of the external 

auditory process. 

46. Preauricular, over the glabella. 

47. Total horizontal, over the glabella. 


48. Cranial, use the quinary nomenclature of the inter- 

national agreement of 1886. 

49. Vertical, height X lOO -=- length. 

50. Breadth-height, height X lOO -^ breadth. 

51. Stephano-zygomatic, bistephanic breadth X 100 -j- bi- 

zygomatic breadth. 

52. Upper facial, Kollman, nasion to prosthyon X lOO -^ 

bizygomatic breadth. 

53. Total facial, nasion to gnathion X lOO -^ bizygomatic 


54. Naso-malar, naso-malar arc X 100 -=- internal biorbital 


55. Orbital, height X 100 -=- breadth. 

56. Nasal. 

57. Uranic, bialveolar breadth X lOO -=- maxillary length. 

58. Staphylinic, posterior breadth X lOO -^ palatal length. 

59. Dental, length of upper molars and premolars X lOO -i- 

basi-nasal length. 

60. Alveolar, basi-nasal length X lOO -i- basi-alveolar length. 

Relations of Ares 

61. Frontal — total sagittal, frontal X lOO -^ total sagittal. 

62. Parietal — total sagittal. 

63. Occipital — total sagittal. 

64. Preauricular — total horizontal. 

65. Supraauricular — total transverse. 

The Lower Jaw 

66. Bicondylar breadth at middle of transverse axis. 

67. Bigonial breadth. 


68. Symphyseal height. 

69. Molar height, vertical height at level of second molars. 

70. Ramus height, vertical height of jaw. 

71. Minimum ramus breadth. 

72. Gonio-symphyseal chord, gonion to gnathion. 

y^. Condylo-coronoid chord, outer extremity of condyle to 

74. Bigonial arc, around anterior margin of the jaw. 

75. Gonio-zygomatic index, bigonial breadth X lOO -^ bi- 

zygomatic breadth. 
y6. Mandibular index, molar height X 100 -^ symphyseal 


Norma Cranii 
a. Norma Frontalis: 

(i) Form of the /vz^t.— Study the outlines of the face and 
determine if it is 

Chamaeprosopic or 


(2) Frontal Bone. — Study the angle of inclination; the 
frontal eminences; the superciliary ridges; compare with those 
of the Neanderthal calvaria and with Melanesian crania; the 
glabella, age at which the frontal sinus appears ; compare Cau- 
casian with Mongolian ; compare the internal angular process 
of the Caucasian frontal with that of the Veddahs ; determine 
the percentage of occurrence of metopic sutures. 

(3) Nasal Bones and Nasal Opening. — Study the angle at 
the median suture of the nasal bones; condition in the Caucasian 
child : Double inferior border, asymmetry, apertura pyraformis: 






(4) Orbits. — Observe the form : round, broad, square ; direc- 
tion of the principal axis, horizontal or inclined ; roof obliquely 
inclined in Negroes; ontogenetic changes; 







(5) Superior Maxilla. — Note racial differences in length; in 
depth of canine fossae ; history of the premaxilla ; percentage of 
occurrence of infraorbital suture; changes resulting from the loss 
of teeth and absorption of the alveolar arch. 

b. Norma Lateralis : 

(i) Facial Angle. — Note the profile outline ; 

(2) Nasal Spine. — Compare with Broca's scale; note racial 
difference in degree of prominence. 

(3) Profile of Jaivs. — Select six skulls to illustrate the 
changes taking place during the growth of the individual, 

(4) Malar Bone. — Determine the racial differences in the 
degree of prominence ; size of the marginal process ; divided 

(5) Arch of the Vertex. — Note the type of arch ; Nean- 
derthal and Cro-Magnon types : 







(6) Linece Temporales. — Note position : 


(7) Pterion. — Note if the processus frontalis be present ; 
Pterion in K ; 

Pterion in H ; 

Epiteric bone ; 

Racial differences in the length of the spheno-parietal suture. 

(8) External Auditory Meatus. — Study its form ; percent- 
age of occurrence of exostoses within. 

(9) Inion. — Determine degree of prominence by comparison 
with Broca's scale. 

c. Norma Verticalis : 

(i) Outline. — Regular, prominent, or flattened in an}' region : 
Parietal protuberances; 
Sagittal crest; 
Fronto-parietal bone. 

(2) Zygomatic Arches. 

(3) Senile Depressions. — Note the changes in the parietals 
due to extreme age. 

d. Norma Occipitalis : 

(i) Outline. — Note if the outline of the transverse arch is 
pointed, medium, or flat. 

(2) Parietal Foramina. — Note enlargement or absence. 


(3) Occipital Prominence. — Observe the racial differences in 
uniformity of the occipital curve and in the subiniac region. 

(4) Siipcrnumerary Bones. — Study the morphological sig- 
nificance and percentage of occurrence of interparietal bones at 
the lambda : 

Epactal ; 

Composite, Complete, Incomplete interparietal. 

e. Norma Basilaris : 

(i) Foramen Magnum and Occipital Condyles. — Determine 
the extent of normal variation ; third occipital condyle ; 
fusion with atlas ; percentage of occurrence of the postcondylar 

(2) Paramastoid Process. — Examine the collections for exam- 
ples of this rare anomaly. 

(3) Alveolar Arch. — Compare the types found with those of 
other races: U-shaped, parabolic, elliptical; torus palatinus. 






(4) Palatal Siitnre. — Note racial and individual differences in 
this suture and in the posterior nasal spine. 

(5) Alveolar Hyperostosis. — This anomaly will be found to 
occur much more frequently in some American groups than in 

(6) Teeth. — Study the teeth in a series of skulls ranging in age 
from fetus to adult ; their value as a criterion of age in skulls 
whose age is not known ; phylogeny ; supernumerary or unde- 
veloped teeth ; racial variation ; tuberculation ; rules for the 
identification of single teeth; direction of incisors; wear; patho- 
logical change: caries, abscess, exostosis, malformation. 

(7) Ilyoid Bone. — Make an outline sketch of the bone and 



name the parts ; percentage with united cornua ; racial variation 
in the shape of the body. 

Note the percentage of occurrence of supernumerary sutures 
not before examined ; degree of complexity, simple, moderate, or 
complicated ; condition, open or closed, note whether inner table 
alone is synostosed ; value of the condition of the sutures as a 
criterion of age ; Gratiolet's classification of races ; effect of pre- 
mature synostosis upon the direction of development of the 

Workman Bones. — Note their number and position ; use Broca's 
scale of size. 

Interior of the Skull 

(i) Study the sulci, pachionian depressions, meningeal grooves, 
digital impressions. 

(2) Aymard Fossa. — Determine the percentage of occurrence ; 
racial differences. 

(3) Measure thickness of parietals ; diploe ; vitreous table. 


(i) Test the three methods of gaging (p. 36) with Ranke's bronze 
skull, taking the average of five trials and accepting no result that 
varies widely from the mean. Study Schmidt's corrections for 
the method with shot. 

(2) Study racial and individual variation ; compare with the 
capacity of prehistoric crania. 

(3) Determine brain weight from cranial capacity by Manouvrier's, 
Schmidt's, and Welker's formulse. 

Variations in the relations of capacity and brain weight due to 
sex and age. 

Moduli. — Test the various methods of determining capacity from 
principal measurements. 


Cranial Criteria of Sex 

Male. Female. 

1. Greater size, weight, capacity. i. Smaller, lighter; varying in re- 

lation to the male skull in the differ- 
ent races. 

2. Projecting glabella and super- 2. Glabella small or wanting ; supe- 
ciliary arches. rior margin of the orbits sharper. 

3. Mastoid processes, inion, and 3. Mastoid processes smaller, inion 
crests for the attachment of mus- and crests smaller or wanting. 

cles larger. 

4. Frontal sloping backward. 4. Frontal vertical with more pro- 

nounced frontal eminences. 

Deformed Crania 

1. Pathological Deformation. — Determine the cause ; platybasic ; 
synostosis ; posthumous. 

2. Ethnic Deformation. — Examine the collections for deformations 
due to head-dress: unconscious deformation. 

3. Artificial Deformation. — (a) Occipital, (b) frontal, (c) fronto- 
occipital, (d) fronto-sincipito-parieto-occipital, (e) various. 

Identify the trepanned skulls in the museum collection. 


Arrange a seriation table for each of the three measurements, 
length, breadth, and height, of the series of skulls measured. 

Record maximum and minimum. 

Extent of variation. 

Theoretical mean of variation. 

Compare the average, mean, and median values for the three 
measurements, length, breadth, and height, of crania. 
Graphic Representation of Mathematical Terms : 

Allen's "Terrace Method." 

Method of loaded ordinates. 

Bar diagrams. 


B. — Human Compared with Simian Type 

Material. — Identify the two species of anthropoid apes 
represented in the osteological collection and compare the several 
bones with those of the human skeleton. 

a. Clavicle : 


b. Scapula : 

1. Length. 

2. Length to base of spine. 

3. Breadth. 

4. Scapular index. 

5. Infraspinous index. 

Study also published tables and indexes; phylogeny of the 

c. Hwnerjis : 

1. Length. 

2. Antero-posterior diameter at deltoid eminence. 

3. Transverse diameter. 

4. Index. 

5. Angle of torsion. 

Note the occurrence of the supratrochlear foramen. 

d. Radius: 

I. Length. 
Compare the length with that of the humerus : of the arm 
exclusive of the hand, with the leg exclusive of the foot. Note 
the presence or absence of the os centrale. Size of thumb. 

e. Fcnnir : 

1. Length. 

2. Antero-posterior diameter at middle of shaft. 

3. Transverse diameter. 

4. Pilastric index. 

5. Degree of curvature. 

6. Angle of neck and shaft. 

7. Angle of shaft from the vertical. 



[n. s., 3, 1901 

8. Angle of torsion. 

f. Tibia : 

1. Length. 

2. Antero-posterior diameter at middle of shaft. 

3. Transverse diameter, 

4. Index of shaft. 

5. Curve of external condyle. 
Note the degree of retroversion. 

Compare the length of phalanges with that of tarsus com- 
bined with metatarsus; the angle of inclination of the tarsus; 
divergence and small size of the great toe ; two-jointed little toes. 

g. Pelvis : 

1. Breadth, 

2. Height. 

3. Index. 

4. Transverse diameter of true pelvis. 

5. Conjugate diameter. 

6. Pelvic index. 

7. Length of coccyx, 
h. Vertebral Column : 

Study the curves; the number of vertebrae in the several seg- 
ments ; total number of presacral vertebras ; long spinous pro- 
cesses of the cervical vertebrae, 
i, Sacrujii : 

1. Length. 

2. Breadth. 

3. Index. 

Note the number of vertebrae fused in the Anthropoid 

j. Thorax : 

Determine the type ; number of sternal ribs, 
k. St er 11117) I : 

1. Length of body. 

2. Breadth at base of first sternebra. 


3. Thickness. 

4. Index, thickness X lOO -^- breadth. 
1. Cranium : 

1. Capacity. 

2. Length. 

3. Breadtli. 

4. Index. 

5. Orbital breadth. 

6. Orbital height. 

7. Orbital index. 

8. Nasal height 

9. Nasal breadth. 

10. Nasal index. 

1 1. Cloquet's angle. 

Compare the size of face with that of brain-case ; superciliar}' 
ridges ; low frontal ; crests and ridges ; position of foramen mag- 
num ; shape of palate ; teeth, size of canines and third molars, 
diastema next the canines, number of tubercles on the molars, 
relative size of the teeth. 

Note the extent to which synostosis has progressed, especially 
in the nasal and premaxillary bones ; the transverse palatal suture ; 
inferior border of the orbits as compared with the superior margin 
of the nasal opening : 

Study the skull of the lemur, noting especially the teeth and 
the absence of the partition between the orbital and temporal 

I. Photography: 

1. Take the full-length front view of the standing subject on 
the left third of the plate on a scale of ^. 

2. Expose the middle third of the plate for the right side, in 
exact profile. 

3. Expose the remaining third of the plate for the back view. 

4. Develop the negatives. 



[n. s., 3, iQor 

5. Make blue-prints from the negatives. 

II. Plaster Casts : ' 

1. Make a two-piece mold of a Jiand. 

2. Make a mold in three pieces of difoot. 

3. Make a mold in one piece of z face. 

4. Make a cast from each mold. 

III. Finger-prints: 

Take digital impressions of the right thumb, index, middle, 
and third fingers of the subjects studied. 

IV. Anthropometry: 

The measurements to be taken upon the living subject are 
those recommended in the Notes and Queries on Anthropologyy 
edited for the British Association for the Advancement of Science^ 
third edition, p. 14. 

Measure ten persons. 


1. Head .... maximum length. 

2. " " breadth. 

3. Nose .... length from base to nasion. 

4. " breadth across nostrils, without compressing; 


5. Projections of the head from vertex to nasion. 

6. " " " " " " mouth. 

7. " " " " •' " chin. 

8. " " " " " " tragus of ear, 
the base of the projecting portion of the ear which guards 
the opening of the meatus. 

9. Bizygomatic breadth. 

9a. Length of face from nasion to under surface of chin. 

10. Length of arm from head of humerus to end of middle finger.. 

1 1. Length of cubit from elbow to end of middle finger. 

' Molds and casts must be made in the presence of the instructor. 


12. Length of the hand along its back. 

13. Length of foot. 

14. Sitting height. 

15. Kneeling height. 

16. Standing height, the head held erect but not bent backward 

in an unnatural position. 

17. Height to chin. 

18. Height to sternal notch. 

19. Height from internal malleolus to the ground. 

20. Span of arms, shoulders horizontal. 


21. Maximum breadth of shoulders. 

22. Maximum breadth of hips. 

23. Diameter of face, external biorbital breadth. 

24. " " " " biocular breadth. 

25. " " " internal biocular breadth. 

26. " " " bigonial breadth. 

27. Ear, maximum length. 

28. " breadth from base of tragus to outer rim. 

29. Height of umbilicus to the ground. 

30. Biorbito-nasal arc. 

31. Circumference of the chest, in repose, forced inspiration and 

forced expiration. 

32. Minimum supra-malleolar circumference of leg. 

33. Maximum supra-malleolar circumference of leg. 

„ . , , , r Mark the sub-styloid and sub-malleolar 

34. i racing of hand. \ 

™ . ,, \ < points and the extremities of the meta- 

35. iracmg of foot. ) 1 

I carpo- and metatarso-phalangeal joints. 


( a ) Length of body from seventh cervical spine to lower end of 

( <5 ) biacromial breadth. 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 3 — 4 


(r) biiliac crest breadth. 

( ^•) Length of arm, acromion to humero-radial line. 

( f ) Length of forearm, humero-radial line to tip of styloid pro- 

(/") Length of thigh, antero-superior ihac spine to external 
femoro-tibial line. 

(^) Length of leg, femoro-tibial line to end of external mal- 

( /: ) Height of external malleolus from the ground. 

V. Descriptive Characters: 

(/4) After measuring the subjects describe them according to 
the schedule of characters on pages 12 and 14 of Notes and Queries. 

[E) Determine the color of eyes with the aid of the Bertillon 
color chart. 

(6") Examine the fold of skin at the inner angle of the eye as 
directed and explain the meaning of the terms: caruncula lacry- 
malis, epicanthus, plica semilunaris. 

{E') Cut and mount upon a microscopic slide a cross-section 
of the hair of the head. 



Sophiology is the science of instruction. I shall treat the sub- 
ject under two rubrics : first, the nature and origin of the opinions 
which are inculcated by instruction, and, second, the agencies 
of instruction. 


Opinions are about particles severally or about them conjointly 
as they are organized into bodies. Particles thus considered are 
found to have essentials, relations, quantities, properties, and 
qualities. There are no essentials without relations, no relations 
without quantities, no quantities without properties, and no prop- 
erties without qualities, for the world is concrete and there is 
nothing abstract but in consideration. Essentials, relations, quan- 
tities, properties, and qualities we call categories. 

When the world is looked upon as concrete, and bodies are 
discovered, it is found that every one is composed of a group of 
bodies; but to express the fact without confusion it is better to 
say that a body is a group of particles, for when one body is 
considered as a constituent of another it promotes clear state- 
ment to say that the compound body is composed of particles. 
Ultimate particles have never been reached by analysis unless it 
be in the ether. 

Concepts grow as the products of thought. The stream of 
thought is composed of instantaneous and successive judgments, 
some of which are duplicated and endlessly reduplicated. While 
mentations arise from sense impressions, like sense impressions 
are oftentimes repeated and by association past mentations are 


revived, so that there is a vast repetition of the instantaneous 
judgments as they follow on through the stream of mental life. 

It is thus by repeated and revived mentations as judgments 
that concepts or notions arise. These notions constitute opinions. 
We cannot make a complete consideration of opinions without 
considering their origin in the compounding of judgments into 

While opinions often change, they are not necessarily born to 
die. Correct opinions developed in the individual and propa- 
gated from man to man become immortal, while only incorrect 
opinions ultimately die ; but the vast body of opinions as they 
arise from moment to moment are born only for an ephemeral 
life. Of those that have appeared upon the stage of history be- 
cause they have been accepted by the great thinkers, it remains 
to be said that still the many die and the few live. While they 
live they are esteemed as science, when they die they are esteemed 
as errors ; hence sophiology can be defined as the science of opin- 
ions, and their classification as errors or truths when accepted as 
such by the leaders of human thought, together with the methods 
of discovering and propagating such opinions. 

We are now to consider how opinions originate and change. 
For this purpose we will consider them in groups in the order in 
which they were developed by mankind. These groups fall into 
five rubrics : animism, cosmology, mythology, metaphysic, and 
science. Animism, which is the belief in ghosts, first prevailed. 
We will, therefore, consider this subject first. For the original 
formulation of this doctrine we are indebted to the great ethnolo- 
gist Edward B. Tylor. 

The science of ethnology teaches the nature and origin of the 
ghost theory ; that is, it discovers the nature of ghosts and ex- 
plains how men come to believe in them. There are many people 
who believe in ghosts, the opinion being a survival from primitive 
society; but with tribal men the belief is universal. Ethnology 
also teaches the nature and origin of primitive cosmology, which 


has now become discredited, though vestiges of it exist in the 
opinions of simple folk, when it is called folklore. I have previ- 
ously set forth the nature and origin of animism and cosmology. 


Heretofore in treating of the fundamental processes of psy- 
chology the nature of consciousness, inference, and verification 
have been set forth. Inference alone may and often does result 
in error, while truth is assured only by verification. Every judg- 
ment involves a consciousness and an inference; and if the 
judgment is valid, its validity can be established and known only 
by verification. The repetition of an erroneous judgment is often 
confounded with verification, and thus men come to believe in 
fallacies. Of the multitude of errors in judgment those most 
often repeated by mankind, and especially those which have been 
coined by the leaders of thought, are those which are woven into 
mythology. Though we have a criterion by which to distinguish 
true from erroneous judgments, still judgments are compounded 
into notions that ultimately are exceedingly complex, and it is 
often found difficult to resolve notions into their constituent 
judgments ; so that while there is an infallible criterion, it is not 
easily applied. We are not here dealing with the whole subject 
of psychology, but only with the leading concepts which distin- 
guish science from mythology. That history of opinions which is 
often called the history of philosophy (but which is mainly the 
history of metaphysic), together with the history of science, gives 
us the data of what is here called sopJiiology. Science has already 
cost a vast amount of research, and we may safely prophesy that 
only a beginning has been made. It would be an inane proceed- 
ing to attempt to forecast what research will ultimately unfold, 
but perhaps it would not be unprofitable to review in outline the 
characteristics of the fundamental errors of mankind in so far as 
they have already been detected. 

False inferences primarily arise through referring sense impres- 


sions to wrong causes. A term is needed for this error, and it 
will be called inipittation. Imputation, then, is the reference of a 
sense impression of which the mind is conscious as an effect, to a 
mistaken cause. This wrong cause may be a wrong body or it 
may be a wrong property. 

Let us now see if these two propositions can be made plain. 
The savage hears the thunder and infers that it is the voice of a 
bird. This is imputing a sound to a wrong body. Birds have 
voices, and not knowing the cause of the thunder, the savage 
imputes it to a bird ; but as he knows of no bird with such a 
voice, he imagines a new and unknown bird. Thus an imaginary 
bird is created as the explanation of thunder. The creation 
of imaginary things to explain unknown phenomena is myth- 
ology. Thunder may be interpreted as the voice of a bird in such 
manner by many people until it falls into common speech ; thus an 
imaginary thunder-bird may become the theme of much thought 
and much talk, and at last a number of stories may grow up about 
it. The barbarian who drives a span of horses to a war chariot 
becomes accustomed to its rattle and compares it to thunder. 
Then the thunder itself is symbolized as the rattle of the chariot 
of the storm. In this case a new imaginative being is created — 
a storm god with his chariot in the clouds. So the reference of 
an effect to an erroneous cause results in a myth. 

There may be many analogies called up by the noise of thun- 
der, and there may be many myths established in such manner; 
but it is manifest that none of them can be verified. In the 
course of the history of verification, which is the history of 
science, an hypothesis as to the cause of thunder maybe verified ; 
when such verification is reached, all myths relating to thunder 
die as notions, and the scientific concept is established. All false 
philosophy, that is, all erroneous explanation, must necessarily 
lack verification. It may be believed and become current in the 
philosophy of a people or of a time, and this current belief may 
be held as science ; but sooner or later an erroneous notion. 


however widely believed, will present some incongruity to the 
developing concepts of mankind and will challenge such attention 
that new hypotheses will be made to be examined until one is ver- 
ified. When the verification comes, science is born, and the old 
notion is relegated to mythology. Philosophy is the explanation 
of causes ; whatever else may be involved in the term, this must 
be involved. It is the central point in philosophy, though not 
the whole of philosophy. We may now make a definition of the 
growth of science and the discovery of error. Research, by which 
science grows, is the verification of hypotheses and the elimina- 
tion of incongruous notions, and such discarded notions as have 
been previously and generally received as science are relegated to 
mythology. Let us illustrate with another example. 

Conceive a people in such a primitive stage of culture as not 
to know of the ambient air. Such people have existed and some 
even yet exist. In all that culture known as savagery this fact is 
unknown. The air is unseen ; but it often has corporeal motion, 
and is then called wind, and this wind produces effects. Blow 
upon your hand, or invigorate the fire with your breath, and then 
contemplate the wind among the trees : How like the breath is 
the wind ! Now impute the north wind to some great monster 
beast, and you do only that which millions of people have done 
before. Many savage peoples explain the winds in this manner, 
imputing them to monster beasts. In this instance, and in ten 
thousand others that can readily be supplied, the error of imput- 
ing an effect to the wrong cause as a wrong body results in the 
creation of imaginary bodies, which is the essence of mythology. 

When air is unknown there are other things besides breath which 
the wind suggests. You can blow the fire with a basket tray, and 
you can fan your brow with an eagle's wing. So the wind suggests 
a fanning, and may be explained in this manner. But what is it 
that fans? A bird with wings. If the wind fans it must be ac- 
complished by some great sky-bird. The myths of such sky-birds 
are common. After this manner a host of imaginary animals are 


To the wildwood man, who roams the prairie and haunts the 
forest, the world is the grand domicile of beasts. Beasts are men, 
and men are but beasts. To his mind the beasts are rather super- 
ior to men. The beasts have more magical power and hence are 
often immeasurably superior to human beings. The savage ad- 
mires the superiority of the beast and longs for his activities ; he 
is forever contemplating the accomplishment of beasts — the 
wonders which they can perform — and is envious of their skill in 
what he supposes to be magic. He sees the trout dart from bank 
to bank in the brook and is amazed at its magical powers, and from 
admiration he often proceeds to adoration. He sees the serpent 
glide over the rock, swift without feet and having the sting of 
death in his mouth ; in this respect he seems superior to man. 
He sees the chameleon gliding along the boughs of trees in sport 
with rainbow hues, and is delighted with its magical skill. He 
sees the eagle sail from the cliff to the cloud region, at home in 
wonderland. He sees the lion walk forth to conquer with occult 
majesty. Yes, all the animal world is magical, and men are but 
degenerate animals. Inspired with wonder, he is filled with ador- 
ation, and the beasts are gods. The world is thus the home of 
men and gods, and the gods are the beasts. 

A mythology has sprung up with every primordial language. 
These languages are found to be many — how many we do not 
know, but certainly there have been many thousands, and with 
every tongue a mythology has been developed. The tribes of 
mankind scattered over the whole habitable earth between the 
polar walls of ice, living in small clusters, every one having a dis- 
tinct language and pouring out the generations that have peopled 
the earth, have created a host of imaginary or mythic bodies. 

One of the methods of reasoning by means of which monsters 
are produced is to impute to one property that which is due to 
another. Water is transparent and water reflects the light. These 
two facts are universally observed in savagery. It is some- 
thing with which men are familiar as an experience growing from 


day to day and from hour to hour. There is another fact with 
which they are almost as well acquainted, namely, that the eye is 
transparent, and also that it reflects images. The eye is the organ 
of sight, and it is not strange that the power of vision should be 
referred to transparency. The reflection of light is an unknown 
and undreamed property, but transparency is well known, and 
images are well known, and images appear in vision. Thus,'with 
the Zuni Indians, as with many of the tribes in North America, 
the property of transparency is esteemed as vision : all water sees, 
and the dewdrop is the eye of the plant. It is long before it is 
learned that transparency is a structure which transfers a motion, 
while vision is a mentation. Thus force as reflection and vision 
as mentation are explained as transparency. 

The mythology of the Amerinds is replete with myths con- 
cerning the powers of thought. There is no error more common 
than that of confounding thought with force. When the savage 
theurgist tells us that his hero can think arrows to the hearts of 
his enemies he makes this mistake. So it is believed that there 
are mythic men who can think their boats over the river; they 
can think themselves to the topmost branches of high trees ; they 
can think rocks onto the heads of their enemies. There is no myth 
more common than this one of confounding thought with force, 
and there is no myth that has a more venerable history. No 
Egyptian king has received higher honors, for it is embalmed in 
the cerements of learning. 

We now know that heat is a mode of motion and that cold is 
a low degree of heat ; in the same manner we know that color is 
a mode of motion, and we measure the number of vibrations in 
the ether which occur in a unit of time that it requires to produce 
a variety of color. 

The love of knowledge is the most delightful plant in the 
garden of the soul. In the individual the failure to make correct 
judgments entails innumerable evils, while correct judgments lead 
to good. Judgments directly or indirectly lead to action, and 


that action is wise as judgments are wise. Every hour, almost 
every moment of the day, brings the lesson that knowledge is ad- 
vantageous, and these lessons are repeated by every individual in 
every generation. Thus there is an acquired and hereditary love 
of knowledge. Mental life presents a vast succession of judg- 
ments, some correct, others incorrect, and as they come they are 
enwrought in notions that inspire activities, and by these activi- 
ties the notions themselves are adjudged. Those notions that 
stand the test are held fast, those that fail are cast away, for men 
love the true and hate the false. All of this is so evident that 
it seems commonplace, and yet we are compelled to account for 
the intensity with which men cling to mythology. 

The repetition of a judgment is sometimes a valid confirma- 
tion, but it is often the bulwark of fallacy. Judgments many 
times repeated become habitual, and habitual errors are hard to 
eradicate, for they are venerable. Errors associate in communi- 
ties; as they dwell in the mind they constitute a fraternity for 
mutual protection. Assail one notion with the club of incongru- 
ity and a host of notions arise in its defense. Perhaps this will fully 
explain the fact, which we are to consider, that men invent argu- 
ments to sustain myths. He who contemplates this state of 
affairs may readily fall into despondency, for there seems to be as 
much mental activity occupied in the invention of false reasons 
as in the discovery of truth ; but on further contemplation it is 
seen that science has an advantage in that its gains are constant 
and imperishable, while the gains of error overstep themselves and 
sooner or later exhibit new incongruities and hence are self de- 

The appeal to antiquity is the appeal to habit, and the appeal 
to habit is the appeal to repetition, which must always be distin- 
guished from the appeal to verification. The argument from an- 
tiquity is a two-edged sword, and may be an instrument of 
suicide ; but it is the first argument used to support a myth. " It 
was taught by our forefathers " is inscribed on the banner of 


mythology. But can we not use the argument from experience ? 
Yes, if we distinguish the method of verification from the method 
of repetition. This is our only criterion. 

Myths are defended by another argument which must now be 
set forth. It may be called the argument from intuition. Plants 
grow from seeds ; animals from eggs. The development of the 
individual from the germ is called ontogeny. The process of on- 
togeny has been well recognized from primordial human time. 
Germs also develop from generation to generation. The acorn is 
a very different seed from that of the plant from which oaks were 
developed. The egg of the bird is a very different germ from that 
of the t^^ from which it was developed through successive gen- 
erations. This development of germs is also called the develop- 
ment of species. The process is now well known to science, but 
it was long unrecognized except in a vague way. The process is 
called phylogeny. Ontogeny and phylogeny together are termed 
evolution. While ontogeny was more or less fully recognized in 
antiquity, phylogeny was very dimly discerned and it was sup- 
posed to be exceedingly restricted ; so that while there might be 
varieties of plants and animals, it was held that all living creatures 
are encompassed by barriers beyond which they cannot pass. It 
could be observed that plants and animals grow from germs, but 
that races grow by minute modifications of germs accumulating 
through many successive generations was not so easily observed. 
That the offspring is like the parent is a more conspicuous fact 
than that the offspring is a modification of the parent. There- 
fore it was believed that every existing species is the descendant 
of a primal species, and the number of primal species has re- 
mained constant. Finally it was discovered that species become 
extinct and that species begin at different periods in the world's 
history ; this was revealed by the science of geology. Thus the 
notion of constancy of species was finally shown to be erroneous, 
and it has been replaced by the scientific concept of the evolution 
of species. 


So much of what is now commonplace science must be given 
that we may understand the doctrine of primordial intuition, 
which was invented as a defense of mythology. As plants grow 
from seeds by minute increments through the process of onto- 
geny, and seeds grow from other seeds by minute increments by 
the process of phylogeny ; as animals grow from eggs by minute 
increments, and as eggs themselves grow from other eggs by mi- 
nute increments, so ideas grow ontogenetically by minute incre- 
ments of judgments and also phylogenetically by minute 
increments of judgments. Thus the notion grows in the mind of 
the child by ontogeny, and the idea grows in the mind of the 
race from generation to generation by a process analogous to 
phylogeny. As man once believed that plants are inexorably 
limited to specific forms that are constant, as he once believed 
that animals are limited to specific forms that are constant from 
generation to generation, so men have believed that ideas are 
limited to specific forms that are constant. That which in plants 
and animals was called the limitation of species, in ideas was 
called intuition, and by that term was meant the limitation of 
certain specific ideas. It was recognized that ideas grow or de- 
velop in the individual, but it was denied that they develop in 
the race. Sometimes it was conceded that ideas or concepts 
grow phylogenetically, that is, they are developed in the race ; 
but it was held that there are certain fixed limits to ideas or 
notions which cannot change, these limits being fixed primordially 
in the mind. Now, there have been many modifications and 
many phases of this doctrine which we cannot here elaborate, 
but that which is essential to all forms of the doctrine of specific 
innate ideas has been set forth. 

We must now see how this doctrine is used to shore up 

Venerable errors are supposed or affirmed to be universal and 
also to be innate — that the notions which they involve have been 
preserved from primordial time, and that they were given to man 


at his creation when all species were created. This doctrine of 
primordial specific innate ideas is one of the most important 
themes of scholastic learning. Born in savagery, flourishing in 
barbarism, it is believed in civilization, and its exposition ulti- 
mately becomes one of the tests of scholarship. When the 
doctrine had reached this stage, so-called philosophers or mytholo- 
gists attempted to defend these primordial concepts. This at- 
tempt culminated in the Critique of Pure Reason. This defense 
of mythology by Kant led to the usual result ; he, or at least his 
followers, supposed the argument to be exhausted and the ques- 
tion of innate ideas set at rest when it was stated anew as innate 
forms of ideas. A calmer generation discovered the incongruity 
of this doctrine with the concepts of evolution born of science. 
While the doctrine remained vague, these incongruities were not 
so apparent ; but when it came to be carefully formulated, it was 
doomed. It may be claimed that the doctrine of the evolution of 
concepts by experience in the race as in the individual is 

Primarily judgments are formed as guides to action. In this 
first stage erroneous judgments are detected by the test of action. 
If the action proves unwise, the judgment is wrong; but as judg- 
ments multiply and are compounded in notions, a new test of error 
is developed, which is the incongruity of notions. But the discov- 
ery of incongruity is not the discovery of the specific error. The 
incongruity is a relation between two or more notions ; some one 
of these notions must be erroneous, but which one is not revealed 
by the incongruity. The error is discovered only by submitting 
the judgments to trial by verification. The incongruity does not 
reveal a particular error, but only the fact that some error exists ; 
on the other hand congruity does not prove validity. 

Mythologic notions may well be congruous with one another. 
There is no incongruity between the notion of the thunder-bird and 
the notion of the wind-bird. If there is a bird which roars in the 
heavens, there may be a bird which breathes in the hurricane : 


the one notion serves to confirm the other. It is strange how 
congruous mythic notions are with one another. Study the 
mythology of any people as a system, and you will be surprised 
at the congruity of the notions which it reveals. Compare one 
mythology with another, and often they will be found strangely 
antagonistic. This congruity of mythic concepts in one system 
is a fact so conspicuous as to challenge the attention of thinking 
men, and it is early discovered and widely used alike in savagery, 
barbarism, and civilization. 

This method of reasoning from the congruity of notions was 
finally developed in early civilization into a body of doctrine called 
dialectic. By this doctrine any mythic notion could be expounded 
as a starting point and other mythic notions brought into judgment 
before the one selected and found to be congruous, and by this 
logic proved correct. Proceeding in this manner from notion to 
notion, many are verified, and the assumed original notion is in 
this same manner found valid. It is thus that a special system of 
reasoning in the interest of mythology is gradually developed. 

If this system of logic were not already named, I should be 
tempted to call it Kanosh logic. Kanosh was the chief of a Sho- 
shonean tribe in the central part of Utah, where cinder-cones and 
lava-beds are found. In years of my youth I was wont to sit at 
the feet of the venerable Kanosh and listen to mythic tales. Once 
on a time he explained to me the origin of the cinder-cone and 
the scarcely cooled lava which in times past had poured from it. 
He attributed its origin to Shinauav — the Wolf god of the Sho- 
shonean. When I remonstrated with him that a wolf could not 
perform such a feat, " Ah," he said, " in ancient times the Wolf 
was a great chief." And to prove it he told me of other feats which 
Shinauav had performed, and of the feats of Tavoats, the Rabbit 
god, and of Kwiats, the Bear god, and of Togoav, the Rattlesnake 
god. How like Aristotle he reasoned ! 

There is a phase of the defense of mythology which must not 
be neglected, although its contemplation is a source of sadness 


because it is an exhibition of the worst traits of mankind. It has 
already been seen that in the defense of mythology subtile argu- 
ments are produced, systems of psychology are born, and methods 
of logic are invented. The notions of mythology are not only 
woven into theories of institutions, but institutions are devised 
for their propagation and defense. 

Institutions are founded in the natural conditions for family or- 
ganization. The love of man for woman and the love of woman 
for man, together with the love of parents for children and children 
for parents, are all involved ; thus institutions have their origin 
in domestic love. The social life which develops from this germ, 
having its roots in domestic love and sending its branches into all 
the ways of life, constitutes the sheltering tree to protect mankind 
from the storms of foreign war and internal conflict. Peace, 
equity, equality, liberty, and charity are concepts at the founda- 
tion of institutions. An attack upon institutions is thus an attack 
upon all these sacred principles, so man defends them to the last 
extremity. On the other hand, men are constantly seeking to 
improve them, and that which is beneficent to one may be malign 
to another. When the tendrils of mythology are entwined in 
the branches of institutions, the attempt to substitute science for 
myth often appears to be an attack upon the institutions in which 
it is entwined, and thus the reformer and the defender come to 
blows. When the defender of venerable mythology is also the 
defender of ancient institutions, he is easily convinced that his 
warfare is holy. When he is the constituted and ofTficial defender 
on whom the armor is buckled and by whom the sword is grasped, 
he is watchful and ready for the fight. Then his honor is at 
stake and his emoluments threatened. 

One element of this controversy — the saddest of all — is the 
passion for thaumaturgy which mythology produces. Then un- 
known beings with occult attributes people the world, and the air 
reeks with mystery. Men who deceive themselves are deft in the 
deception of others. The love of thaumaturgy becomes one of 


the monster passions of mankind that stifles the pure love of truth. 
When thaumaturgy becomes a source of gain, and greed is wed 
to wondercraft, there springs from the union a progeny of devils 
that wreak on the teachers of truth the tortures of rack and fagots 

In savagery names are believed to be natural attributes of the 
objects which they signify. The many significations which the 
same word may have are usually related to one another, but even 
when they are not related they are so habitually associated that 
afifinities are constantly suggested. The development of science 
to an important degree depends on the distinct recognition of 
different meanings, and in order that scientific reasoning may pro- 
ceed it is always found necessary to define words with exactness 
and to adhere to constant meanings ; but mythological reasoning 
does not observe these precautions, and often succeeds in making 
its arguments plausible by the uncertain use of words. It must 
not be supposed that this is a device on purpose to deceive, for 
it is often a potent agency of self-deception. 

Trope is not an unmixed evil, although it is a dangerous 
device. When knowingly used and legitimately derived it adds 
power and vigor to language, and we have already seen that it is 
a necessity in nascent knowledge. Ultimately it becomes the 
foundation of the highest fine art known to man, for it is an 
essential element in poetry; but that which is legitimate and use- 
ful in poetry is the bane of scientific reasoning, especially when it 
is used without comprehension. Mythology is thus eminently 
tropical. While it is held as science, its tropes are believed ; 
when its incongruities are discovered and its tropes recognized, 
mythology is often supposed to be a crude poetry. When dialec- 
tic methods of reasoning prevail, equivocal or duplicate meanings 
of words are common. At last mythologic reasoning discovers 
the advantage to be derived from the use of words with many 
meanings, and it becomes an essential and recognized element in 
such reasoning. Hegel, who is a master of dialectic, not only 
lapses into many equivocal meanings, but purposely uses them 


and boasts of the advantage to be derived from his native tongue 
by reason of the many meanings which its words present. His 
first great work, The PJicnomenology of Mind, is esteemed by him 
and by his followers as the effort by which the foundation of his 
philosophy was laid. When this work is read paragraph by para- 
graph and the meanings of words compared throughout the entire 
book, it will be found that the argument depends on the 
equivocal use of words. One can imagine the delight with which 
he hailed the discovery that he could make an attractive argu- 
ment and a chain of seemingly invincible reasoning in this man- 
ner. His followers have claimed for him some profound secret, 
but with this key to the Hegelian riddle it is easily read. 


Metaphysic is a system of explaining how the essentials of 
bodies are generated one from another. 

Pythagoras taught that unity as number is the primordial 
essential from which others are derived, the conception being in 
the spirit of tribal cosmology in which all things are generated or 
begotten by parents. 

Plato considered extension as form to be the primordial 
property. He exalted mind perhaps more than any philosopher 
before his time, and with transcendent literary skill sounded its 
praises. But as he considered form to be the property from 
which it was derived, he translated mind into terms of form and 
thus succeeded in imposing upon all coming time the word for 
form as the term signifying notion or concept. Thus idea, which 
primarily signified form, is now a term of mind. 

Aristotle seems to have considered force as the primal property 
from which all other properties are derived, for thus I interpret 
his doctrine of energy. Certain it is that since his time there 
have been metaphysicians who have held this doctrine. Perhaps 
this error has more widely prevailed than any other doctrine of 
the genesis of the essentials. Aristotle's theory of mind is vague, 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 3 — 5 


and his reader may easily defend the proposition that he derives 
energy from mind, rather than mind from energy. 

Spencer resolves extension into force, and impliedly, though 
not overtly, resolves duration into force in his discussion of the 
doctrine of evolution ; and finally he resolves mind into force, so 
that Spencer is the modern champion of this theory. Of course 
Spencer does not consider the derivation to be parental genesis, but 
genesis by evolution. The American philosopher of this school, 
Mr Lester F. Ward, also derives mind from force by evolution. 

Still other philosophers have taught that persistence is the 
primal property, from which all others are derived. This philoso- 
phy has been taught as a reification of being, and is known as 
ontology. The term " being " signifies existence, but it is also 
used in Aryan languages as the common asserter. This double 
use has always been found in ontology. The prevalent phil- 
osophy of medieval time was ontology. Being is not held to be 
the father of properties, but rather the substrate. 

Idealism is the doctrine that the other properties are produced 
by mind, the foundation of which is consciousness. It began with 
Berkeley and has been elaborately formulated in the German of 
Kant, Fichte, Schelling, and Hegel. Mind is reified, and the 
physical world has its genesis in the human mind, or, as some 
think, in the mind of God who endowed the human mind with 
faculties to think his thoughts as he thought them in creation. 
The physical world is thus an illusion called phenomenon, the 
reality being noumenon or thought. Two schools of idealists are 
found — one speaks of noumenon as mind, the other as will. In 
one school mind is the only substance, in the other will is the 
only substance. 

The essentials with their relations, quantities, properties, and 
qualities have severally given rise to a system of metaphysic. As 
we have called them they are the system of Pythagoras, the 
system of Plato, the system of Aristotle, the Medieval system, 
and the system of Berkeley. The last system, when will is substi- 


tuted for mind, may be called the system of Schopenhauer, as a 
variety of the Berkeleyan system, which also has many other 

We are now prepared for a definition of metaphysic : Meta- 
physic is the doctrine that one of the essentials of a particle or 
body is primordial, or the one from which the others are derived. 
They may be derived by parental genesis, as in ancient metaphy- 
sic ; by evolution, as in modern materialism ; or by creation, as in 

The Pythagorean and the Platonic systems have perished from 
the earth. The idealists claim that Plato was the founder of their 
system, and that Aristotle was also a believer in it. Thus they 
interpret these two Grecian metaphysicians, as I think, erro- 
neously. The medieval system is waning, though it may have 
some disciples; but apparently they have become idealists. 
There yet remain to us the Aristotelian and the Berkeleyan. The 
Aristotelian has been revived by Spencer, greatly expanded and 
placed upon a clearer foundation ; Spencer has many illustrious 
disciples. Idealism in some one of its many forms prevails 
widely among metaphysicians. Enlisted among its disciples are 
many scholarly men who take a leading part in the metaphysic of 
the schools. They have usually not occupied themselves with the 
physical sciences, but there are some illustrious exceptions. The 
Aristotelian system, especially as revived by Spencer, is usually 
called materialism. Materialism and idealism are now rivals in 
the metaphysical world. 

Materialism is a theory of the existence of the world as consti- 
tuted of forces. This theory is perhaps best expounded by 
Boscovich as points of motion, not points in motion ; centers of 
motion, not centers in motion. There are no atoms or molecules 
in motion, but there are atoms and molecules of motion ; there are 
no stars in motion, but stars of motion ; there are no waters or 
gases in motion, but there are gases of motion ; there are no rocks 
in motion, but there are rocks of motion ; there are no plants in 


motion, but there are plants of motion ; there are no animals in 
motion, but there are animals of motion ; there are no thoughts 
that are the motions of brain particles, as there are no brain parti- 
cles, for thoughts are motions themselves. 

Oftentimes idealism is a theory that all the material objects of 
the universe, other than human beings, are created or generated 
by mind, and that human beings are the real things and all other 
things are but the concepts of human beings. There are no stars,, 
but only human concepts of stars; there are no waters, but 
only human concepts of waters; there are no rocks, but only 
human concepts of rocks ; there are no plants, but only human 
concepts of plants ; there are no lower animals, but only human 
concepts of lower animals. God and human beings are realities 
which manifest themselves to one another in perception and 
conception as ideas in the objective world. 

Sometimes it teaches that science is a method of expressing 
ideas ; it is but a system of language and has no other signifi- 
cance than that of a system of language. There is no objective 
concrete world with which science deals; but there are ideas with 
which science deals, and the whole function of science is to re- 
duce these ideas to their simplest expression. There is no objec- 
tive standard of truth; there is only a subjective standard of 
opinion, and all scientific research is the attempt to formulate 
these opinions or ideas or concepts or perceptions in universal 
terms. Science is only a device of language; mathematics is only 
a device of equations ; chemistry is only a device of atoms ; astron- 
omy is only a device of worlds ; geology is only a device of for- 
mations ; botany is only a device of cells ; biology is only a device 
of organs. All of these devices are useful for linguistic purposes ; 
they do not express objective reality, but only subjective ideas. 
The world is a realm of ideas and words ; it is not a realm of ob- 
jective real things ! 

Idealism accuses all scientific men of being materialists, and it 
divides mankind into two groups — the good and the evil. The 


good are idealists, and the evil are materialists. The idealists are 
from heaven and the materialists are from hell. Idealism accuses 
materialism of ignoring all values in the world ; it forever seeks to 
belittle scientific research. Chemistry is only a controversy about 
words ; astronomy is only a disputation about words ; physics is 
only a disputation about words; geology is only a disputation 
about words ; botany is only a disputation about words; and zool- 
ogy is only a disputation about words! 

Materialism accuses idealism, as being the enemy of science, 
of rejecting every scientific discovery until it can be translated 
into terms of idealism, being the great bulwark of ignorance and 
the fortress of superstition. As idealism is interpreted by mate- 
rialism, the accusations are true ; and as materialism is interpreted 
by idealism, the accusations are true. Materialism is arrayed 
against religion, and idealism is arrayed against science. 

Idealism is a theory that there is no objective reality, or, to 
use the language of modern idealism, there is no trans-subjec- 
tive reality. Symbols are signs of ideas, but not signs of objects. 
The objective world thus becomes the creation of thought. The 
apparent or phenomenal objective world is created magically by 
thought. There are no stars as objective realities; there are only 
stars by the magic of thought. Astronomy is not a science of 
orbs which depends on the existence of objective realities ; but it 
is a science of words which depends on our concepts, and contri- 
butions to astronomy are only contributions to language and con- 
sist only in a better method of using symbols as words to describe 
our concepts. There are no atoms or molecules or substances as 
science teaches; but there are concepts of atoms, molecules, and 
substances, and all contributions to chemistry are but contributions 
to language by which symbols that do not represent reality, but 
only concepts, are made more useful as linguistic devices. There 
is no such thing as motion ; motion is but the product of thought. 
We think there is motion, but it has no objective reality, and con- 
tributions to dynamics are only contributions to language ! 


During the last decade Ladd has published a volume, titled 
WJiat is Reality ?, in which he sets forth in a masterly manner the 
concomitancy of the categories. In this great work he treats of 
the fundamental elements in the fallacies of materialism and 
idealism, and the metaphysicians of both schools must reckon 
with him before again stating their systems. 

The stream of thought is a succession of judgments, and judg- 
ments are made of essentials ; hence we cognize by essentials. 
Judgments are made instantaneously, hence our judgments are 
infinite, as that term is used in mathematics ; they are so multi- 
tudinous that we cannot enumerate them in statable quantities. 
Judgments are repeated again and again and thus become 
habitual, when the objects of judgment are again presented or 
represented. These abstract judgments are concreted or inte- 
grated ; for when a judgment is made of one essential, the others 
are implicated, posited, or presupposed ; thus judgments become 
vicarious. If I judge that a body is one I implicate that it has 
extension, speed, persistence, and consciousness. 

No particle or body can exist without all of its essentials, for 
they are concomitant. This fact is a refutation not only of ma- 
terialism and idealism, but of all metaphysical systems.' 

In metaphysic qualities are not discriminated from other cate- 
gories. The same number is few or many from an ideal or an 
adopted standpoint of consideration. The sands of the lake are 
many compared with the sands of the pond, but the sands of the 
lake are few when compared with the sands of the sea. The stars 
of the Milky Way are many compared with the stars of Orion ; 
the stars of the Milky Way are few compared with all the stars of 
the firmament. So forms are large or small from artificial stand- 
points. Structures are simple or complex in the same manner. 
Forces are strong or weak with different purposes in view ; times 
are long for the same reason, and causes are trivial or potent. 

' For the demonstration of the concomitancy of essentials, see my volume Trittk 
and Error. 


Judgments are wise or unwise when the view comes, and the 
wisdom of yesterday is the folly of today. Men have distinguished 
but slowly between qualities and other categories, and there has 
always been a tendency to explain unknown categories as qualities, 
for often they have been dwelt upon before their corresponding 
categories were known. In the ordinary course of human reason 
the first incentive to an investigation of the other categories is 
derived from a knowledge of their qualities, and so long as they 
are unknown they are believed to be only qualities. 

It is this characteristic of qualities that seems to give warrant 
to idealism. Qualities always change with the change in view, 
and they are ideal when we consider things with relation to pur- 
poses. You can always discover that idealists consider only 
qualities among the categories, and confuse all others with them. 
Even while I am writing this statement there comes to hand a 
new work on idealism, titled The World and the Individual, by 
Royce. On every page of this book he considers qualities and 
only qualities. On page 209 he says : 

Those other objects of common human interest are viewed, by com- 
mon sense, namely, not as Independent Beings, which would retain 
their reality unaltered even if nobody ever were able to think of them, 
but rather as objects such that, while people can, and often do think of 
them, their own sole Being consists in their character as rendering such 
thoughts about themselves objectively valid for everybody concerned. 
Their whole esse then consists in their value as giving warrant and val- 
idity to the thoughts that refer to them. They are external to any 
particular ideas, yet they cannot be defined independently of all ideas. 

Do you ask me to name such objects of ordinary conversation ? I 
answer at once by asking whether the credit of a commercial house, the 
debts that a man owes, the present price of a given stock in the stock 
market, yes, the market price current of any given commodity; or, again, 
whether the rank of a given official, the social status of any member 
of the community, the marks received by a student at any examina- 
tion ; or, to pass to another field, whether this or that commercial 
partnership, or international treaty, or still once more, whether the 
British Constitution, — whether, I say, any or all of the objects thus 
named, will not be regarded, in ordinary conversation, as in some sense 


real beings, facts possessed of a genuinely ontological character ? One 
surely says : The debt exists ; the credit is a fact ; the constitution has 
objective Being. Yet none of these facts, prices, credits, debts, ranks, 
standings, marks, partnerships, Constitutions, are viewed as real inde- 
pendently of any and of all possible ideas that shall refer to them. The 
objects now under our notice have, moreover, like physical things, very 
various grades of supposed endurance and of recognized significance. 
Some vanish hourly. Others may outlast centuries. The prices vary 
from day to day ; the credits may not survive the next panic ; the Con- 
stitution may very slowly evolve for ages. None of these objects, 
moreover, can be called mere ideas inside of any man's head. None of 
them are arbitrary creations of definition. The individual may find them 
as stubborn facts as are material objects. The prices in the stock mar- 
ket may behave like irresistible physical forces. And yet none of these 
objects would continue to exist, as they are now supposed to exist, un- 
less somebody frequently thought of them, recognized them, and agreed 
with his fellows about them. Their fashion of supposed Being is thus 
ordinarily conceived as at once ideal and extra-ideal. They are not 
" things in themselves," and they are not mere facts of private con- 
sciousness. You have to count upon them as objective. But if ideas 
vanished from the world, they would vanish also. They then are the 
objects of the relatively external meanings of ideas. Yet they are not 
wholly separable from internal meanings. 

Well, all of these facts are examples of beings of which it seems 
easiest to say that they are real mainly in so far as they serve to give truth 
or validity to a certain group of assertions about each one of them. 

Yes, if ideas were to vanish from the world, qualities would 
vanish also. 

What, then, are qualities ; and can we define them ? Quali- 
ties are attributes of good and evil. This definition is perfect, 
for it is inclusive of all and exclusive of others. All that has been 
written in this series of articles is designed to set forth their 
nature. Qualities naturally fall into five groups: There are 
esthetic qualities, or qualities of pleasure and pain; there are in- 
dustrial qualities, or qualities of welfare and illfare ; there are 
institutional qualities, or qualities of morality and immorality; 
there are linguistic qualities, or qualities of truth and falsehood ; 
there are sophiological qualities, or qualities of wisdom and folly. 


Those attributes which we call qualities are always found in 
antithetic pairs. All human activities are performed for pur- 
poses, and these purposes are either good or evil ; no purposes 
can be neutral. Hence we see that purposes play a role of tran- 
scendent importance in Jiiunan affairs. Notwithstanding this, 
there are other categories of reality in the universe, but personal 
interest in qualities masks them from the consideration of the 

If there has been one cause for the longevity of myths more 
potent than another, it has been the doctrine of phenomenon and 
noumenon as it is held in metaphysic. How often have men 
erred in judgment when brought to the test of action ! What 
multitudes of judgments have proved to be erroneous by the test 
of experience through verification ! When men contemplate 
the mistakes made in every hour of waking life ; when men con- 
template the hosts of erroneous notions that they have enter- 
tained, when they realize that the result of thought is mainly the 
reconstruction of notions, it is not strange that men should des- 
pair of all certitude and cry, " We know not reality, but only 
appearance ! " 

Aristotle formulated the laws of disputation as laws of thought 
itself, and so the logic of scholasticism is but the logic of contro- 
versy. When men compared theories of the universe, they found 
that any theory could be maintained with plausibility because 
they yet remained ignorant of the laws of verification ; it was not 
strange that a sense of illusion seemed to pervade the universe. 
Thus the metaphysical doctrine of phenomenon and noumenon 
is seemingly confirmed. 


It would be a pleasing task to outline the history of science. 
Science is as old as error. Although human fallacies began with 
primordial man, knowledge also began with primordial man, and 
the two have grown together. Science has more and more pre- 
vailed, and error has more and more succumbed to its power. As 


the errors of animism, mythology, cosmology, and metaphysic have 
been overthrown, there are many who still entertain them, and 
scientific men have come to call all of these errors folklore, and 
folklore itself has come to be the subject-matter of science. 

The study of folklore is the study of superstitions. Supersti- 
tions are opinions which stand over from a lower into a higher 
state of culture. 

There are people who can move their ears at will ; the lower 
animals can do this, but only a few human beings can wink their 
ears. Organs that are useful in lower species may remain in an 
imperfect and practically useless state in a more highly developed 
species ; they are then called vestigial organs. As there are ves- 
tigial organs, so there are vestigial opinions. These vestigial 
opinions are commonly called superstitions. When we come to 
investigate vestigial opinions and treat them as objects of science^ 
we no longer call them superstitions, but we call them folklore. 

The science of folklore may be defined as the science of super- 
stitions, or the science of vestigial opinions no longer held as 
valid. Yet such erroneous opinions that hold over from the days 
of greater ignorance to the era of modern scientific research are 
found to be of profound interest in the revelations which they 
make of the nature of superstitions themselves. We might neglect 
them, or seek to substitute for them valid opinions. However, 
science does not hesitate to investigate any question, and even the 
natural history of superstitions has come to be a profoundly 
interesting and instructive science. 

Some years ago a movement was made in Europe and America 
to investigate superstitions themselves on the theory that they are 
valid. Societies were organized in London, Paris, Berlin, and 
Boston for the purpose of determining whether or not there is 
substantial truth in error itself. This is the function of the 
Societies for Psychical Research, the purpose of which is to dis- 
cover the truth of dreams, the validity of necromancy, and the 
reality of ghosts. I have a suspicion that the Societies for Psychi- 


cal Research are rather instrumental in increasing superstitions 
than in dispelling them, and that we reap the natural fruit of these 
researches in the increased prevalence of such abnormal cults and 
arts as christian science, mind-healing, spirit-rapping, and slate- 
juggling. Be this as it may, there is one result growing out of 
the modern Societies for Psychical Research which I hail with 
pleasure : In the transactions of these societies there is put on 
record a great body of superstitions, all of which are valuable 
material as folklore. 

Remember it is the science of superstitions, and the science 
must deal with the fundamental errors of mankind (as the phe- 
nomena of nature have been interpreted by savage and barbaric 
peoples), and how these errors as vestigial phenomena have re- 
mained over in civilization and are still entertained. Of course the 
ignorant entertain them by wholesale ; but it is not the ignorant 
alone who entertain superstitions. Superstitions are domiciled 
in many parlors, they are paraded on many platforms, they are 
worshipped in many temples, and they lurk even in scientific halls 
and appear in scientific publications and are taught by scientific 
men. There is much folklore in this world, and sometimes it 
may be found in strange company. 

It is thus that the study of folklore reveals the origin and 
nature of superstitions and makes the grand scientific distinction 
between valid concepts and uncanny visions. 

The habit of believing in the impossible, of expecting the 
absurd, and of attributing phenomena to the occult, gives rise to 
two classes of magical agencies which, from savagery to the 
highest stages of culture, have played important roles in the ex- 
planation of magic. These are the beliefs in mascots and taboos. 

Those who dwell on the mysteries of life, especially as they 
are revealed in ecstasy, hypnotism, intoxication, and insanity, are 
forever looking for mascots or mysterious causes. Such occult 
agencies are sweet morsels to superstitious people, just as scien- 
tific men delight in the discovery of scientific facts. What a 


wonder it was to scientific men to discover that bones could be 
photographed through their covering of flesh ! The discovery 
of the Rontgen rays was held to be so important that the discov- 
erer was awarded a great meed of praise. But the potency of the 
left hind-foot of a graveyard rabbit plucked in the dark of the 
moon is held by superstitious people to be of more importance 
than the Rontgen rays. More people believe in mascots than be- 
lieve in telephones, and those who believe in mascots believe that 
telephones are magical. In the same manner taboos perform 
wonderful magic feats in the notions of many persons. In sav- 
agery there are many taboos, and men must not do this thing nor 
that thing lest their enterprise should fail. Survival of taboos 
still exists; e.g., thirteen persons must not sit at the table lest one 
should die. So mascots and taboos still have their influence in 
civilized societj'. 


Having set forth the nature of the opinions held by mankind 
in different stages of culture, and the way in which science sup- 
plants superstition through the agency of verification, it yet 
remains for us to characterize the agencies by which opinions are 
propagated. This gives rise to the fifth great system of arts, the 
last in the pentalogic series : the arts of sopJiiology. A brief 
characterization will be suf^cient for our purposes. 

Sophiology is the art of instruction. 


It is found that in organized society man has developed five 
distinct agencies for instruction. In infancy parents instruct 
their children. As children advance in age, other members of 
the family take part in the work ; and still as the child advances 
in years, his associations are enlarged and all of those persons 
who constitute his social environment take part. Instruction of 
this character is well recognized under the term nurture. 



In tribal society an important agency of instruction is found 
in oratory. Every patriarch of a clan, every chief of a tribe, every 
shaman of a brotherhood, every chief of a confederacy, must be 
an instructor of his people. This instruction is necessarily con- 
veyed by oratory; hence in tribal society a comparatively large 
number of persons are spokesmen or official orators. In the fre- 
quent assemblages of the people by clans, tribes, phratries, and 
confederacies abundant opportunity occurs for the exercise of 
this office, and when important matters are up for consideration 
in the council, every man has a right to a voice, and his influence 
in the tribe depends largely on his powers of persuasion as an 
orator. Oratory is therefore very highly developed in tribal 
society. At the dawn of ancient civilization the Greek phil- 
osophers employed this method of conveying instruction. In 
national society there is still opportunity for oratory in the more 
highly developed council of state. 

There are other occasions for oratory. There still remains a 
field for the employment of oratory in religion, for the religious 
teacher must be an orator, and one day in the week is set apart 
for religious instruction. The method of instruction by this 
means has a long history, and through it mankind have received 
a large share of their instruction, although in modern times it has 
been employed chiefly in teaching morals. 


In modern society a distinct agency is organized for the in 
struction of youth in addition to those included under the terms 
nurture and oratory. This new instruction is education. 

In the highest civilization the years of adolescence, and some- 
times of early manhood, are consecrated to education, so that 
much of the time of individual life is occupied in this manner. 
A multiplicity of schools is organized, a host of teachers are em- 
ployed, buildings and apparatus are used, so that the cost of 


education is rapidly advancing pari passu with the growing ap- 
preciation of its importance. The theory and art of education are 
undergoing rapid development. We may contemplate with sur- 
prise the development of manufacturing interests ; we may gaze 
with wonder at the development of the agencies of transportation ; 
we may consider with profound interest the development of 
commerce and the modern agencies upon which its highest stages 
depend, but the wonder of wonders is the development of modern 
agencies of education. As human muscle is supplanted by elec- 
tricity, the tallow dips by the incandescent light, the coin by 
credit, so the text-book is supplanted by the library, the teacher's 
rod by the instructor's illumination, and the memorized word by 
the informing idea. 


In early times many manuscripts were written and important 
ones were often copied, but altogether this method of multiplica- 
tion was infrequent. A new civilization began with the events 
and discoveries that came upon the world about the time of the 
discovery of America; in this epoch the art of printing was in- 
vented, through which was developed a new system of instruction 
which has already become universal in civilized society and whose 
potency for progress can hardly be underestimated. This new 
system is publication. Books and periodicals constitute the 
fourth great agency of instruction. 

^ Research 

Research is the potent agency for the development of new 
opinions. Aristotle is credited with organizing research. Inter- 
mittent and feeble research extended from his time on until 
the epoch of modern civilization. The discovery of America 
signalizes the beginning of this epoch. Prior to this time research 
was dangerous ; the propagation of new truth was held to be 
impiety to the gods, old opinions were held to be sacred, and 
terrible punishment'was the reward of him who taught new truths 


to the world. Prior to this time even the discoveries in astronomy- 
were held by men only in secret, and the flat earth with a revolv- 
ing sun was the sacred opinion. When the New World was dis- 
covered it was so brilliant an example of the results of the belief 
in a scientific doctrine that science itself was exalted and the 
scientific man could hold up his head and walk the earth the peer 
of all men. Since that time research has been organized in many 
fields and hosts of men have become votaries to research, and now 
the fifth great sociologic agent is firmly established among the 
institutions of civilization. 

We thus have Nurture, Oratory, Education, Publication, and 
Research as the five grand arts of Instruction. 


Early history. — On some maps of the eighteenth century the 
country east of Chaun river and south of the Anadyr is not in- 
cluded in Asiatic Russia proper. This country, called Chukots- 
kaya Zemlitsa (" Small Land of Chukchi ") in old Siberian 
documents, was inhabited, according to the cartographers of the 
period, by a very fierce and warlike people who, when captured, 
took their own lives. The name of this people is Chukchi, and the 
correctness of the description is confirmed by the history of their 
relations with the Russians as well as by their present character. 

Hostility between the Chukchi and the Russians began with 
their first contact in the middle of the seventeenth century. The 
Cossacks, who came from Kolyma and who in their contests with 
the Lamut, Yukagir, and Chuvanzi had been accustomed to easy 
victories and often to bloodless submission, met with most obdu- 
rate resistance ; this was the more surprising as the people offering 
it had no social organization, but with remarkable unanimity of 
purpose followed the lead of their most experienced warriors. 

In this struggle the Cossacks, despite the valor and wariness 
of their last leader. Major Pavlutsky, were finally utterly defeated. 
The Russians, in 1774, by orders of the government, destroyed 
one of their own outposts. Fort Anadyr, the supplies being sent 
to Kolymsk and Gishyginsk. Russian and Chukchi traditions 
abound in vivid pictures of this conflict, although naturally differ- 
ing in their points of view. In the Russian account Pavlutsky 
was defeated because some of his followers, exhausted by the 
hardships of the campaign, did not appear in time to support 
him in the decisive battle. The leader of this force was one 


Krivogornitzyn, and his last descendant, Mitrophan Krivogor- 
nitzyn, a blind beggar, lives in the village of Pokhodsk at the 
mouth of Kolyma river. I was there told by some old men that 
his sad fate was in punishment for the treachery of his forefather. 

After repeatedly defeating the Cossacks, the Chukchi went to 
the Kolyma in baydaras and devastated the Russian villages. 
One of these settlements now bears the name Pogromnoye, from 
pogrom^ " devastation " ; while another is called Douvannoye, 
from douvanit, " to divide booty." 

According to Chukchi tradition, Pavlutsky and his companions 
treated the inhabitants with incredible cruelty. They destroyed 
the entire population, cleaving men with axes and tearing women 
into halves by the feet ; they drove away the reindeer herds or 
butchered them for food for their dogs, and carried off everything 
on which they could lay hands. The Chukchi camps nearest to 
the Russians were deserted, and the inhabitants, freeing eastward, 
had decided to cross to America when the defeat of Pavlutsky 
changed the entire aspect of affairs. 

Chukchi tradition likewise alludes to treason, but names as 
the traitor the son of the Chuvan woman with whom Pavlutsky 
lived. He was reared by his stepfather, but was secretly in com- 
munication with the Chukchi. The capture and horrible death 
of Pavlutsky are dramatically described. I will give only the 
close of the story from my collection of Chukchi folklore. There 
are several accounts of the final defeat of Pavlutsky, who is called 
Yakounnin, a name probably derived from Jacob, although the 
Christian name of Pavlutsky was Theodore. Even today many 
Russians assume names quite different from their Christian 
names. The reason for this custom is not given, but it is proba- 
bly due to a desire to conceal their real names from sorcerers and 
other evil-doers. Following is the Chukchi account : 

** Yakounnin, you bad one, murderer ! " — said the people to the cap- 
tive ; " we have no iron axes with which to cleave you as you have done 
our people, but we will in some way make you feel the pain of death !" 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 3 — 6. 


They stripped him of his armor and put on his head a reindeer 
bridle, with a long strap, and made him run with bare feet in a circle 
through the snow. When he grew tired they lashed him with reindeer- 
whips, every stroke drawing blood. Now, Yakounnin, the wicked mur- 
derer, was exhausted ; his back was sorely lacerated and his tongue 
lolled. They brutally dragged him on until he fell, when they again 
lashed him with whips like women beating a tent cover. Yakounnin 
sprang to his feet and again ran in a circle, his tongue hanging to his 
navel. Again he fell, and could rise no more. Then they made a huge 
fire and roasted him alive. His flesh was cut off in thin slices, but 
the roasting was continued until Yakoiinnin died. 

After the death of Pavlutsky intercourse with the Chukchi 
was broken off and was not renewed until 1789. The persuasions 
and gifts of Zashiversk were mainly instrumental in bringing 
this about. 

The warlike spirit of the Chukchi was manifested not only 
against the Russians but against neighboring tribes, and especially 
against the Taniiit, which name, in the Chukchi language, desig- 
nates the Koryaks as well as the Chuvanzi. Chukchi tradition is 
replete with accounts of these wars. The names of their most 
prominent heroes are still cherished, and many families boast of 
their descent from them. The principal leader in these hostilities 
was Lawtiliwadlin (" Man-beckoning-vvith-a-nod," or " Man-with- 
a-bear's-neck ") ; his fellow champions were Amloo, Bone-face, 
Chimkil, Elennut, Ajflairhin, Tawe, Nankachhat, and others. 

Lawtiliwadlin is described as a " destroyer of homes." " At 
the sound of his voice the courage of the strongest fails, and 
women slay their children that they may not fall into his hands. 
His arrows fall like rain." Another warrior, Elennut, towers 
above the multitude like a fir; his hands reach to his knees ; his 
fists are like two large wooden bowls. He runs in bounds through 
the deep snow. Another warrior, Nankachhat, has a lance with a 
blade a yard in length. When the ice on Nomwaan river breaks 
up, he stretches himself across the water and dams the ice, while 
caravans pass over his body, etc. 


Recent habitat. — During the last half-century, thanks to their 
friendly intercourse with the Russians, the Chukchi have been much 
less warlike and brutal, and, barring a few exceptions, they have 
not been at war with their neighbors. The spread of the Chukchi 
during the last fifty years through the tundra, westward and north- 
ward, caused by the great increase in their herds, has also tended 
toward their civilization. On the whole the Chukchi are virtually 
newcomers in the Kolyma district, although formerly the Rus- 
sians came in contact with them on that river. At the begin- 
ning of the nineteenth century Baranikha river, 200 miles east 
of the Kolyma, was the western limit of Chukchi territory. 
From the second quarter of the century the reindeer Chukchi, 
as their herds increased, extended their range on the west and 
north, occupying the entire territory as far as the wooded area, 
and either driving the original inhabitants, the Lamut, farther 
into the woods or settling side by side with them. 

Barter. — With the renewal of intercourse with the Chukchi, 
trade revived. Near the confines of the Chukchi territory a fair 
was held each spring in a small fort, and trade soon reached 
the large sum of 200,000 rubles ($154,000) per year." From the 
first the high-priced American furs (foxes of the most valuable 
sort — " flame foxes," so called, — gray-neck foxes, beavers, and 
martens) were the most valuable imports. Russian goods were 
carried to the American coast and thence inland. The chief 
of these traders were the coast Chukchi, many of whom de- 
voted their whole time to barter, going in the summer to Amer- 
ica on their baydaras and in the winter journeying to the fair, 
with reindeers or dogs, on sledges. Trade is still carried on in 
this manner, and the costliest furs are taken by these merchants 
to the fairs of Anadyr and Anuy. Traflic was conducted be- 
tween Asia and America before the coming of the Russians. The 
products of reindeer breeding were interchanged with those 
of maritime pursuits — ground-seal and walrus skins, and straps, 
seal-oil, whale-bone, etc. This trafific is now very considerable, 


for all the tribes of the coast require reindeer-skins as well as 
clothing of this material. 

The wandering Chukchi tradesmen, in their half-fabulous tales, 
vividly describe the insatiable longing for tobacco manifested by 
the most distant tribes. A typical account follows : 

Far off, deep in the woods, live an invisible people — a specter folk — 
very rich in fox-skins. These people continually crave tobacco. Hav- 
ing reached their abiding place we cast toward the edge of the wood a 
small packet of tobacco which we always carry. Immediately the whole 
wood resounds with the cry " Tobacco ! Tobacco ! " — but nobody can 
be seen. Specters flit on all sides with foxes in their hands and with 
large bags. The foxes are seen, but the people are invisible. Then we 
fling toward the wood our bags of tobacco, and shortly afterward the 
bags are flung back filled with foxes ; but still nobody can be seen. 

Farther on live men who at will dissever themselves. They stay 
among the trees on the shores of the lakes, cleft in halves, but at the 
slightest rustling their parts come together and they dive into the water. 

They, too, have a longing for tobacco, and exchange large fish and 
otters for it. Then again in the woods exist men not larger than the 
forearm of a man. They subsist on trees and buy tobacco with the 
skins of the lynx and the muskrat. Then again there are shaggy people 
with the body of a polar bear but with the face of a man. These are 
the best of all, since for a little snuff from a tobacco pipe no larger 
than a nail, they will give a marten. And all men of that country, 
large and small, covet tobacco through all their lives. 

During the last twenty-five years trade by American whalers 
in Asia and America has reduced the importation of American 
furs, the few that are now brought in going to Anadyr. Trade 
with the Chukchi on the Kolyma is now limited to the exchange 
of Russian tea, tobacco, and hardware for the products of local 
reindeer-breeding and for the furs obtained by the reindeer 
Chukchi of Kolyma. The yearly traffic at the Anuy spring fair 
now aggregates only 15,000 rubles. 

Tribute to Russia. — During the eighteenth century many 
attempts were made to levy a tax on the Chukchi, in return for 
which the government agents have freely offered gifts which far 
exceeded in cost the whole amount of this yassak. About the 


middle of the nineteenth century some 150 men paid tribute, con- 
sisting of a red or white fox-skin, each receiving in exchange 
tobacco and utensils of at least twice its value. In 1870, Baron 
von Maydell, governor of the Kolyma district, induced some of 
the reindeer Chukchi near the Kolyma to forego their importuni- 
ties for gifts, in consequence of which the annual tribute was 
reduced to one ruble per adult man, amounting to 247 rubles 
from a population of 3000. 

The other half of the reindeer Chukchi and the coast people 
pay no tribute, and are independent of their western neighbors. 
From the first the Russian authorities sought reliable and promi- 
nent men whom they could make chiefs ; but their efforts were 
generally fruitless, as the Chukchi would not recognize such 
leaders. Old deeds in the archives of Kolyma mention several 
chieftains of this sort to whom their compatriots mockingly gave 
the surname Yl'filtcin, the" Long-nosed," i. e., those who poked 
their noses into affairs without authority. 

Baron von Maydell, when imposing tribute on the reindeer 
Chukchi, conceived the idea of erecting a hierarchy, the head of 
which should assume the title of the so-called chief toyon ' of the 
reindeer Chukchi and be known to the Russians as the Chukchi 
" king." This idea is now a subject of ridicule. In some years 
eight chieftains are elected ; in others only three or four. Many 
people assessed by Maydell have since died, and their children re- 
fuse to pay the tribute. Since the j/assak is very small, and inas- 
much as the chieftains are usually selected by the authorities 
from the owners of the largest flocks, these chiefs ungrudgingly 
pay the tribute of those who refuse. Most of the money is paid 
by the men who live on the great tundra west of the Kolyma and 
in the mountains south of Omolon river, for this area has been 
occupied by Chukchi only a few years, and they consider the pay- 
ment to be a tribute for their lands. 

' A Turkish word for ' ' lord " used throughout Siberia for the native chiefs. 


Tribal divisions. — The Chukchi tribe may be divided into two 
groups — the reindeer Chukchi and the maritime Chukchi — 
together numbering some 15,000 according to the latest census 
by Mr Gondatti and myself. The Kolyma district contains not 
more than 3000 Chukchi, all of them possessing reindeer herds. 
The maritime Chukchi inhabit the Arctic coast from Cape Erri to 
East cape ; on the Pacific coast they are intermixed with the 
Asiatic Eskimo. 

Both branches of the Chukchi speak the same language, and 
although living quite differently are so intermixed as to be prac- 
tically one people. Nevertheless, their folklore furnishes reason 
for supposing the existence of two tribal sources, unlike both in 
physical type and in culture, and which are represented as hostile 
to each other. One of the tribal nuclei appear to have been 
wanderers on the tundra and breeders of reindeer ; the other 
settled on the coast which they navigated in long canoes quite 
unknown to the inlanders. 

The Russian name Chukchi, or Chukchee, is derived from 
the Chukchi word Chdwtcy, which signifies " rich in reindeers." 
The reindeer people assumed this name in contradistinction 
to the coast dwellers, who are called Ankalit (" Sea people "). 
Those who go back and forth between the coast villages and the 
camps of the reindeer-breeders are commonly called Kavralit 
(" Rangers "). They are numerous and maintain control of the 
trade. The Russians generally call them Cape Chukchi, although 
most of them come from villages nearer than East cape. Usually 
the Chukchi call themselves simply Orawetlat (" Men "), or Lie- 
orawetlat (" Genuine men " ), regarding all foreigners to be like 
devils {ke'lat). 

Food. — The maritime Chukchi subsist by hunting sea-animals 
and by fishing. Notwithstanding the abundance of game and 
fish, their sustenance is far from assured, since they have to 
provide for their dogs, on which they depend for transportation, 
the same food as for themselves. A full team of twelve dogs 


will consume twice as much food as an ordinary human family ; 
besides, several puppies must be raised to take the place of the 
old or worn-out dogs. In addition to the food, there must also 
be obtained fuel for cooking it. This must be either seal or 
whale blubber, since all along the coast between Cape Erri and 
East cape driftwood is very scarce, and there is no standing 
timber. When the hunt has been successful, the maritime in- 
habitants, in the words of an ancient tale, " eat so much blubber 
that it trickles down both sides of their faces"; but when no 
game is taken the people often starve to death. The tales of 
the maritime Chukchi contain many direful details of such famines, 
which occur usually during heavy snowstorms when every living 
thing is deeply buried. Many of these tales relate how the 
inhabitants, having plenty when a storm began, afterward be- 
came short of provisions, and not being able to replenish the 
supply, famished. They first ate their dogs, then the skins, and 
finally began to gnaw their own hands. 

The reindeer. — The greater part of the Chukchi gain their liveli- 
hood by reindeer-breeding, by which means existence is far less 
hazardous. There are many peculiarities of reindeer-breeding 
among the Chukchi not found elsewhere. Those about the 
dividing line of the continents have been more successful in rein- 
deer-breeding, in point of numbers, than in all Asia ; but in tam- 
ing the reindeer they are far less successful than their neighbors, 
and their herds can scarcely be called domestic animals, since they 
are very shy and on the slightest provocation become as wild as 
any untamed beasts. Their hedging of half-wild reindeer is the 
same as that adopted preliminary to breeding any kind of cattle. 
The Chukchi herdsman must give his entire attention to keeping 
his flocks together. If he should become overworked and relax 
his attention, the flock will go astray, and after a few days of in- 
dependence they become lost forever. There have been cases 
in which herdsmen fell asleep near their herds and on awaking 
could find no trace of them. I was informed of a family on 


Chaun river, who in a single summer lost nearly all their animals, 
and in despair took their own lives. 

In the summer of 1895, on the shore of the small river 
Mol6nda, in the Stanovoi mountains, we tended the herd of 
Sava, one of the wealthiest young reindeer herdsmen in that sec- 
tion. The animals were very restless ; nearly every week half 
the flock would wander off, usually to the opposite side of the 
river. We could not follow them thither as the Molonda has 
a swift current, and at that time the stream was very high. The 
Lamut swam to the opposite bank on the back of a tall, gaunt 
courser, but when one of our herders, E'tuwhi, a heavy-weight, 
tried to follow, he was thrown in midstream and saved only with 

Every summer the reindeer Chukchi, in order that their herds 
may not become infested with insects, cross the tundra to the 
coast, where the ice-floes, drifted thither by the north winds, make 
the air cool. Others go inland to the glaciers near the sources of 
the small rivers. Early in autumn most of the herdsmen re- 
turn with their herds to the shelter of the woods. The extent of 
these wanderings is not very great — only from 150 to 200 miles — 
but the Chukchi travel slowly and make frequent stops, so that 
these trips consume nearly nine months of the year. In summer 
all travel is suspended, the Chukchi reindeer being too small and 
weak to be used ; therefore, as the large herds require frequent 
change of pasture, the herdsmen, as soon as the camp is settled for 
the season and a number of bucks sufficient for the needs of the 
family have been killed, drive their herds to pasture and wander 
with the reindeer for three months, without huts or other shelter, 
carrying their provisions and spare clothing on their backs, and 
living practically the same life as their animals. Every two or 
three weeks they return to their families to see that they are not 
in need of food, and in case of want they will carry to camp, on 
their own shoulders, the freshly-slaughtered animals. They could 
not drive their herds close to the camp in summer, since the 


neighboring pasture lands must be kept for the August holidays. 
These cover several days, when many animals are slain, and the 
winter clothing is made from the reindeer-skins. Sometimes in 
midsummer, when the herds wander far, the people in camp 
are obliged to live for several days on berries, roots, leaves, and 
the like, mixed with stale reindeer blood, and often suffer hunger. 
The herdsmen kill few animals for their own use, as it is difificult 
to transport the meat ; besides, in early summer the skins are too 
thin and full of holes to be of service. 

Every summer a hoof-swelling malady ravages the flocks, and 
this is another reason why the herdsmen, knowing their herds will 
be decimated, are loath to slaughter them. To appease their 
hunger they suck the milk from the cows, or chip off a part of 
the new antlers of an old, heavy-headed buck, eating the thick 
gristle full of blood and covered with hair, which must be singed. 
Notwithstanding their scant diet, the herdsmen must exercise the 
utmost vigilance, sleeping but little for days at a time, as the 
reindeer-fly makes the reindeer restless and persistent in their 
efforts to get away. 

During the dry, hot summer the strongest men become thin 
and weak ; their eyes are inflamed, and the skin of their faces is 
burned almost like leather. The Chukchi know of no remedy for 
the maladies with which the reindeer become afHicted. They 
skin the carcasses and carry the flesh to camp when not too far. 
By reason of the scarcity of wood on the tundra, they build no 
pens or fences for their herds, but have to run about constantly 
after the fashion of a common shepherd dog. 

On the whole their half-wild animals make but indifferent 
teams. Those bred by the Lamut usually command a double 
price, which is willingly paid by the Chukchi. If the reindeer 
herds of the Chukchi are increasing, it is due to constant exertion 
in keeping them together and to their frugality in the use of the 
flesh. The Chukchi housewife knows better than the women of 
the neisfliboringf tribes how to obtain from a carcass the most 


nutritious parts. The flesh and blood, the rims of the horns and 
hoofs, the gristle of the ears and nostrils are all consumed, raw or 
cooked. The half-digested moss taken from the paunch is cooked 
with fat and roots as a porridge ; the bones are boiled to extract 
the marrow, and the remainder is used for feeding the dogs. 

The Lamut hunters and the Russo-Yukagir fishermen on 
the Kolyma are not so provident. When they have plenty of 
food they waste much of it and indulge in excesses with no heed 
for the future. The Chukchi pabulum also includes many edible 
roots, leaves, and vegetable products not raised by neighboring 
tribes. I once met in the camp of Keiiukeda, a wealthy reindeer- 
breeder, some Russian fishermen who had come from a neigh- 
boring village to buy reindeer. The host had just returned from 
his herd, and instead of meat he was given to eat porridge made 
from willow-root bark cooked with sour liver from the summer 
supplies. The Russians regarded the repast with obvious dis- 
gust. At last one of them sneered : "Ah, Keiiukeda, you must 
have a capacious throat ; even the wood slips down ! " 

" Aye ! " answered Kefiukeda, quite unaffectedly, " my throat 
is indeed large, but I don't need to come to you for food ! " 

Physical characteristics. — Regarding the physical type of the 
Chukchi, without the presentation of anthropometric data at this 
time, it is possible to make only the following general remarks: 

The Chukchi, as a rule, are tall and well built, especially when 
compared with their nearest neighbors, the lean and under-sized La- 
mut. Their cheekbones are much less prominent than those of the 
Tungus or Yakut, and the nose is smaller. Their eyes are brown 
in color, straight, and are frequently as large as those of the white 
race. Their hair is black and sometimes wavy, or indeed curly, a 
characteristic which I never found among the Lamut, and only 
among the Yakut of pure blood. It becomes gray much later in 
life than among the Caucasians. The beard is scanty, but is seen 
more frequently than among the Lamut or the Yakut. The eye- 
brows are often thick and shaggy, especially among the old men. 



In this connection I would say that one of the requisites for 
beauty in a woman is heavy eyebrows. 

The gray, sallow color of the skin of the face, common among 
the Lamut and Yukagir, is seldom seen among the Chukchi. 
This may be due to the superior diet of the latter. The color of 
the face is bronze, with intermediate tints varying from brick-red 
to blood-red. The ideal of beauty in both males and females re- 
quires the face to be as " red as blood, burning like fire." The 
color of the skin of the body is generally scarcely distinguishable 
from that of the Caucasian ; however, there are numerous cases of 
brown or even of dark bronze skins. 

Many Chukchi faces are rather clumsy in outline, with fore- 
head low and straight, skull flattened, lower jaw massive, and the 
lower part of the face disproportionately large and strong ; 
therefore a handsome head is frequently compared to a round, 
mossy hillock. One of the marks of superiority is the ability to 
eat quickly. " When the young men eat quickly the old men 
look on with pleasure," says the proverb. Faces strongly Mongol 
in outline are more frequent among the women, though many of 
them are as fair and well shaped as any woman of the white race. 

Health. — The Chukchi are the healthiest of the tribes of the 
Kolyma country. Their women are free from that form of arctic 
hysteria which besets almost all Yukagir and Lamut women. Of 
contagious diseases, now, as formerly, the most dreaded is small- 
pox, which in 1884 destroyed more than one-third of the popula- 
tion. Some forty years ago syphilis, too, was much dreaded. 
The Chukchi regard it as indigenous, though its name, dial- 
vdirgkin, suggests the name of a tribe {Atal, Russian, Chuvanzi) 
who were mediators between the Russians and the Chukchi. How- 
ever this may be, one afiflicted with syphilis was regarded as an 
outcast. At home he was provided with bedding of his own, 
a separate dish and bowl, and was kept aloof lest others should 
contract the disease. Nowadays, since the decrease of the disease, 
these precautions are not maintained. 


Another contagious disease, somewhat akin to influenza, now 
and then spreads through the country, from the Russian villages 
eastward, carrying away scores. 

In spite of all this the reindeer Chukchi have increased steadily 
during the last half-century. Their families are large, one mother 
often having as many as ten children. The men live to old age, 
and often a white-haired man has a young bride with whom he 
rears a large family. These wild tribes are like squirrels in the 
wood or foxes on the tundra ; they thrive and increase until 
ravaged by hunger or disease. 

Mental character. — Opinions as to the mental character of the 
Chukchi vary according to the personality of the observer. To 
me their most conspicuous trait is their irascibility, of which they 
themselves are not unconscious. 

" I am a tundra wanderer ! " one of my Chukchi acquaintances, 
named Nhiro'n, would say to me. " My anger rises suddenly ; it 
comes and goes of its own will." 

The Chukchi in anger growls and shows his teeth, and even 
threateningly bites his sleeve or the handle of his knife, as if defy- 
ing his foe. Some of them, when angered, shed tears and tear 
their hair like unruly children, and, when unable to take revenge, 
even commit suicide. They resent any assertion of authority 
against their will. This aversion to submission constantly breaks 
out in the family and among the clan-ties — even wives against 
their husbands and children against their parents. In the time 
of the wars with the Russians it impelled captives to take their 
own lives and made the free willing, in case of defeat, to leave 
their own country and emigrate to America. 

Sophiology. — The Chukchi have a wealth of folklore and tra- 
dition, some of their tales being so long as to consume a whole 
night in the telling. In their own way they are eloquent. The 
character of their folklore is quite different from that of some of 
the Ural-Altaic people, and, in common with the folklore of the 
Yukagir, Kamchadal, and probably also the Koryak, presents 


many points of resemblance to that of North America, especially 
of the North Pacific coast tribes. A collection of about one hun- 
dred and ninety of my Chukchi tales is now being printed by the 
Academy of Sciences of St Petersburg, hence I can only barely 
allude to the subject here. For instance, in the cosmogonic 
legends the raven acts the same part as in North American lore. 
He is the creator of the world and of man ; he brings light — the 
sun, the moon, and the stars, — he makes lakes and rivers, and 
inhabits the earth with animals, etc. After his work is done he 
becomes a thunder-bird and lives in the sky surrounded by clouds. 

Some of the Eskimo tales in Rink's collection are also known 
among the Chukchi. This is not surprising, since the latter are 
fond of the tales of other people, and have appropriated many 
Russian stories, adapting them, not without skill, to their own 
mode of life. I have listened to tales purporting to have been of 
American origin, as if they had been learned from American 
whalers, although I could not have told as much from their theme 

Like many primitive tribes, the Chukchi have developed a 
system of rites much more fully than that of creeds. The holi- 
days of the reindeer Chukchi form a complete cycle, beginning 
with the autumnal feast of "slaying the thin-haired reindeer" 
and ending late in the spring with the " feast of antlers." All 
these feasts are accompanied with offerings in the form of sacri- 
fice of reindeer, dogs, and small symbolic figures made of tallow, 
pounded meat, ground edible leaves, and even of snow and clay, 
all of which are regarded as substitutes for the real animal. Be- 
sides fat, flesh, and blood in the uncooked state, women prepare for 
sacrifice a porridge of blood mixed with fat and various edible roots. 
This is one of the most savory dishes prepared by the Chukchi. 

In addition to the above, the following rites and sacrifices are 
included in the cycle : 

1. Enankadwkwurghin, feeding (of the hearth). 

2. Enattci'irghin, a ceremony of thanksgiving over the larger 
animals killed in huntingf. 


3. Enapyerdtirghhi, commemorative of the dead. 

4. Rites performed in accordance with a vow. Of these there 
are two groups : (a) Mnhc'trgkin, ceremonials by vow ; (b) Erdir- 
ghin, racing for a prize. 

The last two classes are the most important, since they are 
regarded as a safeguard against supernatural evils, and are 
arranged by promise, or under the influence of some dream, or at 
the behest of a shaman having the gift of prophecy. MnJieir- 
ghin is a particular kind of sacrifice, accompanied by drumming, 
ritualistic singing, dancing, etc. Sledge-racing is likewise attended 
with sacrifices and also has a ritualistic meaning. Racing is a 
social festival which attracts the whole population of the nearest 
camps, and is accompanied with foot-running for prizes, wrestling, 
and other feats. 

Mortuary customs. — The mortuary rites of the Chukchi are of 
great interest. In disposing of their dead they either burn them 
or leave them in the open field wrapped in large slices of reindeer 
flesh. The manner is regulated by family tradition, which de- 
scends from father to son. Soon after death the body is stripped, 
placed in the inner sleeping-room, and carefully covered with 
reindeer-skins, since it is thought to be a sin " to show any part 
of the corpse to the sun or to a strange eye." One of the nearest 
relations of the deceased must pass the first night in the sleeping- 
room, watching the body. In the morning four other relations 
come to dress, before doing which they share with the dead the 
last meal. It was once my lot to share a meal of this sort in a 
room so narrow that we had scarcely room to sit with the corpse. 
For lack of space we put our dinner-board on the dead man, pla- 
cing thereon our cups, teapots, and trays laden with meat. We 
sat leaning our elbows over the body, and since I was at the 
upper end, my elbow was directly over the head. In the board 
against the mouth they cut a hole, and on me devolved the duty 
of feeding the dead, pouring hot tea into the hole and slipping 
through it morsels of tallow. When the meal was finished, all 


the men stripped themselves to their inner skin shirt ; then rais- 
ing the corpse sh'ghtly, they thrust their bare feet under the nude 
body, and, resting it on their crossed legs, began to put on it 
new clothes made for the purpose. When the corpse was dressed, 
the face was covered with the hood of the outer cloak which, tied 
with a freshly-cut thong, was wound around the whole body from 
the head downward. They then pushed the corpse out to begin 
the divination. 

This divination is performed by near relations of the deceased 
with the aid of the staff or of the crooked wand of horn used 
for beating the snow from fur clothing. The staff or wand is tied 
to the thong binding the head, and the divinator, holding with his 
hands the opposite point, asks a question and strives to lift the 
body. If the answer is in the negative, the corpse is supposed 
not to allow its head to be lifted ; if, on the contrary, the answer 
is an afifirmative one, the head is lifted without effort. In this 
manner the dead is questioned as to the spot where it desires to 
be placed, about the leader of the funeral procession, the reindeer- 
team for its funeral sledge, etc. In the same way it is questioned 
about the future of those living, about the diseases likely to attack 
them, and as to their success in hunting, trading, etc. After the 
divination the corpse is tied lengthwise on the sledge, a reindeer 
team is harnessed, and the leader sits astride the body, taking the 
reins in his hands. 

The Chukchi sledge must be used with the legs dangling on 
both sides. When the place of deposit is reached the reindeer 
are slain. Some of the followers untie the corpse and place it on 
the spot designated, while others cut off the reindeer flesh in thin, 
broad slices. When enough flesh has been cut off, they begin to 
cut the clothes of the dead, exchanging for every piece a slice of 
flesh until the body is entirely covered with it. Then the nearest 
kinsman cuts the throat and opens the breast in order to lay bare 
a part of the heart and the liver. This operation is performed 
with gloved hands, since the dead body is reputed to be unclean 


and must not be touched with bare hands. The corpse is then 
left to the ravages of wolves and foxes ; and the sooner it is con- 
sumed the better it is supposed to be for those living. 

When burning is resorted to the corpse need not be covered 
with reindeer flesh, but is put on the pile with the clothes on and 
tied around with the thong. On the tundra, when there is no 
standing timber within reach and driftwood is scarce, the sledges 
and tent-poles are sometimes cut up for the pyre. 

Divination. — Divination for deciding as to the moving of a 
camp and herd, and for undertaking journeys, is frequently effected 
by a burnt reindeer shoulder-blade, or by suspending the thing 
most often used. When the object hung is heavy, it is let down 
on the ground and the answers of the oracle are interpreted 
as in the ceremony for the dead : when the answer is negative, 
the article cannot be lifted ; when it is in the affirmative, it is 
easily lifted. In divination with a light object it is held up, and 
when the article remains still the answer is in the negative, but 
should it swing, the answer is affirmative. 

A feature of all rites is the so-called elo'tko-vdirghin (" the 
exercise on the drum "), which is in the nature of shamanistic 
practice and gives weight to the idea that this or that individual 
has shamanistic power. Every one, male and female alike, has the 
right, and on some holidays is duty bound to share in this exer- 
cise on the drum. The exercises are accompanied with the ritual 
dance and the singing of airs, some of which are inherited while 
others are composed for the occasion or improvised. 

Sacred objects. — The idea of sacredness attached to the hearth 
and to many household implements, such as wooden fire-making 
tools rudely carved in the form of idols {ghi'rghir), and to small 
wooden amulets {tdifilkwiit), originated in their system of rites. 
Family drums are also sacred ; they descend by inheritance and 
must not be given to strangers ; they are supposed to protect the 
well-being of the family, and play a part in all rites and on all 
holidays. In the principal yearly feast — the slaying of the thin- 


haired reindeer — the ceremony is accompanied by anointing the 
reindeer with the blood of sacrifice. In this ceremony all the 
family paint their faces with certain inherited signs which are 
different for each family. 

Taboo. — Every family is hampered by prohibitions, the most 
important being the taboo of interchange of fire (even of partly 
burnt fuel), which causes much inconvenience on the cold and 
timberless tundra. It is worthy of note, however, that no such 
taboo is recognized in their relations with neighboring peoples. 
The fire of a Russian neighbor or guest, for instance, may be bor- 
rowed by any Chukchi without fear. In personal intercourse, 
such as lighting a pipe, a Chukchi may freely use fire obtained 
from matches or by flint-and-steel. Only the sacred household 
fire, obtained from wooden fire-making implements, and which is 
indispensable at feasts and on holidays, must be absolutely free 
from contact with another fire derived from similar means. 

Generally the fire of a strange family is regarded as infectious 
and as harboring evil spirits. Fear of pollution extends also to 
all objects belonging to a strange hearth, to the skins of the tent 
and the sleeping-room, and even to the keepers and worshippers 
of strange penates. The Chukchi from far inland, who travel 
but little, when they come to a strange territory fear to sleep 
in tents or to eat meat cooked on a strange fire, preferring to sleep 
in the open air and to subsist on their own scant food supply. On 
the other hand, an unknown traveler, coming unexpectedly to a 
Chukchi camp, can hardly gain admittance to a tent, as I myself 
have experienced. 

Anmiism and spiritism. — Many details of the rites and feasts 
vary in different families, and are performed with the utmost care 
and secrecy. The animistic conception of the outer world is gen- 
erally recognized. All objects retaining their natural properties 
and much of their natural shape, but assuming also the shape of 
human beings, are thought to possess animate power. Thus the 
personified " People of Wood " {Utti-rcmkin) fear the fire, for it 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 3 — 7. 


could burn them ; while the " Tallow People " live on the bottom 
of the stone lamp, etc. This concept coincides with the Yukagir 
notion of indwelling spirits (" owners "), resembling human be- 
ings, filling the outer world. Such, for example, are the owners 
of the woods, the rivers, the mountains, etc. 

The conception of evil spirits ike lat\, wandering unseen about 
the earth, is also extensively developed ; all misfortunes and 
maladies, even death, are ascribed to them. They come from 
under the ground, or from the extreme limits of the Chukchi 
country, for the sole purpose of harming men, and having accom- 
plished their purpose they pass on. Sacrifices are rarely made to 
them, except by wicked shamans. Protection against these evil 
spirits can be gained only from right-minded shamans, who can 
foretell their attacks and advise measures for rendering them 

The ke'lai, when attacking man, first tries to get his soul and 
eat it. Every man has from five to six souls, or even more. 
These souls {iivirif) are very small — not larger than a gnat. 
Everybody can lose one or even two of the uvl'?'lt without 
endangering his health, but if he loses too many, illness ensues. 
On the other hand the shaman can cure a man who has lost all 
his souls by blowing into him some part of his own spirit or 
by replacing the soul with any of the kclat dependent on himself. 

The conception of a general divine force is very indefinite and 
is termed Nhdrhinen (World), Uc ubeclni-zvdirgJiin (Merciful Be- 
ing), TinayitiiingJii (Creator), etc. The Creator is represented as 
living on top of the sky. Some traditions give him the name of 
the " Owner-of-the-star-with-the-stuck-snake " {Unp-e'ncr), a term 
applied generally thoughout Asia to the polar star, signifying 
that it is fixed and in the middle of the sky. 

SJiavianisni. — Sexual transforviation. — Shaman istic powers are 
conferred at maturity. A young man, not having before shown 
any sign of singularity, suddenly becomes pensive ; he may pass 
days and nights in the open air far from home, or, on the contrary. 


he may sleep in the sleeping-room without ever going out. 
He refuses food and intercourse with men, and answers no ques- 
tions. This critical condition, believed to be caused by the onset 
of the spirits on their chosen man, often ends in the sickness or 
death of the man " doomed to being shaman." The only means 
to be resorted to for recovery are drum-practice, performed by 
the " new-inspired " uninterruptedly for several weeks, together 
with singing and attempts at ventriloquism. 

Then the young man doomed to sexual transformation re- 
ceives a message to that effect from his spirits, and must at once 
don women's clothes, acquire a woman's voice, learn to perform 
women's work, and forget his former masculine knowledge. He 
must become very bashful, and, like a young girl, ashamed to look 
a stranger in the face. After this transformation he, or " she," 
looks about for a lover, in which she is aided by her protecting 
spirits, who cause the hearts of the young men to be drawn to her 
and inspire them with the passion of love. After a while the 
transformed is married, and lives during the rest of her life in the 
wedded state, performing of her own accord the duties of house- 
wife. Such full transformations are not numerous. In a tribe of 
2000 men I heard of only five cases. Instances of partial trans- 
formation, whereby the man, assuming female clothing and speech 
still can have a wife and beget children, are more numerous. In- 
stances of the transformation of women into men are more rare. 

All other Chukchi shamans may be divided into three groups. 
The first includes ventriloquists, who perform many tricks similar 
to those of spiritism. Implicit faith is not placed in all their 
arts, many of which are looked upon as mere amusements. The 
second group, the medicine-men ("knowing ones"), seek the 
destruction of the evil spell, or, on the contrary, its consum- 
mation. The third group, consisting of the prophets, occupy 
themselves with divination. These groups, however, are not 
clearly defined, for a shaman skilled in the practices of one has 
generally a knowledge of the others. 


Chukchi shamans use the common family drum and wear 
ordinary clothes, sometimes crudely ornamented along the skirt 
and around the wrists with many amulets and thickly-sewn fringe. 
They perform their tasks in utter darkness, in the inner sleeping- 
room and in an almost naked condition. The shaman sits in the 
place of honor in the left inner corner, but is cramped for space 
since the room is small. The performance consists of a series of, 
all sorts of sounds, the performer, by deflecting the sound, pro- 
ducing strange effects with his drum, and throwing his voice, with 
varying force, in all directions. The sounds rush through the 
room like a storm. The spirits talk on all sides ; they quarrel 
among themselves and attack the shaman and the assistants. 
Once in a performance of this sort, K6p6\vhe, the celebrated 
shaman of Anuy river, made the spirits, at my request, speak 
close to my ear, and the illusion was so complete that I involun- 
tarily held up my hand to catch the voice. These spirits, coming 
at the call of shamans, have the name of ke'lat, but are not the 
same as the evil kc'lat — the malady-makers. These ke lat are 
not harmful ; they represent objects in nature, taking their names, 
as IlwV lu-ke' la (Wild-reindeer spirit), Nhazv-ri' rka-ke' la (She-walrus 
spirit), Che' yvulegay (the Walking One, i. e., the Bear), hvchuwghl 
(the Long One, i. e., the Needle), Pilvf nte-pndivkwun (the 
File), etc. 

The shamanistic songs are varied and have some beauty, 
though they sound oddly to a European. A shaman will sing 
and drum for several hours without sign of fatigue, as if he were 
buoyed up by the spirits who sang and performed in his stead. 

Astronomic lore. — Many tales are associated with the Chukchi 
constellations : Arcturus and Vega are named " two brother 
heads," the foremost head and the hindmost head. They wander 
over the sky, following each other with a long row of loaded 
sledges. The foremost head is called " the herd of the stars " and 
"the herd of the upper reindeer flocks." Orion is an archer 
{Chulte'nnin), aiming with his bow at a group of women. 


(Pleiads), each of whom refuses to marry him, on account of the 
size of his virile member, which is represented by three stars ex- 
tending downward. Chulte'nnin has another wife (Leo), but they 
quarreled and she struck him with a tailoring board, causing his 
back to become crooked ; therefore he repulsed the woman, who, 
being tired, fell asleep in the middle of the sky, her head resting 
on her right sleeve. Aldebaran is an arrow of the Chulte'nnin 
stuck in the bog represented by numerous small stars. The Milky 
Way is a river with sandy banks and many isles ; in the middle 
of it stand five wild reindeer bucks (Cassiopeia). Ursa Major rep- 
resents six warriors armed with slings, the seventh double star 
being a gray fox gnawing a pair of reindeer antlers. Corona 
Borealis is a polar-bear's paw. Shooting stars are said to slide 
down ice-hills. Comets are called " smoking stars," the smoke 
indicating that much cooking is being done. 

The Chukchi have eight seasons in their year, twenty points 
of the compass, and three shortest days in winter. 

Social organization. — Among these people the strongest social 
relation is the family tie, which is broadened to include the 
clan. Nearest male relations form a union pledged to assist one 
another. This union is cemented by the community of fire, by 
consanguinity (which is admitted for the male side), by the 
identity of the signs painted on the face with the blood of sacri- 
fice, and by hereditary ritual songs. 

Members of the same kin roam over the same territory 
and maintain intercourse between themselves. If one loses his 
herd, richer kinsmen will replenish his stock. Marriages are 
usually restricted to their own kindred. Journeys to Russian 
block-houses or trips to the seaboard for purposes of trade are 
undertaken by one or more members, who take with them skins 
and furs for which they trade tobacco, hardware, walrus skins, and 
ground-seal thongs. These articles are divided among the kin- 
dred according to the respective number of skins traded, but 
whenever any one is without tobacco or thongs, he can take from 


those who have them. An offense committed against any mem- 
ber of the kindred is speedily avenged, A Chukchi proverb says : 
" A man rich in brothers is prone to violence ; the brotherless is 
timid." However, this close tie is kept up only by cousins; the 
third generation is bound much more loosely, and after removal 
to another territory the bond is soon forgotten. The hereditary 
songs change so much as to be finally unrecognizable ; the " halves 
of the same fire, " burning apart and in a different environment 
become estranged, having to feed on different fuel, and forming a 
" smell and a breath of their own." 

The union of Chukchi kinsfolk has no chiefs, no settled meet- 
ings, nor any organization. The kinsmen usually meet at the 
reindeer races, which are arranged at brief intervals by each man 
in turn. If there be some question of common concern it is talked 
over, although it is not always settled. 

Marriage. — Marriage is contracted in different ways. Unions 
of couples closely related by blood are very common, and the 
bond is regarded as stronger than when the pair are not consan- 
guineally related. In such cases no payment is made for the bride, 
but the family of the latter have a right to expect an equivalent 
from the groom's family, should they need it later. Children are 
often reared together with a view of future marriage. They sleep 
together from the beginning, and the marriage is consummated 
on the first impulse of nature, or even before maturity of either 
party. Such marriages are considered to be the strongest. 

Another form of marriage is concluded between persons be- 
longing to different family groups. In former times such a mar- 
riage required one of the parties to enter the family of the other, 
leaving forever his own kindred. Latterly, the length of this 
desertion has been restricted to one or two years, during which 
time the bridegroom must serve the family of the bride, his ser- 
vice being counted as ransom paid for the woman. A young 
man thus serving his father-in-law, as Jacob served Laban, has to 
perform all kinds of rough and hard work, and is usually tested by 


various trials before the family of the bride allows him to lead her 
away. Rich families who, having many young women whom 
they are unwilling to give to strangers, generally select poor 
young men. These, having stood the test, are admitted to the 
bride and become members of the family by the performance of 
certain rites. 

These latter forms of marriage are not very binding. The 
parents and brothers of the woman given away to the stranger 
reserve the right to take her back even after the lapse of years, 
I knew of a Chukchi, named Nhiro'n, who was young but poor and 
profligate, and who gave his sister to another Chukchi, Ankanuk- 
wat, son of Tato. Instead of the required time of service, the 
bridegroom came to his brother-in-law, bringing his own large flock. 
He lived with his brother-in-law two years, during which time 
Nhiro'n and his wife fed from the flock and squandered all that he 
could obtain, selling young and old bucks to the Russians, or 
gambling them away. At the end of the second year, Ankanuk- 
wat, whose patience was nearly exhausted, wandered off. For two 
years more Nhiro'n profited from the same source, taking now a 
team, now skins to sell, or young animals to slaughter. Finally, 
Ankanukwat utterly lost patience and refused his brother-in-law's 
demands, whereupon the latter, having been playing cards for 
three days, went at once to Ankanukwat's camp and took his sister 
away, though she had been Ankanukwat's wife for four years. The 
husband did not care to quarrel, especially as he had no children ; 
but pitying his wife, he followed her to Nhiro'n's place and stayed 
there a week or two, hoping Nhiro'n would relent. The latter, 
however, requested Ankanukwat to rejoin his camp, and not 
knowing what to do, Ankanukwat took counsel of his father. 
Meanwhile, Nhiro'n took a hand at cards with a friend, and the 
divorce contest came to an unexpected conclusion. One of 
Nhiro'n's neighbors, Mewet, having an old score to settle, came to 
the camp in Nhiro'n's absence, and led the young woman, nothing 
loath, to his own home. Nhiro'n was so enraged when he learned 


of this that he immediately, at night and in a severe snow-storm, 
sought an encounter with his enemy. Two months later, when I 
was again in the vicinity, I found him with his family living at 
his new brother-in-law's and dissipating his large flock as well. 

In the case of accepting a poor young man into the family, 
there have been instances where the father-in-law, becoming dis- 
pleased, has suddenly sent the son away, although he may have 
been in the enjoyment of his nuptial rights for several years. In 
one such case the young man, rather than leave his wife, took 
both her life and his own. 

Marriage by interchange is observed mostly between first and 
second cousins. Males entering into this bond acquire the mu- 
tual right to the wives of one another, a right which can be 
claimed at every meeting. Nowadays marriage by interchange 
can be contracted between unrelated parties — even with people 
of foreign tribes with whom close friendship has sprung up. A 
bachelor and a widower living in the same camp with a married 
man can form a like contract. This style of marriage is only a 
system of polyandry. Sometimes more than ten people may be 
affected by marriage through interchange within one group, al- 
though three or four are regarded as suflficient. Women generally 
are not averse to the custom ; even Russian women married to 
the Chukchi of the tundra submit to the interchange method 
without protest, while, on the contrary, Chukchi women have 
been known to take their lives rather than submit to the de- 
mands of other men, even with their husbands' consent. 

Chastity is not highl\- regarded. The Chukchi language has 
no distinctive term for " maiden," the word ydnvinhdyc, which is 
usually employed, referring to any woman without a husband, in- 
cluding widows and divorced women. 

Polygamy is common, but the polygamist is generally con- 
tented with two wives, although the Chukchi chief EyhelT, pre- 
viously referred to, had four living wives besides four who were 
deceased. A rich Chukchi on Anuy river had seven wives ; and 


Other examples might be mentioned. The first wife is held in 
greater esteem than the others and is termed the " elder wife " 
{pe7itn jiheiv). The second wife can expect to win the favor of 
her husband only after she has given him several healthy children. 

The reasons for polygamy differ in different cases. When an 
elder wife is childless, a second wife may be taken for the sake of 
offspring ; or when the first wife loses vigor and has no grown 
daughters, the man may take a younger wife to assist in the 
household duties. Sometimes the second wife is taken at the re- 
quest of the first, while at other times the second wife is regarded 
as a rival. When a rich man has two wives he usually divides 
his flock and makes for each wife a tent and provides for 
her support. The poor man lives with his two wives in one 
small tent. 

Chukchi men have no hesitancy in marrying stranger women 
— Russian, Lamut, and Tungusian,— paying for them high 
prices. In cases of marriages within the tribe no price is 
paid in skins, deer, or other valuables, and they ridicule their 
neighbors " who take payment for a girl as for a reindeer cow." 

The marriage rite is very simple. Its chief feature consists of 
anointing with the blood of a reindeer slain for the purpose. 
The bride and bridegroom, with other members of his family, 
paint on her face the hereditary signs of her new family by which 
she casts off her old family gods and assumes the new ones. 
When the bridegroom is taken to the family of his father-in-law, 
his family totem marks and gods are discarded and he paints on 
his face the totem of the family to which he will henceforth 

Status of women. — The status of women is rather low. They 
must perform much hard and dirty work, for nearly all domestic 
occupations — the preparation of food, making of clothing, 
pitching and striking of the tent, and the bringing of wood — are 
undertaken by them ; besides, the younger women, if not bur- 
dened with an infant, help their husbands to herd the flocks. 


According to a Chukchi saying, " Woman is more thrifty than 
man in three particulars — getting children, preparing food, and 
watching the flocks." 

In camp women prepare and serve the men their daily meals, 
while for themselves they are contented with the leavings. 
During the evening the women are busy in the outer room while 
the men idle away the time in the sleeping-room awaiting supper. 
The housewife comes inside only after the meal is over and in 
order to put away the dishes. Then she can go to bed. 

Children. — The Chukchi families are rich in children, of whom 
the parents are very fond. When ten years of age the boy, and 
often the girl, are sent to watch the flocks. Half-grown boys are 
kept very strictly ; they are badly and scantily fed, are not always 
allowed to sleep in the tent, and are compelled to do the larger 
part of the herding. Meanwhile the father has more leisure and 
visits the flock only in bad weather or in the mosquito season, 
when the reindeer become restless. 

Treatment of the aged. — Voluntary deatJi. — The custom of put- 
ting to death the aged and sick is due to the hard conditions of 
life in the arctic wilderness. It is also a part of the Chukchi 
system of ethics. The old and sick consider death a right, not a 
duty, and often claim this right notwithstanding the opposition 
of their kinsmen. The custom of voluntary death sometimes 
passes by inheritance, though it is not held to be irrevocable. 
If once a man expresses a desire to die in such manner, he has no 
right to turn back on account of the trouble that his change of 
mind may bring to his family. Such a man is considered to be a 
victim of the ke'lat, and no man has the right to take from them 
a promised sacrifice. For instance, if a herdsman, angered at his 
flocks for their restlessness, should say to them, " Let the wolves 
eat you," as is usual with the reindeer Chukchi, he is considered 
to have promised his entire flock to the ke'lat, to whom the 
wolves are said to be akin, and the promise must be redeemed by 
slaying several of his best animals. 


Survival of vassalage . — Young members of poor families, usually 
from other tribes, help wealthy Chukchi reindeer-owners to herd 
their flocks, receiving in return food, clothing, and gifts of living 
animals. The conditions of such an agreement are uniformly fixed. 
The newcomer generally brings with him or obtains on the spot his 
tent, which is kept in order by his wife, mother, or sister, for with- 
out a woman's aid no genuine herder can long exist ; he also brings 
or acquires a few team reindeer for transporting his domestic 
goods. The poor " neighbor-mate " {iiivituvighiii) is now simply a 
workman {chatvchuwdanw' liii), whereas in former times his first 
duty was to defend against hostile attacks, thus supporting what 
may be regarded as a system of vassalage. According to tra- 
dition there were formerly bondmen and bondwomen, acquired 
through captivity or by purchase. Now there are no slaves, but 
it is not unusual to hear people taunted on account of their descent 
from Koryak or Eskimo boys. But on the whole this " neighbor- 
hood tie" was never so strong that the bond could not be severed 
when occasion demanded. 

Crime. — Murder or infringement upon rights and property is 
punished by vendetta, but if the wrong is done within the limits 
of the family, outsiders have no right to interfere. Thus crimes 
against near kinsmen, which are by no means rare among the 
Chukchi, remain unavenged. "We have done it among our- 
selves " was regarded as a sufficient explanation when Yi'keti and 
K6ta cut their father's throat while in camp near Cape Erri in 1 895. 
In the summer of 1896, on Poplar river, southward from the Little 
Anuy, in the Kolyma country, a young man killed his brother 
in order to get possession of his flock. The murderer, with his 
accomplice, named Konti'irghin, and their victim, arranged a 
contest of springing over a barrier, the loser to pay his fine by 
making several springs with his feet bound together. When the 
elder brother lost, the murderer and his accomplice performed 
their foul deed. The fratricide took the flock and went unpun- 
ished. Konti'irghin related this story to me in the midst of a 


group of listeners gathered in the tent of a wealthy and respectable 
reindeer-breeder named Lame (Ghaghdnto). Here Konti'irghin 
lived as an aspirant for Lame's elder daughter. None of the lis- 
teners showed any signs of disapprobation, but on the morrow, 
when one of the sons of Ghaghdnto let his knife fall in Konti'ir- 
ghin's presence, my fellow traveler, pointing out the young man, 
shouted : " Don't let your knife fall near him ; he will seize it and 
kill you as he did another ! " Konti'irghin reddened but made no 
reply. Ghaghanto afterward told me in confidence that Kon- 
ti'irghin had no reason to remain longer in his camp, since he did 
not desire a murderer for a son-in-law ; but even then I was not 
sure whether the cunning old man was sincere in his disapproval 
or whether he was trying to appear civilized. 

The vendetta can be bought off with sufificient ransom. In the 
spring of 1895, when, during a brawl at the Anuy fair, a Chukchi 
was killed, a kinsman in my presence insisted that one of the Cos- 
sacks participating in the murder should be given to them to take 
care of the wife and children of the deceased. In former times a 
man taken as ransom would be enslaved, at least for a time ; but 
in this case the Cossack was bought ofif with brick-tea, tobacco, and 
sugar. Nevertheless, the Chukchi made wry faces, and we feared 
they would attack our small wooden fort. Most of the people were 
concerned with trade rather than with the life of an individual, so 
the fair went on and ended in the usual way. Six months later, 
however, when traveling along Wolverine river, in the country of 
the upper Anuy, I was compelled to face the ill-will of people 
with whom I had been on friendly terms for two years, and to the 
very last some of my followers were robbed and we nearly came 
to blows on account of this difficulty. 



Basketry is one of the textile industries. It is differentiated 
from network and loom products by the fact that its materials are 
usually rigid. However, no wide gulf separates the different 
varieties of textiles, basketry merging on the one side into lace 
work and on the other into bagging and other soft fabrics, its own 
types and classes also being often associated in the same example. 
In form, basketry varies through the following classes of objects : 

1. Flat mats or wallets, generally flexible. 

2. Plaques or food plates, which are slightly concave. 

3. Bowls for mush and other foods, and for ceremonial pur- 
poses, hemispherical in general outline. 

4. Pots for cooking, with cylindrical sides and rounded bot- 

5. Jars and fanciful shapes, in which the mouth is constricted, 
frequently very small, and now and then supplied with covers. 
The influence of civilization in giving modern shapes to basketry 
has not been beneficial to this class of forms. 

There are two distinct types of basketry, namely, (l) hand- 
woven or p/tcaUd basketry, which is built on a warp foundation, 
and (11) sewed or wrapped basketry, which is built on a coiled 
foundation of rods, splints, or straws, and is called coiled basketry. 

I. — Kinds of Woven Basketry 

Woven or plicated basketry may be divided into several kinds 

or subvarieties. It is to be understood that no loom is ever 

used in basketwork. Matting is frequently made over a bar, and 

soft wallets require a framework to hold the warp, but in basket- 




[n. s., 3, igoi 

making all the insertion of weft or filling is done with the fingers, 
as in plaiting or braiding. 

a. Checkerwork. — This occurs in the bottoms of many North 
Pacific Coast examples and also in the work of eastern Canadian 
tribes (figure 9). In this ware the warp and the weft have the 
same width, thickness, and pliability. It is impossible, therefore, 
in looking at the bottoms of the cedar-bark baskets and the matting 
of British Columbia (figure 10) 
or eastern Canada, to tell which 
is warp and which is weft. In- 
deed, in very many examples the 

Fig. q — Plain checker weaving in basketrj' Fig. io — Plain checker weaving in basketrjf with bast or 
with hard material. other soft material. 

warp and weft of a checker bottom are turned up at right angles 
to form the warp of the sides, which may be wicker or twined 
work. A great deal of bark matting is made in this same checker- 
work, but the patterns run obliquely to the axis of the fabric, 
giving the appearance of diagonal weaving. When warp and weft 
are fine yarn or threads, the result is the simplest form of cloth in 
cotton, linen, piiia fiber, or wool. The cheap fabrics of commerce 
are of this species of weaving. In art, latticework frequently 
shows the bars intertwined as in checker basketry. 

b. Diagonal or ttvilled basketry. — This is seen in those parts 
of the world where cane abounds. In America it is common in 


Fig. II — Diagonal or twilled weaving in basketrj- 
with flat, ribbon-like elements. 

British Columbia, Washington, southern United States, Mexico, 
and Central America, and of excellent workmanship in Guiana and 
Ecuador. The fundamental 
technic of diagonal basketry- 
is in passing each element of 
the weft over two jor more 
warp elements, thus produc- 
ing either diagonal or twilled, 
or, in the best examples, an 
endless variety of diaper pat- 
terns (figure 1 1). 

Excellent effects are pro- 
duced in this kind of weaving 
by means of color. Almost 
any textile plant, when split, 

has two colors : that of the outer or bark surface, and that of the 
interior woody surface or pith. Also, the different plants used in 

diagonal basketry have 
great variety of color. 
By the skilful manipu- 
lation of the two sides 
of a splint, or by using 
plants of different spe- 
cies, geometric pat- 
terns, frets, labyrinths, 
and other designs in 
straight-line are pos- 
sible. Examples of 
matting from the ni- 
trous caves and mod- 
ern pieces from the 
Cherokee — both in 
matting and basketry 

Fig 12 Wickerwork or wicker weaving in basketry, in round stems. 

— are double. 




[n. s., 3, 1901 

this means both the inside and the outside of the texture expose 
the glossy outer silicious surface of the cane. 

c. Wickcrivork. — This is common in eastern Canada; it is un- 
known on the Pacific coast and Interior basin, excepting in one or 
two pueblos, but is seen abundantly in southern Mexico and Cen- 
tral America. It consists of a wide or a thick and inflexible warp, 
and a slender flexible weft (figure 12). The weaving is plain and 
differs from checkerwork only in the fact that one of the elements 
is rigid. The effect on the surface is a series of ridges. It is pos- 
sible also to produce diagonal effects in this type of weaving. 

The finest specimens of 
wickerwork in America are 
the very pretty Hopi plaques 
made of Bigelovia graveolens. 
Short stems are dyed in vari- 
ous colors, worked into the 
warp, and driven tightly home 
so as to hide the ends and also 
the manner of weaving (figure 
13). Various patterns are ef- 
fected on the surface — clouds, 
mythical birds, and symbols 
connected with worship. It 
has passed into modern industry through the cultivation of osiers, 
rattan, and such plants, for market-baskets, covers for glass bot- 
tles, and in ribbed cloth, wherein a flexible weft is worked on a 
rigid warp. 

d. Tzvined or wattled basketry. — This is found in ancient 
mounds of Mississippi valley, in bagging of the Rocky mountains, 
and all down the Pacific coast from the island of Attn, the most 
westerly of the Aleutian chain, to the borders of Mexico. It is 
the most elegant and intricate of all in the woven or plicated 
species. Twined work has a set of warp-rods or rigid elements, 
as in wickerwork ; but the weft elements are commonly adminis- 

FlG. 13 — Close wickerwork on Hopi plaque, the 
warp hidden. 


tered in pairs, though in three-ply twining and in braid twining 
three weft elements are employed. In passing from warp to 
warp these elements are twisted in half-turns on each other so as 
to form a two-ply or three-ply twine or braid. According to the 
relation of these weft elements to one another and to the warp, 
different structures result as follows : 

1. Plain twined weaving, over single warps. 

2. Diagonal twined weaving or twill, over two or more warps. 

3. Wrapped twined weaving, or birdcage twine, in which one 
weft element remains rigid and the other is wrapped about the 

4. Latticed twined weaving, tee or Hudson stitch, twined 
work around vertical warps crossed by horizontal weft element. 

5. Three-ply twined weaving and braiding in several styles. 

I. Plain tzuincd zveaving. — Plain twined weaving is a refined 
sort of wattling. The ancient engineers in America who built 
obstructions in streams to aid in catching or impounding fish, 
drove a row of sticks into the bottom of the stream, a few inches 
apart. Vines and brush were woven upon these upright sticks 
which served for warp. In passing each stake the two vines 
or pieces of brush made a half-turn on each other. This 
is a very primitive mode of weaving. Plain twined basketry 
is made on exactly the same plan : there 
is a set of warp elements which may be 
reeds, or splints, or string. The weft 
consists of two strips of root or other 
flexible material, and these are twisted 
as in forming a two-ply string passing 
over a warp stem at each half-turn (fig- 
ure 14). Pleasing varieties of this plain 
twined weaving will be found in the 
Aleutian islands. The Aleuts frequently 
use for their warp, straws of wild rye or other grasses in which the 
straws are split and the two halves pass upward in zigzag form ; 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 3 — 8. 

Fig. 14 — Plain twined weaving in 
Nez Perce wallet. 



[n. s., 3, 1901 

each half of a straw is caught alternately with the other half of 
the same straw and with a half of the adjoining straw, making a 
series of triangular instead of rectangular spaces (figure 15). 

A still further variation is given to plain twined ware by 
crossing the warps. In bamboo basketry of eastern Asia these 
crossed warps are also interlaced or held together by a horizontal 
strip of bamboo passing in and out as in ordinary weaving. In 

Fig. 15 — Plain twined weft on zigzag warp in 
Aleut wallet. 

Fig. 16 — Twined weaving on crossed warp. 

such examples the interstices are triangular, but in the twined 
example here described (figure 16) the weaving passes across be- 
tween the points where the warps intersect each other, leaving 
hexagonal interstices. This peculiar combination of plain 
twined weft and crossed warp has not a wide distribution in 
America, but examples are to be seen in southeastern Alaska 
and among relics found in Peruvian graves. 

2. Diagonal twined weaving. — In diagonal twined weaving the 
twisting of the weft filaments is precisely the same as in plain 
twined weaving. The difference of the texture on the outside is 
caused by the manner in which the wefts cross the warps. This 
style abounds among the Ute Indians and the Apache, who dip 
the bottles made in this fashion into pitch and thus make a water- 
tight vessel, the open meshes receiving the pitch more freely. 


The technic of diagonal twined weaving consists in passing over 
two or more warp elements at each half-turn ; there must be an 
odd number of warps, for in the next round the same pairs of 
warps are not included in the half-turns. The ridges on the out- 
side, therefore, are not vertical as in plain twined weaving, but 
pass diagonally over the surface, hence the name (figure 17). 
This method of manipula- 
tion lends itself to the most 
beautiful and delicate 
twined work of the Pomo 
Indians. Gift baskets, 
holding more than a bushel 

Fig. 17 — Diagonal twined weaving, 
twilled patterns. 

Fig. 18 — Outside view of mixed twined weaving. 

and requiring months of patient labor to construct, are thus 
woven. Figure 18 shows how, by varying the color of the weft 
splints and changing from diagonal to plain weaving, the artist is 
enabled to control absolutely the figure on the surface. 

3. Wrapped twifted weaving. — In wrapped twined weaving one 
element of the twine passes along horizontally across the warp 
stems, usually on the inside of the basket. The binding element 
of splint, or strip of bark, or string, is wrapped around the cross- 
ings of the horizontal element with the vertical warp (figure 19). 
On the outside of the basket the turns of the wrapping are 
oblique ; on the inside they are vertical. It will be seen, on 
examining this figure, that one row inclines to the right, the one 



[N. S., 3, IQOI 

above it to the left, and so on alternately. This was occasioned by 
the weaver's passing from side to side of the square carrying- 
basket, and not all the way round as usual. The work is similar to 
that in an old-fashioned birdcage where the upright and horizontal 
wires are held in place by a wrapping of finer soft wire. The 
typical example of this wrapped or birdcage twine is to be seen 
among the Indians of the Wakashan family living about Neah 
bay, Vancouver island, and southwestern British Columbia 
(figure 20). 

^1 m u ^l: \h 

Fig. 19 — Wrapped twined weaving or birdcage 

Fig. 20 — Wrapped twined weaving or birdcage 
pattern in soft material. 

In this type the warp and the horizontal strip behind the warp 
are both in soft cedar bark. The wrapping is done with a tough 
straw-colored grass. When the weaving is beaten home tight the 
surface is not unlike that of a fine tiled roof, the stitches over- 
lying each other with perfect regularity. 

Figure 21 shows a square inch of the inside of a basket with 
plain twined weaving in the two rows at the top ; plain twined 
weaving in which each turn passes over two warp rods in four 
rows just below; in the middle of the figure, at the right side^ 
it will be seen how the wrapped or birdcage twined work appears 
on the inside, and in the lower right-hand corner is the inside 
view of diagonal twined weaving. In the exquisite piece from 
which this drawing was made, the skilful woman has combined 



four styles of two-ply twined weaving. On the outside of the 
basket these various methods stand for delicate patterns in color. 
4. Lattice tivincd ivcaving.—'W\Q lattice twined weaving, so 
far as the collections of the United States National Museum 
show, is confined to the Porno Indians, of the Kulanapan family, 
residing on Russian river, California. Dr Hudson calls this tech- 
nic tee. This is a short and convenient word and may be used for 
a specific name. The tec twined weaving consists of four ele- 
' I ments — {a) the upright warp of 

rods, {U) a horizontal warp cross- 
ing these at right angles, and {c, 
d) a regular plain twined weav- 

FlG. 21 — Inside view of mixed two-ply twined 

Fig. 22 — Tee or lattice twined weaving. Peculiar 
to the Porno, of Russian river, Cal. 

ing of two elements, holding the warps firmly together (figure 22). 
In all the examples in the National Museum the horizontal or 
extra warp is on the outside of the basket. On the outside the 
tee basketry does not resemble the ordinary twined work, but on 
the inside it is indistinguishable. Baskets made in this fashion 
are very rigid and strong, and frequently the hoppers of mills 
for grinding acorns, and also water-tight jars are thus constructed. 
The ornamentation is confined to narrow bands, the weaver being 
greatly restricted by the technic. 

5. 1 lirce-ply tzui/icd weaving. — Three-ply twined weaving is the 
use of three weft-splints or other kinds of weft elements instead 
of two, and there are five ways of administering the weft : 



[n. s., 3, igoi 

(a) TJircc-ply twine (figures 23 and 24). — In this technic the 
basket-weaver holds in her hand three weft elements of any of the 
kinds mentioned. In twisting these three, each one of the strands, 
as it passes inward, is carried behind the warp stem adjoining; so 
that in a whole revolution the three weft elements have in turn 
passed behind three warp elements. After that the process is re- 
peated ad libitimi. By referring to the lower halves of figures 23 
and 24, the outside and the inside of this technic will be made plain. 

Fig. 23 — Outside view of three-ply braid and Fig. 24 — Inside view of three-ply braid and three- 
three-ply twined weaving, the weft having ply twined weaving. 
three elements. 

On the outside there is the appearance of a two-ply string laid 
along on the warp stems, while on the inside the texture looks like 
plain twined weaving. The reason for this is apparent, since in 
every third of a revolution one element passes behind the warp 
and two remain in front. 

(b) Three-ply braid. — In three-ply braid the weft elements are 
held in the hand in the same fashion, but instead of being twined 
simply they are plaited or braided, and as each element passes 
under one and over the other of the remaining two elements, it is 
carried inside a warp stem. This process is better understood by 
examining the upper parts of figures 23 and 24. On the surface, 
when the work is driven home, it is impossible to discriminate be- 
tween three-ply twine and three-ply braid. The three-ply braid 
is found at the starting of all Pomo twined baskets, no matter how 
the rest is built up. 




Figure 25 shows a square inch from the surface of a Hopi 
twined jar. The lower part is in plain twined weaving ; the upper 
part is in three-ply twine. Philologists have come to the conclu- 
sion that the Hopi are a very mixed people. The three-ply work 
shown in this figure is a Ute motive. The National Museum col- 
lections represent at least seven different styles of basketry tech- 
nic practiced among the Hopi people of Tusayan. 

(c) Three-ply overlaid tivined zveaving. — In Tlinkit basketry 
the body is worked in split spruce-root, which is exceedingly 

tough. The ornamentation, in 

which mythological symbols are 

I concealed, consists of a species of 

embroidery in which the figures 

Fk;. 25 — Three-ply and two-ply twined weaving Fig. 26 — Three-ply overlaid twined weaving, 

on the same basket jar. Tlinkit pattern. After Wm. H. Holmes. 

appear on the outside of the basket, but not on the inside. In 
the needlework of the civilized woman the laying on of this third 
element would be called embroidery, but the Indian woman 
twines it into the textile while the process of basket-making is 
going on ; that is, when each of the weft elements passes between 
two warp rods outward, the colored or overlaid element is wrapped 
around it once. Straws of different colors are employed (figure 
26). An interesting modification of this Tlinkit form of over- 
laying or false embroidery occurs occasionally among the Pome 
Indians under the name of bog or bag, and it is fully explained 
and illustrated by James Teit in his memoir' on the Thompson 

' Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, vol. n, New York, 1900, 
figure 132, p. igo. 



[n. s., 3, 1901 


Fig. 27 — Three-ply wrapped or served 
twined weaving. After James Teit. 

River Indians. In this Tliompson River example the twine or 
weft element is three-ply. Two of them are spun from native 

hemp or milkweed, and form 
the regular twined two-ply weav- 
ing. Around this twine the 
third element is wrapped or 
served, passing about the other 
two and between the warp ele- 
ments, and then the whole is 
pressed down close to the former 
rows of weaving. On the out- 
side of the bag this wrapping 
is diagonal, but on the inside 
the turns are perpendicular. 
The fastening off is coarsely done, leaving the surface extremely 
rough. I am indebted to Dr Franz Boas for the use of Mr Teit's 
figure. This combination is extremely interesting. The author 
says that it " seems to have been acquired recently through inter- 
course with the Sahaptins." A little attention to the stitches 
will show that the bags and the motives on them are clearly Nez 
Perc6 or Shahaptian, but the wrapping of corn-husk outside the 
twine is not done in Nez Perce fashion, but after the style of the 
Makah Indians of Cape Flattery, who are Wakashan (figure 27).' 

II. — Coiled Basketry 

Coiled basketry is produced by an over-and-over sewing with 
some kind of flexible material, each stitch interlocking with the 
one immediately underneath it. The transition between lace- 
work and coiled basketry is interesting. In the netted bags of 
pita fiber, common throughout middle America, in the muske- 
moots or Indian bags of fine caribou-skin thong from the Mac- 
kenzie River district, as well as in the lace-like netting of the 

' See Scientific American, July 28, 1900, and American Anthropologist (n. S.), 
April, 1900. 



71 ;M^^^ 

Mohave carrying-frames and Peruvian textiles, the sewing and in- 
terlocking constitute the whole texture, the woman doing her work 
over a short cylinder or spreader of wood^or 
bone, which she moves along as she works. 
When the plain sewing changes to half-hitches, 
or stitches in which the moving part of the fila- 
ment or twine is wrapped or served one or more 
times about itself, there is the rude beginning 
of open lacework. This is seen in Fuegian 
basketry as well as in many pieces from various 
parts of the Old World. 

The sewing materials vary with the region. 
In the Aleutian islands it is a delicate straw ; in 
the adjacent region it is spruce-root ; in British 
Columbia it is cedar- or spruce-root ; in the more 
diversified styles of the Pacific states every 
available material has been used — stripped leaf, 
grass stems, rushes, split root, broad fillets, and 
twine, the efTect of each being well marked. 
In all coiled basketry, properly so-called, there 
is a foundation more or less rigid, inclosed 
within stitches, the only implement used being 
originally a bone awl (figure 28). 

Figure 28 shows the metatarsal of an an- 
telope sharpened in the middle and harder por- 
tion of the column, the joint serving for a grip 
to the hand. Mr Gushing was of the opinion 
that the bone awl was far better for fine basket- 
work than any implement of steel ; the point, 
being a little rounded, would find its way be- 
tween the stitches of the coil underneath and not force itself 
through them. The iron awl, being hard and sharp, breaks the 
texture and gives a very rough and clumsy appearance to the sur- 
face, as will be seen in figure 34. In every culture-province of 

Fig. 28 — Bone awl for 
making coiled basketry. 



[n. s., 3, igoi 

America wherever graves have been opened, the bone stiletto has 
been recovered, showing the widespread use of threads or fila- 
ments employed in joining two fabrics, or for perforating those 
already made to receive coilwork and other embroideries. 

Fig. 2g — End view of stitches in coiled basketry : A, single-rod foundation ; B, two-rod, vertical 
foundation ; C, rod and welt foundation ; D, two-rod and welt foundation ; E, three-rod 
foundation ; F, splint foundation ; G, grass or shred foundation. 

Coiled basketry may be divided by the foundation filaments 
into the following classes : 

a. Single-rod foundation. — In rattan basketry and Pacific 
Coast ware, called by Dr Hudson tsai, in the Porno language, 
the foundation is a single stem, uniform in diameter. The stitch 
passes around the stem in progress and is caught under the one 
of the preceding coil, as in figure 29 A. In a collection of 
Siamese basketry in the National Museum the specimens are all 
made after this fashion ; the foundation is the stem of the plant 
in its natural state, the sewing is with splints of the same 
material, having the glistening surface outward. As this is some- 
what unyielding, it is difificult to crowd the stitches together and 
so the foundation is visible between. 

In America, single-rod basketry is widely spread. Along the 


mason] TECHNIC of aboriginal AMERICAN basketry 123 

Pacific coast it is found in northern Alaska and as far south as 
the borders of Mexico. The Porno Indians use it in some of 
their finest work. The roots of plants and soft stems of willow, 
rhus, and the like, are used for the sewing, and being soaked 
thoroughly can be crowded together so as to entirely conceal the 
foundation (figure 30). 

b. Tzvo-rod foundation. — One rod in this style lies on top of 
the other ; the stitches pass over the two rods in progress and 
under the upper one of the pair below, so that each stitch 
incloses three stems in a vertical series. A little attention to 

Fig. 30 — Coiled work on single-rod foundation. 

Fig. 31 — Coiled work on two-rod, vertical 

figure 31 will demonstrate that the alternate rod or the upper rod 
in each pair will be inclosed in two series of stitches, while the 
other or lower rod will pass along freely in the middle of one 
series of stitches and show on the outer side. Examples of this 
two-rod foundation are to be seen among the Athapascan tribes 
of Alaska, among the Pomo Indians of the Pacific coast, and 
among the Apache of Arizona. An interesting or specialized 
variety of this type is seen among the Mescaleros of New Mex- 
ico, who use the two-rod foundation, but instead of passing the 
stitch around the upper rod of the coil below, simply interlock 
the stitches so that neither one of the two rods is inclosed twice. 
This Apache ware is sewed with yucca fiber and the brown stems 



[n. s., 3, iqoi 

of otlier plants, producing a brilliant effect, and the result of the 
special technic is a flat surface like that of pottery. The National 
Museum possesses a single piece of precisely the same technic 
from the kindred of the Apache on the lower Yukon. 

c. Rod and ivclt fo2indation. — In this kind of basketry the 
single rod of the foundation is overlaid by a strip or splint of 
tough fiber — sometimes the same as that with which the sewing 
is done, at others a strip of leaf or bast. The stitches pass over 
the rod and strip which are on top down under the welt only of 
the coil below, the stitches interlocking. The strip of tough fiber 

Fig. 32 — Rod and welt foundation of coiled 

Fig. 33 — Three-rod foundation in coiled 

between the two rods which serves for a welt has a double pur- 
pose — strengthening the fabric and chinking the space between 
the rods. This style of coil work is seen on old Zuni basket-jars 
and on California examples. This type of foundation passes 
easily into forms a and b (figures 32 and 29 C and d). 

d. Three-rod foundation. — This is the type of foundation 
called by Dr Hudson bain-tsn-wii. Among the Porno and other 
tribes in the western part of the United States the most delicate 
pieces of basketry are in this style. Dr Hudson calls them the 
"jewels of coiled basketry." The surfaces are beautifully corru- 
gated and patterns of the most elaborate character can be 


mason] TECHNIC of aboriginal AMERICAN BASKE TR V 


wrought on them. The technic is as follows : Three or four 
small, uniform willow stems serve for the foundation, as shown in 
figure 33, also in cross-section in figure 29 E. The sewing, which 
may be in splints of willow, black or white carex root, or cercis 
stem, passes around the three stems constituting the coil, under 
the upper one of the bundle below, the stitches interlocking. In 
some examples this upper rod is replaced by a thin strip of ma- 
terial serving for a welt (see 29 d). In the California area the 
materials for basketry are of the finest quality. The willow stems 
and carex root are susceptible of division into delicate filaments. 
Sewing done with these is most compact, and when the stitches 
are pressed closely together the foundation does not appear. On 
the surface of the bat)i-tsii-%vii basketry the Pomo weaver adds 
pretty bits of bird feathers and delicate pieces of shell. The bas- 
ket represents the wealth of the maker, and the gift of one of 
these to a friend is considered to be the highest compliment. 

Fig. 34 — Splint foundation of coiled basketry. Fig. 35 — Imbricated variety of splint coil in bas- 
ketry, called Klikitat stitch. 

e. Splint foiindation. — In basketry of this type the founda- 
tion consists of a number of longer or shorter splints massed to- 
gether and sewed, the stitches passing under one or more of the 
splints in the coil beneath (figures 29 F and 34). In the Pomo 



[n. s., 3, 1901 

language it is called ^/^z7c7, but it has no standing in that tribe. In 
the Great Interior basin, where the pliant material of the Califor- 
nia tribes is wanting, only the outer and younger portion of the 
stem will do for sewing. The interior parts in such examples are 
made up into the foundation. All such ware is rude, and the 
sewing frequently passes through instead of around the stitches 
below. In the Klikitat basketry the pieces of spruce or cedar 
root not used for sewing material are also worked into the foun- 
dation (figures 35-37)- 

Fig. 36 — Detail of imbricated basketry. 

In a small area on Fraser river, in southwestern Canada, and 
on the upper waters of the Columbia, basketry called " Klikitat " 
is made. The foundation, as stated, is in splints of cedar or 
spruce root, while the sewing is done with the outer and tough 
portion of the root ; the stitches pass over the upper bundle of 
splints and are locked with those underneath. On the outside 
of these baskets is a form of technic which also constitutes the 
ornamentation. It is not something added, or overlaid, or sewed 
on, but is a part of the texture effected in the progress of the 
manufacture (figures 36, 37). 

The method of adding this ornamentation in strips of cherry 
bark, cedar bast, and grass stems dyed with Oregon grape, is 


unique, and on this account I have applied the term imbricated 
to the " Klikitat " basket, as shown in figures 35 to 37. The strip 
of colored bark or grass is laid down and caught under a passing 
stitch ; before another stitch is taken this strip is bent forward 
to cover the last stitch, doubled on itself so as to be underneath 
the next stitch, and so with each stitch it is bent backward and for- 
ward so that the sewing is entirely concealed, forming a sort of 
" knife plaiting." In some of the finer old baskets in the National 
Museum, collected sixty years 
ago, the entire surface is covered 

Fig. 37— Imbricated baslcetrj' detail from the 

Thompson River Indians,* British Columbia. . 

After James Teit. Fig. 38 -Coiled basketry with grass foundation. 

with work of this kind, the strips not being over an eighth of an 
inch wide. Mr James Teit ' describes and illustrates this type of 
weaving among the Thompson River Indians of British Columbia, 
who are Sali.shan. The body of the basket is in the root of 
Thuja gigantea, and the ornamentation in strips of Elyvius 
triticoidcs and Prunus deinissa (figure 37). 

/. Grass foundation. — The foundation of this type of basketr>' 
is made up of a small bundle of straws or rushes. The sewing 
may be done with split stems of hardwood, willow, rhus, and the 
like, or, as in the case of the Mission baskets in southern Cali- 
fornia, of the stems of rushes {Juficus acutus), or stiff grass 
[Epicanipes rigidnm). See figure 38 and the cross-section given in 
figure 29 G. In the larger granary baskets of the Pima a bundle 

' Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, Anthropology, i, page 
189, figure 131 a. 



[n. s., 3, 1901 

of straws furnishes the foundation, while the sewing is done with 
broad strips of tough bark, as in figure 39. In the Fuegian coiled 
basketry, of which no figure is given, the sewing is done with 
rushes, but instead of being in the ordinary over-and-over stitch 
it consists of a series of half-hitches or buttonhole stitches. 

Fig. 39 — Coiled work sewed with broad strips 
of tough bark. 

Fig. 40 — Coiled work on shred foundation, from 
the hard parts of yucca leaves. 

Among the basketry belonging to the grass-coil foundation 
type are the Hopi plaques built upon a thick bundle of the 
woody stems of the yuccas, which furnish also the sewing material 
from the split leaf (figure 40). If this be examined in com- 
parison with a style of basketry found in Egypt and in northern 
Africa as far as the Barbary states, great similarity will be 
noticed in the size of the coil, the color of the sewing material, 
the patterns, and the stitches. The suggestion is here made 
that this particular form of workmanship may be due to ac- 
culturation, inasmuch as this type of basketry is confined in 
America to the Hopi pueblos, which were brought very early in 
contact with Spaniards and African slaves. 

Ornamentation in basketry is produced by the use of different 
colored materials, by overlaying, embroidery, dyes, featherwork, 
shells, beads, etc. The technic of decoration and the geographic 
distribution of the forms of technic explained in this paper must 
be reserved for another time. 



Dr Brinton, in his Maya Chronicles, has translated the follow- 
ing passages from the Book of Chilan Balam of Mani : 

. . . in the thirteenth Ahau Ahpula died ; for six years the 
count of the thirteenth Ahau will not be ended ; the count of the year 
was toward the East, the month Pop began with (the day) fourth Kan ; 
the eighteenth day of the month Zip (that is) 9 Ymix, was the day on 
which Ahpula died ; and that the count may be known in numbers and 
years, it was the year 1536. 

And again from the Book of Chilan Balam of Tizimin : 

The thirteenth Ahau ; the death of Ahpulha took place ; it was 
the sixth year when ended the count of the thirteenth Ahau, — the 
count of the year was from the east (the month) Pop passed on the 
fourth Kan ; on the eighteenth of (the month) Zip, 9 Imix was the day 
Ahpulha died ; it was the year 1536. 

In his remarks on these books Dr Brinton says : 

According to the reckoning as it now stands, six complete great 
cycles were counted, and parts of two others, so that the native at the 
time of the Conquest would have had eight great cycles to distinguish 

I have not found any clear explanation how this was accom- 
plished. We do not even know what name was given to this great 
cycle,' nor whether the calendar was sufficiently perfected to prevent 
confusion in dates in the remote past. 

It would seem, however, as if the reckoning of time as given 
in these books is very accurate, fixing a date which would not be 

' It should be noted that the grand cycle, which Dr Brinton refers to, is the period 
of 13 X 7200 days — 93,600 days or 260 periods of 360 days ; while the grand cycle 
according to Goodman's method is 13 x 144,000 days or 5200 periods of 360 days. 

AM. ANTH. N. S. ri — q. 

^^ 129 

130 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

duplicated within a limit of thirty-five hundred or four thousand 

The Books of Chilan Balam number the katuns on a different 
principle from that used on the inscriptions or in the Dresden 
Codex, but the two methods can be readily and usefully brought 
together, as the katun itself remains the same in both methods. 
In the inscriptions the katuns are numbered from O to 19, using 
Goodman's method though not his exact nomenclature, and 
twenty of them equal one cycle. In the Chilan Balam books, the 
katuns are named as Katun 13 Ahau, Katun 11 Ahau, etc., these 
being the days with which they begin or with which the previous 
katun ended ; and as after thirteen katuns the same name is again 
given, this nomenclature fixes a date within a period which equals 
13 multiplied by the number of days in a katun. There has been 
a difference of opinion as to this number of days in a katun, but 
it is clear from the Books of Chilan Balam that their reckoning 
was by terms of 20 x 360 days. The followers of Perez, however, 
insist that the length of the katun was 24 x 365 days. Sr Perez 
has indeed made this assertion,' but he rests his opinion to a great 
degree on the fact that the naming of the katuns proceeded in 
the following order, taking their names from the day Ahau with 
which they began, viz. : 

Katun 13 Ahau, 
Katun II Ahau, 
Katun 9 Ahau, 
Katun 7 Ahau, etc., 

and that by starting with a katun which begins with 13 Ahau and 
counting forward a period of 24 x 365 days, we should reach 
another katun beginning with ii Ahau. But the same result is 
brought about by considering the katun as a period of 20 x 360 
■days, as has been shown by Dr Seler, among others ; and since 
the Books of Chilan Balam state distinctly that they reckon by so 

' Stephens, Incidents of Travelin Yucatan, p. 441 et seq. 

bowditch] memoranda ON THE MAYA CALENDARS I3I 

many scores of so-called years, and as the initial dates of the in- 
scriptions all reckon in the same way, it is now generally consid- 
ered that the katun consisted of 20 x 360 or 7200 days. An 
objection to considering a katun as 20 x 360 days may be raised 
in that the Books of Chilan Balam use the word " ano " or yean 
but this can be easily explained by the fact that the Spanish 
" year " was the period which most nearly agreed with their tun 
or 360-day period, and that the Books did not pretend to speak 
with scientific accuracy. 

Besides the above count, it is well known that the Mayas had 
a year-and-month count. This consisted in naming each one of 
the twenty days and in attaching to each of these days one of the 
numbers i to 13. Besides this, each day so numbered was declared 
to be a given day of a given month and to occur in a year marked 
by one of the year bearers — as for instance in the Book of Chilan 
Balam, already quoted, where the day is given as 9 Ymix 18 Zip 
in the year 4 Kan. Now this day and this year could recur only 
after the lapse of fifty-two years or 18,980 days. 

It should be noted here that in the inscriptions and in the 
Dresden Codex, the day Ymix was always the day 4, 9, 14, or 19 
of any month, showing that the day i of the month was Eznab, 
Akbal, Lamat, or Ben ; while in Landa and the Books of Chilan 
Balam the day Ymix was the day 3, 8, 13, or 18, showing that the 
day I of the month was Cauac, Kan, Muluc, or Ix. That is, 
the months in modern times began with the day which followed the 
day with which the months began in more ancient times. As the 
tables are calculated for the inscriptions, it will be well, in order 
to facilitate our calculations, to call the day on which Ahpula died 
the nineteenth of the month Zip, instead of the eighteenth of 
that month. 

Given that the katun consisted of 7200 days, a Katun 13 Ahau 
could not recur until after the lapse of 13 x 7200 or 93,600 days, 
and the recurrence of any day marked by the year-and-month 
count, and occupying any particular place in a given katun, could 

132 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

not occur, until after the lapse of a period which is found by 
finding the least common multiple of the two numbers 93,600 
and 18,980. This is 6,832,800 days, which is a period of 360 
calendar rounds of 18,980 days or of 52 years each. This is equal 
to 18,720 years, and, in the method of reckoning shown in the 
initial dates of the inscriptions, would equal 3 grand cycles, 
8 cycles, and 9 katuns, or, to use the method of Goodman, 

I have said that a day marked by the year-and-month count, 
and occupying any particular place in a given katun, could not 
recur until the lapse of this long period. This would be true if 
the day was specified as being a given day in a given tun in a 
given katun, or even if the day was stated as falling in a given 
uinal of a given tun in a given katun. But in the case before us 
the death of Ahpula is said to have taken place in the Katun 13 
Ahau when six tuns or years of that katun remained unexpired. 
Even v/ith this rather lodse designation such a day would not 
recur within a period of 3500 or 4000 years. 

The day 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu seems to have been regarded as 
the beginning day of the beginning cycle of some grand cycle. 
From this day all the initial series of the inscriptions of Copan 
and Quirigua, of Piedras Negras and Tikal, so far as we know 
them, count, except one where this day 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu is itself 
given. In this place (on Stela C of Quirigua) 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu is 
reckoned thus: "Grand cycle glyph .", while in the 
Temple of the Cross it is declared to be a thirteenth cycle. 
As this was the beginning date, there is reason to believe that the 
beginning cycle of a great cycle received the number 13. 

I give here the first and last terms of a list of the beginning 
days of the Katuns 13 Ahau in a complete round of 18,720 years 
occurring after the beginning of the grand cycle called by Good- 
man Grand Cycle 54, which began with 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu. It is 
of little consequence what particular number is given to the 
grand cycle, as the whole series forms a continuous count, and I 

bowditch] memoranda ON THE MAYA CALENDARS 


shall therefore follow Goodman, who gives the number 54 to the 
grand cycle glyphs common to Copan, Quirigua, etc. 

If or the beginning of the grand cycle, called 
Grand Cycle 54 by Goodman, begins with 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, a Ka- 
tun 13 Ahau will appear two katuns after this or with the count of 13 Ahau 8 Mol Year 10 Ix, 

and other Katuns 13 Ahau will follow at intervals of 13 katuns as 
here given : 


13 Ahau 8 Pax 


6 Ix. 

I. 8. 

" 3 Xul 

3 Cauac. 

2. I. 

" 3 Kankin 

12 " 

13 Ahau 18 Ceh 

II Kan. 


13 Uo 

8 Muluc. 

7- 5- 

13 Yax 

4 " 


13 Cumhu 

13 " 

57.8.1 1. 0.0.0. 

13 Ahau 8 Mol 

10 Ix. 

But we are seeking a Katun 13 Ahau in which 14 tuns have 
elapsed and of which 6 tuns still remain unexpired. We must, 
therefore, add 14 tuns or 14 x 360 days = 5040 days to each of 
the dates given and we shall then have the following complete 
list of the beginning days of Tun 14 of Katun 13 Ahau for the 
term of 18,720 years: 


9 Ahau 

18 Zotz 

II Kan. 


18 Ceh 

7 Kan. 

I. 8. 

13 Uo 

4 Muluc. 

2. I. 

13 Yax 

13 Muluc. 


13 Cumhu 

9 Muluc. 

3- 7- 

8 Mol 


4. 0. 

8 Pax 

2 Ix. 


3 Xul 

12 Cauac. 

5. 6. 

3 Kankin 

8 Cauac. 


18 Zip 

5 Kan. 


18 Zac 

I Kan. 

7- 5- 

13 Pop 

II Muluc. 



[n. s., 3, 1901 



8.11. 14.0.0. 

9. 4. 



11. 3. 


12. 9. 




I. 8. 

2. I. 


3- 7- 

4. 0. 


5- 6. 



7- 5- 



9. 4- 


1 1. 






















13 Chen 
13 Kayab 

8 Yaxkin 

8 Muan 

3 Tzec 

3 Mac 
18 Uo 
18 Yax 
18 Cumhu 

13 Mol 
13 Pax 

8 Xul 

8 Kankin 

3 Zotz 

3 Ceh 
18 Pop 
18 Chen 
18 Kayab 
13 Yaxkin 
13 Muan 

8 Tzec 

8 Mac 

3 Zip 

3 Zac 

3 Uayeb 
18 Mol 
18 Pax 
13 Xul 
13 Kankin 

8 Zotz 

8 Ceh 


3 Yax 

3 Cumhu 
18 Yaxkin 
18 Muan 
13 Tzec 
13 Mac 

8 Zip 

7 Muluc. 

3 Muluc. 
13 Ix. 

9 Ix. 
6 Cauac. 
2 Cauac. 
12 Kan. 

8 Kan. 

4 Kan. 

I Muluc. 

10 Muluc. 



13 Cauac, 

9 Cauac. 

6 Kan. 

2 Kan. 

II Kan. 

8 Muluc. 

4 Muluc. 

I Ix. 

10 Ix. 

7 Cauac. 

3 Cauac. 

12 Cauac. 
9 Kan. 

5 Kan. 

2 Muluc. 

11 Muluc. 

8 Ix. 

4 Ix. 

1 Cauac. 
10 Cauac. 

6 Cauac. 

3 Kan. 

12 Kan. 

9 Muluc. 

5 Muluc. 

2 Ix, 




■ 5- 







1 1. 













, 0. 












1 1. 



8 Zac 

II Ix. 

3 Pop 

8 Cauac. 

3 Chen 

4 Cauac. 

3 Kayab 

13 Cauac. 

18 Xul 

10 Kan. 

18 Kankin 

6 Kan. 

13 Zotz 

3 Muluc, 


12 Muluc. 

8 Uo 

9 Ix. 

8 Yax 


8 Cumhu 

I Ix. 

3 Mol 

II Cauac. 

3 Pax 

7 Cauac. 

18 Tzec 

4 Kan. 

18 Mac 

13 Kan. 

13 Zip 

10 Muluc. 

13 Zac 

6 Muluc. 

8 Pop 


8 Chen 

12 Ix. 

8 Kayab 

8 Ix. 

3 Yaxkin 

5 Cauac. 

3 Muan 

I Cauac. 

18 Zotz 

II Kan. 

The only places where a year 4 Kan appears are at the dates 

55.13.' 9 Ahau 18 Cumhu Year 4 Kan, and 

57. 2. 14. 14.0.0. 9 Ahau 18 Tzec Year 4 Kan. 

But as the words used are that 6 years (or tuns) remained before 
the end of the katun, and as a slightly longer time than just 6 
tuns may have remained, and as the month Zip in which the 
death of Ahpula occurred is the third month of the year and so 
is near the beginning of the year 4 Kan, it is quite possible that 
the beginning of the Tun 14 may have been in the latter part of 

' It is necessary to remember that, by Goodman's methods, these figures represent 
periods of past time. Thus the number 2 of the katun means that 2 katuns have 
passed, and that the current katun is what we should call the third ; and that o.o 
means that a full count of uinals and kins has occurred and that the current uinal 
and kin are what we should call the first. 

136 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

the preceding year, in which case, in addition to the preceding 
dates, the following date might be the one which we are seeking: 

55. 9. 1 7. 14.0.0. 9 Ahau 3 Zac Year 3 Cauac. 

As 9 Ymix 19 Zip is said to be in the year 4 Kan, we shall find 
this date before the dates of the beginning of Tun 14 in the first 
two cases and after the beginning of Tun 14 in the last case. 
This date of 9 Ymix 19 Zip will then be numbered thus, placing 
the three dates in consecutive order : 

i) 55.13. 2.13. 3. I. 6 tuns 299 days to end of Katun 13 Ahau. 

2) 55- 9-I7-I4-II- I- 5 139 

3) 57- 2. 14.13. 16. I. 6 39 

In no one of the cases is the date 9 Ymix 19 Zip exactly 6 tuns 
before the end of the Katun 13 Ahau, but it is possible that the 
annalist took no account of fractions of tuns, either in excess of 
the 6 tuns or otherwise. Thus in the first and last cases of 
the three, as first given, he may have said to himself, " There are 
but 6 whole tuns remaining of the katun and I will call it 6," or 
in the second case he may have said : " There are 5 tuns remaining 
and 139 days besides ; I will call it 6 tuns." Whichever was the 
plan he followed, we can have at present no means of ascertaining 
except from the results which we obtain by calculation. 

The date found on Stela 9 of Copan, which is the earliest date 
of these stelse of that place, in which the numbers preceding the 
period glyphs are given by the line-and-dot method, is 
This precedes the above dates by the following periods : 

i) 3.1. = 548,341 days = 1,502 years iii days. 

2) = 1,952,861 " = 5,350 " 14 

3) 2.6. 8.3. 16. 1 =4,667,001 " = 12,786 '' III 

If, now, we accept the first date of 5 5.1 3.2.1 3.3.1. as the date of 
Ahpula's death, we shall have the date of Stela 9 of Copan as 
A.D. 34, since the death occurred in 1536. If we accept the second 


date, 55.9.17. 14.1 1. 1., as the true one, Stela 9 must represent a 
date of B.C. 3814, and in the case of the third date, 
in which the period to elapse to the end of Katun 13 Ahau is the 
nearest to an exact 6 tuns, we should throw back Copan to 
B.C. 1 1,250. It is not probable, however, that either of the last two 
dates is correct, both because of the immense time which would 
have elapsed and because the monuments show signs of no such 
age. We are therefore left to the date A.D. 34 as the probable 
date of the earliest stela of Copan which we know of at present. 

The following table gives the earliest and latest dates in Copan 
and Quirigua as far as we know them, together with the dates of 
our calendar corresponding thereto, on the supposition that the 
above date is rightly deciphered : 

Copan : Stela 9, 9. a.d. 34. 

" N, = 197 years later than a.d. 34 a.d. 231. 

Quirigua : " C, 9. i. 0.0.0 = 108 -\- " earlier '' " say B.C. 75. 

'' K, = 241 + " later '* " a.d. 275. 

If this is correct, Copan lasted, so far as the erection of stelae 
is concerned, for about 200 years, and Quirigua for about 350 years, 
though of course this may be only a small part of the period of 
their existence. 

The above calculations have been made on the supposition 
that the initial dates record the date of the erection of the stel^, 
and on the further supposition, as has been stated, that the same 
principle of calculating time has been continued from the earliest 
ages. There is, however, some evidence that a change has been 
made, at least in detail. It has already been seen that the begin- 
ning day of the month has been shifted from the Eznab, Akbal 
series to the Cauac, Kan series of days. What difference this 
would have made in the relation of the year-and-month count 
with the long count it is impossible to say without knowing the 
means used to effect the change ; but it is quite likely that this 
relation was not affected. In the Book of Chilan Balam of Mani 

138 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

is the entry : " The Thirteenth Ahau ; then Pop was counted in 
order." And in the Book of Chilan Balam of Chumayel we find, 
" The Thirteenth Ahau ; Pop was set in order." This statement 
occurs in the early part of the chronicle, and the calculation of 
the Ahaus goes on after it in exactly the same way as before 
it. This setting in order of Pop would not then seem to have 
made any difference in the long count. At least it is very prob- 
able that it means merely that the seasons and the calendar were 
made to agree. 

Dr Brinton {Maya Chronicles, p. 85) also gives a translation of 
a part of the Codice Perez, which refers to the " Doubling of the 
Katuns." The statement is very obscure, but only tends to 
show that while the counting of the katuns was carried on as 
in the Books of Chilan Balam, the first of the series was called 
Katun 8 Ahau instead of Katun 13 Ahau, while the last of the 
series was Katun 10 Ahau. This would not necessarily change 
the consecutive order of the katuns, but might merely give a new 

While, therefore, it is impossible to say what change, if any, 
was made in the reckoning of time, it may be said that there 
is no evidence at present to show that the old relation of the long 
count to the year-and-month count and to the count of the Books 
of Chilan Balam did not continue to the time of the arrival of 
the Spaniards. Moreover, the date of A.D, 34 for the monuments 
of Copan and Quirigua is by no means unlikely to be the true 
one. At all events the above discussion of the reckoning will 
not be useless if it succeeds in bringing out new facts, and no one 
will be more ready to recognize any new evidence than I shall be, 
even if the above deductions shall be shown to be erroneous. 





No one can read the story of Darwin's life without being 
impressed with the frequent allusions to his ill health. In his 
Autobiography, in the Reminiscences written by his son, and in the 
collection of his letters these allusions are met with on almost 
every page. From the three sources mentioned I have abstracted 
forty-two pages of type-written matter which refer directly to this 
subject. The following quotation from the Reniiniscenccs is a full 
and very clear statement of the state of Darwin's health : 

If the character of my father's working life is to be understood, the 
conditions of ill health under which he worked must be constantly 
borne in mind. He bore his illness with such uncomplaining patience, 
that even his children can hardly, I believe, realize the extent of his 
habitual suffering. In their case the difficulty is heightened from the 
fact that from the days of their earliest recollections they saw him in 
constant ill health. . . . It is, I repeat, a principal feature of his 
life, that for nearly forty years he never knew one day of health of or- 
dinary men, and thus his life was one long struggle of the weariness and 
strain of sickness. 

Darwin's letters to his scientific friends are full of references 
to persistent suffering and to the interruptions and delays that 
were caused by continued illness. The above extract, with others 
which the limits of this paper will not permit me to quote, show 
the continuity and extent of these sufferings from the year 1836, 
the date of his arrival in London after the Beagle voyage, until 
his death on April 19, 1882, a period of forty-six years. The 



story of these years is one of intense application to work and of 
unremitting suffering, and it was while reading the Autobiography 
that I became anxious to know the nature of this illness that 
lasted nearly half a century, an illness so severe as to make life a 
burden and yet which did not shorten life nor prevent the comple- 
tion of the great work which made Darwin's name immortal. 

Various opinions have been expressed by the friends of Dar- 
win as to the nature of his illness. His continued sufferings were 
said to have been the result of prolonged seasickness and of in- 
herited dyspepsia, but no rational or complete diagnosis of his 
disease with an explanation of its causes is on record. To give 
a name to the assemblage of symptoms so fully described in the 
Autobiography and the Reminiscences is the object of this paper. 

HISTORY OF Darwin's illness 

From the quotation given above it is clear that Darwin was ill 
and suffering during the whole of his working life, and especially 
during that period of it in which his best work was accomplished. 
But before attempting a diagnosis of his illness it is necessary, of 
course, to know something of its history and to study the charac- 
ter of the symptoms distinguishing it. 

In early life Darwin was strong, much given to outdoor life 
and in the latter part of his school days passionately fond of 
shooting. " I don't believe," he says, " that any one could have 
shown more zeal for the most holy cause than I did for shooting 
birds." His father told him that " he cared for nothing but shoot- 
ing, dogs, and rat catching." 

His strong constitution and large frame he inherited from his 
father's family, which he most closely resembled. His grand- 
father, Dr Erasmus Darwin, died at 71, his father, also a physician, 
at 82, bequeathing to their descendant a tendency to long life. 
From them, too, he no doubt received in part at least the great 
brain capacity to which all his portraits bear witness. 

By his unappreciative teachers he was considered an ordinary 



boy, though he " had strong and diverse tastes, much zeal for 
what interested him, and a keen pleasure in understanding any 
complex subject or thing." Natural objects interested him most, 
and this fact, perhaps, as well as the influence of father and 
family sent him to Edinburgh to study medicine. Attendance 
upon two very severe operations from which he rushed before 
their completion convinced him that he could never be a physician. 
This discouragement was hardly justifiable, and yet it is fortunate 
for science that his life was not confined to a strictly professional 

The taking of clerical orders was considered by his father next 
best to the practice of medicine, and he was sent to Cambridge to 
start afresh and to make preparatory studies with this in view. 
" Here," he says, " the time as far as academical studies were con- 
cerned was as thoroughly wasted as at school and in Edinburgh." 
No pursuit was followed with half the eagerness and none gave 
him so much pleasure as collecting beetles, and his studies for 
the ministry made little headway. 

The three years at Cambridge were, he thought, the most joy- 
ous of his life because " he was in excellent health and always in 
high spirits." Up to this time there had been no sign of ill 
health ; his brain had not been taxed, and with the exception of 
collecting beetles and shooting birds he had done little serious 

To those, however, who could appreciate him he had already 
shown the promise of his mind, and to Professor Henslow, who 
recommended him for the position of naturalist to H.M.S. Beagle 
on her projected voyage of study and discovery, is due the honor 
of having launched Darwin upon his career. Captain Fitzroy's 
objection to the shape of Darwin's nose was not allowed to stand 
in the way, and after some little hesitation the young man ac- 
cepted the appointment and took the most important step of his 

It was at Plymouth, while waiting, much depressed in mind, 

142 AMERICA A' ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

for the sailing of his ship, that the earhest symptoms in the long 
train which followed him through life first appeared. These 
symptoms were palpitation and pain about the heart. He was 
then 22 years of age, and it is easy to understand how, at this age, 
the mingled feelings of excitement and gloom on leaving home 
should have caused such nervous disturbances. He thought, how- 
ever, that he had disease of the heart, but because he " expected 
to hear the verdict that he was not fit for the voyage," he would 
not see a physician. His ambition *' to take a fair place among 
scientific men " urged him to go at all hazards and he sailed for 
South America two days after Christmas day, 1831. 

During this voyage of five years we have no knowledge of 
Darwin's health except from himself, and his journal contains but 
few references to the subject. He speaks of being ill, of occa- 
sionally feeling so exhausted as to be compelled to rest, but there 
is no definite statement of symptoms. His power of endurance 
was evidently very great at this time, and it is mentioned by his 
son that, on the occasion of a shore excursion when all were 
suffering for want of water, Darwin " was one of the two who 
were better able than the rest to struggle on in search of it." 

His son alludes to only one serious illness in South America. In 
this attack Darwin said that every secretion of the body was af- 
fected, but the symptoms were so ill-defined that his father, Dr 
Darwin, could not make a guess as to their nature. 

The voyage began December 27, 1 831, and ended on October 2, 
1836. During the two years and three months between this latter 
date and his marriage in 1839, ^^ ^^^ occasionally unwell. From 
his marriage until the date of his leaving London, a period of nearly 
three years, he had frequently recurring illnesses, one of them long 
and serious. He was losing ground year by year, and a geological 
excursion in Wales was the last that he had the strength to make. 
Increasing weakness, the inability to meet his scientific friends, 
to attend society meetings, and at the same time to carry out his 
plan of scientific work made him take the resolution to leave 


London forever and to live in the country. This decision, next 
in importance to the Beagle voyage, had the most far-reaching influ- 
ence on his Hfe. Out of it grew the ability to complete The Origin 
of Species and the rest of his marvelous contributions to science. 

The symptoms that appeared after settling at Down, his country 
home, are more characteristic than any before described in the 
Autobiography . They followed the excitement of receiving and 
conversing with friends and consisted of violent shivering with 
vomiting and giddiness. At times he was so giddy as to need an 
alpenstock to steady him even in the house. He was very sensi- 
tive to both heat and cold; if anything went wrong with his work 
he would complain of a sense of oppression from heat. 

Insomnia was one of the most constant and most distressing 
of his symptoms. This varied with circumstances — " half an hour 
more or less conversation would make to him the difference of a 
sleepless night and of the loss perhaps of half the day's work." 
" He often lay awake or sat up in bed for hours, suffering much 
discomfort from the activity of his thoughts . . . his mind 
working at some problem which he would willingly have dis- 
missed." Any departure from the regular routine of his life upset 
him, and he paid the penalty of suffering for every infraction of 
his self-ordered regime. " Anything that flurries me knocks me 
up afterwards and brings on a violent palpitation of the heart " — 
he wrote to a friend. 

The early morning was the only time when he could make any 
exertion. "Towards evening his step was slow and labored, and 
mounting the steps was an effort." 

Darwin soon learned to know that for increasing suffering there 
was but one remedy — a complete abandonment of all writing and 
absence from home and study. Thus began the habit of taking 
holidays. When about to leave home the making ready and the 
anticipation of the journey caused "a miserable, sinking feeling" 
that gave great disquiet but passed away as soon as the journey 
was begun. 

144 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

As the years went by all invitations were refused ; social life 
was practically given up and he rarely felt well enough to receive 
visits from scientific friends. 

The allusions in his diary to the condition of bad health in- 
creased with the years and the holidays became longer and more 
frequent. In the earlier years fluctuations occurred, and at times 
he speaks of gaining ground, but by 1846 he was usually hopeless 
and much depressed by continued sleeplessness, indigestion, and 
prostration. By 1852 he rarely ever went to London, and during 
the succeeding years he was never free for a day from suffering. 
In 1859 h^ wrote that his health had "quite failed," that he had 
great prostration of mind and body, bad headaches, with frequent 
attacks of acute exhaustion ; his work is spoken of as a burden from 
which he would gladly be freed. He was then often confined to 
the house for weeks at a time ; he suspected that he would soon 
entirely fail and believed that he must husband the little strength 
left in order to finish his work. Everything unusual disturbed 
him ; a conversation of two and a half hours with his nephew made 
him ill half the night. In 1863 he wrote that he had been very 
busy and uncomfortable from a feeling of fulness, slight pain, and 
tickling about the heart. These symptoms with those previously 
described continued during i860, 1861, and 1863. In 1864 appears 
the entry, " 111 all January, February, March." 

There is very little doubt that these casual allusions to illness 
during these 27 years do not give an exaggerated picture of the 
suffering endured. Nor does the calm and well-balanced mind of 
Darwin justify the belief that the symptoms were imaginary, that 
he was simply an intellectual hypochondriac, distorting his feel- 
ings and creating pain where none existed. There is the positive 
testimony of his son that he suffered from insomnia, vertigo, an 
abnormal sensibility to heat and cold, dizziness, vomiting, sensa- 
tions of distress about the heart, chronic indigestion, and prostra- 
tion chiefly affecting the nervous system after mental strain. 
Monotony benefited him; unusual excitement broke him down. 


His symptoms bore a close relation to the amount and character 
of his work ; overwork or a long continuance of moderate work 
made him ill ; rest from work made him better. But there was 
no radical improvement at any time; the changes for the better 
were only temporary ; and he was pursued during the 27 years by 
a feeling of hopelessness and the dread that he would not live to 
finish the great task he had set himself to do. It is, however, a 
significant fact that he did live, not wasting much, preserving a 
fair amount of nutrition as his pictures show, and working with 
undiminished ardor and success during all this time. 

The year 1864 was marked by a temporary improvement ; but 
the change was without much effect on his despondency, as in this 
year he wrote : " I wonder so old a wornout dog as I am is not quite 
forgotten." The following year began with less ill health, for he 
seems to have given himself up to a greater degree of rest from 
work than before. From April to December he did practically 
no work with the exception of looking over The Origin of Species 
for a second French edition. 

Through 1866 his health improved and in 1867 he wrote that 
he had rested and felt more himself. In this year he was busy 
with The Descent of Man, a work that exhibits the greatest in- 
dustry and the fulness of his genius, and yet he was far from 
well, for on a visit to London he failed to keep half his engage- 
ments and was confined to the house for some time. On a visit 
to Wales in the same year he was ill and saddened because of his 
inability to wander over the hills as he had once done. He 
wrote a friend at this time : " I have been as yet in a very poor 
way ; it seems as soon as the stimulus of mental work stops my 
whole strength gives way. As yet I have hardly crawled half a mile 
from the house, and then have been fearfully fatigued. It is enough 
to make one wish oneself quiet in a comfortable tomb." This is the 
story of the next two years. In June, 1870, he wrote that he had 
been better of late. In the next year he speaks of discomforts and 
miseries and of the inability to hear even much reading aloud. 

AM. ANTH. N.S., 3 — lO. 

14^ AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

Darwin was now, in 1872, sixty-three years of age. For the 
first time since the beginning of his illness a marked change for 
the better appeared, and during the last ten years of his life — 
from 1872 to 1882 — "the condition of his health was a cause of 
satisfaction and hope to his family." His health showed signs of 
amendment in several particulars. There was less distress and 
discomfort, and he was able to work more steadily. It is a fair 
conclusion that this improvement was in great part due to the 
wise counsel of Sir Andrew Clark, who was at this time frequently 
consulted. His son says : " It was not only for the generously 
rendered service that my father felt a debt of gratitude towards 
Sir Andrew Clark. He owed to his cheering personal influence 
an often repeated encouragement, which latterly added something 
real to his happiness, and he found sincere pleasure in Sir Andrew's 
friendship and kindness towards himself and his children." 

These last years were marked, then, by a general improve- 
ment. Work was continued intermittently. The symptoms con- 
nected with the nervous system were less distressing, but there 
was a certain loss of physical vigor with more frequent attacks of 
pain or uneasiness about the heart. He speaks at this time of 
the wearisomeness of life and of approaching death. On the 13th 
of December, 1881, he had the first of a series of attacks of 
angina pectoris. Irregularity of the pulse followed with attacks 
of faintness. In April, 1882, these symptoms were aggravated, 
and fainting attacks, from which he recovered with difficulty, re- 
<:urred. During the night of the i8th there was a severe attack 
•of this kind. He recognized the approach of death and said, " I 
am not in the least afraid to die." After much suffering from 
nausea and faintness death came on the next day, April 19, 1882. 
He was in his seventy-fourth year. 

The life of Darwin can be divided into four periods, each one 
characterized by a different condition of health : 

I. From birth to the age of 22. He was at this time in 


excellent health, active-minded with keen sensibilities, devoted to 
outdoor life and exercise. 

2. From the age of 22 to 27 — the period covered by the 
Beagle voyage. He was then strong, capable of bearing great 
physical fatigue, but taxing his mental and physical endurance 
to the utmost. Rare and sudden illnesses occurred, brought on 
by unusual strain on mind and body. 

3. From his return to England in 1836 to 1872. This period 
of thirty-six years represents the time of his most severe suffering 
and of the accomplishment of the greatest part of his work ; 
there were fluctuations, but he was never well. 

4. From 1872 to 1882. A notable improvement in the 

nervous symptoms which had made life miserable and work dif^- 

cult marked this period. He was less despondent, worked more 

easily, and we do not read of the distressing insomnia, exhaustion 

from conversation, indigestion, and other causes of suffering so 

frequently mentioned in the preceding years. At this time he 

developed new symptoms, however, which took the place of those 

enumerated. These were clearly due to atheromatous and senile 

changes in the heart and vessels. With advancing years, angina 

pectoris and accompanying cardiac exhaustion led to his death in 


CAUSES OF Darwin's ill health 

I. Tlie Voyage of the Beagle. — The voyage of the Beagle was 
the real beginning of Darwin's intellectual life. It awakened new 
and exciting interest in a new and congenial sphere and aroused 
all the dormant energy of his strong mind. No one can read his 
jfournal of Researches without realizing how great was his mental 
activity during those five years and how intensely he was stimu- 
lated by his new and vast experience. He was here brought face 
to face with all the physical and biological problems of the day 
and he had leisure to ponder on every phase of the phenomena 
observed, free from the distractions of society and from the in- 
fluence of other minds. All the conditions then existed most 

148 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, igoi 

favorable to the formation of habits of original thought, and The 
Origin of Species first saw light in the cabin of the Beagle. 

The exercise of his mind, however, was not with Darwin al- 
together along normal lines ; it was the inherent tendency of his 
nature to overstrain his faculties. His work on the Beagle was 
always overwork ; his nervous system was always inevitably and 
unavoidably overtaxed. 

As the naturalist of the expedition all the work in botany, 
zoology, and geology fell upon him. The range of his work was 
therefore very wide and very exacting ; it was his part to collect 
specimens connected with all these departments, to keep full 
notes of all phenomena observed, to work with the microscope, 
and to study the countries and peoples visited. A very severe 
task this was for a young man of 22 to 25 years ; how well he 
profited by his opportunities his Journal of Researches and his 
after life show. 

Besides the mental overstrain involved in such work there were 
the wear and tear of the physical discomforts of ship life with the 
fatigue of long land journeys and the exposure to the influence of 
heat and cold in many different climates. Admiral Lord Stokes, 
who as a midshipman was one of the Beagle ship's company, 
wrote in 1883 : 

Perhaps no one can better testify to his early and most trying labors 
than myself. We worked together for several years at the same table 
in the poop cabin of the Beagle, during her celebrated voyage, he with 
his microscope and myself at the charts. It was often a very lively end 
of the little craft, and distressingly so to my old friend who suffered 
greatly from sea-sickness. After perhaps an hour's work he would say 
to me, " Old fellow, I must take the horizontal for it," that being the 
best relief position from ship motion ; a stretch out on one side of the 
table for some time would enable him to resume his labors for a while, 
when he had again to lie down. It was distressing to witness this early 
sacrifice of Mr Darwin's health, who afterwards seriously felt the ill 
effect of the Beagle's voyage. 

The physical fatigue to which Darwin subjected himself when 


on shore at the various ports where the Beagle stopped was very 
great ; his incessant activity and the desire to see and know 
everything impelled him to take long journeys which often in- 
volved very great hardships. From Rio he started on a horseback 
journey of a hundred miles; ten hours were sometimes passed in 
the saddle without rest, and he arrived at the end thoroughly ex- 
hausted with hunger and fatigue. In the same month he rode 
seventy miles, and in the next month made a journey of eighty 
miles. Food was difficult to obtain in traveling through this 
sparsely-settled country, and he often suffered from hunger. In 
the following year he rode four hundred miles on horseback 
through an uninhabited country to Buenos Ayres, climbing rugged 
mountains, exposed to cold and wet, and living for days on meat 
alone. Seven days after the completion of this journey he began 
an excursion to Santa Fe, three hundred miles distant. At the 
end of six days he arrived at his destination, went to bed with 
headache, and was not well enough to continue. 

Every opportunity was seized to climb high mountains, visit 
distant localities of interest, and to study the general features of 
the fauna and flora of every country. At one time he traveled 
for three hundred miles in an open boat off Tierra del Fuego, but 
he was always stimulated to increased activity, he says, by the 
novelty of objects and the chance of achieving success. It was 
this enthusiasm that urged him during the five years of absence 
to bear every discomfort and to strain every energy to the 

It is a curious coincidence that, like two other leaders of sci- 
ence, Charles Darwin and Joseph Dalton Hooker, their close 
friend Huxley began his scientific career on board one of Her 
Majesty's ships. Huxley writes : 

Life on board Her Majesty's ships in those days was a very differ- 
ent affair from what it is now, and ours was exceptionally rough, as we 
were often many months without receiving letters or seeing any civil- 
ized peoples besides ourselves. . . . But apart from experiences of 

150 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

this kind the opportunities afforded for scientific work, to me person- 
ally, the cruise was exceedingly valuable. It was good for me to live 
under sharp discipline ; to be down on the realities of existence by living 
on bare necessities ; to find out how extremely well worth living life 
seemed to be when one woke up from a night's rest on a soft plank, 
with the sky tor canopy, and cocoa and weevilly biscuit the sole pros- 
pect for breakfast ; and more especially, to learn to work for the sake 
of what I got for myself out of it, even if all went to the bottom and I 
with it. 

The effect of these hardships upon health was quite different 
in the case of the two men, Huxley and Darwin. 

2. Continued Work after the Beagle Voyage. — The discomforts, 
fatigues, and mental overstrain of the Beagle voyage can fairly be 
set down as the initial cause of Darwin's subsequent invalidism. 
Were these causes sufificient to produce such a train of serious and 
long-continued symptoms ? A closer examination of the details 
of Darwin's life with the clues here given will convince the most 
doubting that when he landed in England his nervous system was 
exhausted and that he was in need of immediate and prolonged 
rest and recuperation. But he took no such rest. On arriving in 
London he at once began a life which he speaks of as the most 
active he had ever spent, when he worked " as hard as he possibly 
could " although interrupted by frequently recurring illnesses and 
one long and serious illness. The state of impaired health was 
now firmly established. From this time the initial causes were 
continued in the persistent overstrain to which he subjected 
himself. Although conscious of weariness, he continued to tax 
his nervous system to the utmost, and even beyond its strength. 
The necessary result of all this was to multiply many times the 
original acquired exhaustion and to create a condition that was 
permanent and from which he never fully recovered. 

To give some idea of the sufificiency of the causes in Darwin's 
life after his return, to cause the symptoms that have been 
enumerated, I will briefly mention some of the work done by him. 

He began almost immediately in July, 1837, having returned 


in October, 1836, to take notes in relation to the origin of species, 
and this work was continued uninterruptedly for the next twenty 
years. He began the book on Coral Reefs which caused him 
twenty months of hard work. He also, while residing in London, 
read papers before the Geological Society on the Erratic Boul- 
ders of South America, on Earthquakes, and on the Formation of 
Mould by the Agency of Earth Worms. He superintended also the 
publication of the Zoology of the Voyage of the Beagle. His three 
geological books. Coral Reefs included, "consumed four and a 
half years of steady work." After reaching Down he began work 
on the subject of Cirripedia ; this work, in two thick volumes 
and two thin quartos, required eight years to finish. Two years 
of the eight, however, were lost by illness. From September, 
1854, he devoted his whole time to collecting and arranging notes 
on the origin of species and to reading books, journals, and trans- 
actions bearing on the subject. In November, 1859, was pub- 
lished TJie Origin of Species ; this book cost him, he says, thirteen 
months and ten days of hard labor. During this and the follow- 
ing five years he published seven papers on botanical subjects. 
One paper alone required four months of work. The Variation 
of Animals and Plants under Domestication appeared in 1868 and 
cost him, he says, four years and two months of hard labor. The 
Descent of Man was published in February, 1871 ; this book took 
him three years to write, constant interruptions occurring from ill 
health and from the frequent demands for new editions and 
minor works. 

During his lifetime Darwin was the author of twenty-three 
distinct and important works. This does not include new editions 
and reviews nor the works which he edited and superintended 
through the press. He also published fifty-one papers and com- 
munications to scientific journals. Nine books by other authors 
contain contributions by him. 

Week-days and Sundays were alike ; there was no break in the 
regularity of his life. The pains he took in the preparation of his 

152 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

manuscript was remarkable ; composition was not easy with him, 
and everything was prepared in the rough and then rewritten and 
the style and phraseology corrected. 

Besides the collecting of material and the writing of books he 
was in constant correspondence with friends, men of science all 
over the world, and with all sorts and conditions of men to obtain 
information to help him in solving the question of the transmuta- 
tion of species. This correspondence involved much fatigue and 
required much of his time. 

Those who have read The Origin of Species, The Descent of 
Man, or TJie Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals can 
appreciate the time and labor spent by Darwin in the accumulation 
of facts by extensive reading, correspondence, and observation. 


Much light is thrown on the nature of Darwin's illness by the 
enforced remedial measures that were adopted by himself in order 
to enable him to continue his work and to prevent a complete 
breakdown. There is also something to be learned from the effect 
of the treatment suggested by physicians. 

During Darwin's residence of three years and eight months in 
London he worked very hard, as has been stated, completing his 
book on Coral Reefs, reading extensively, and preparing papers 
on various scientific subjects; the systematic collecting of facts 
bearing upon the origin of species was also continued. He also 
went into general society, attended as regularly as he could the 
meetings of several scientific bodies, and acted as secretary to the 
Geological Society. This exacting work and especially the de- 
mands of ordinary social life had so bad an effect upon his health 
that he decided to abandon London and live in the country. 
Very little is known as to what part a physician's advice played 
in this important decision, but from the fact that about this time 
he consulted Sir Andrew Clark, who advised complete rest from 


work, it is probable that the removal to the country was a measure 
of compromise, securing a certain amount of rest and freedom 
from many fatiguing obligations with the ability to continue his 
projected task. At Down he escaped all the social distractions 
and interruptions that must have worn upon him so much in city 
life. There was very little real gain, however, from the change. 
He adopted a daily routine, and made an effort to go a little into 
society and to receive friends, but the more serious nervous dis- 
turbances that have been spoken of soon appeared. One thing 
after another in his social life was given up — dinner parties, the 
visits of friends, and excursions to London — so that finally his 
life became devoted to scientific work only, which, to use his own 
words, was " his chief enjoyment and sole employment." 

The increase of weakness and sleeplessness with other nervous 
symptoms and their relation to the number of hours spent in 
work convinced Darwin that he could not keep up his early habits 
of work, and that in order to preserve a minimum amount of 
health it would be necessary to reduce the number of hours given 
to writing. Acting upon this idea he began the habit, which he 
continued throughout the remainder of his life, of devoting not 
more than two to four hours daily to actual work in his library. 
His son gives the following description of his father's daily routine : 

He rose early chiefly because he could not lie in bed, and I think he 
would have liked to get up earlier than he did. He took a short turn 
before breakfast. . . . After breakfast alone about 7:45, he went 
to work at once, considering the one and a half hour between 8 and 
9:30 one of his best working times. At 9:30 he came into the drawing 
room for his letters — rejoicing if the post was a light one and being 
sometimes much worried if it was not. He would then hear any family 
letters read aloud as he lay on the sofa. 

The reading aloud, which also included part of a novel, lasted un- 
til half past ten, when he went back to work until twelve or a quarter 
past. By this time he considered his day's work over and would often 
say, in a satisfied voice, " I 've done a good day's work." He then 
went out of doors whether it was wet or fine. 

The midday walk began by a call at the greenhouse ; then he went 

154 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, iqoi 

on for his constitutional — either round the sand-walk or outside his own 
grounds in the immediate neighborhood of the house. . . . He 
took as many turns as he felt the strength for. . . . Luncheon at 
Down came after his midday walk. . . . After his lunch he read 
the newspaper, lying on the sofa in the drawing room. ... I think 
the paper was the only non-scientific matter that he read to himself. 
Everything else . . . was read aloud to him. 

After he had read his paper came his time for writing letters. . 
When letters were finished about three in the afternoon, he rested in 
his bed room lying on the sofa smoking a cigarette and listening to a 
novel or other book not scientific. . . . The reading aloud often 
sent him to sleep. . . . He came down at 4 o'clock to dress for his 
walk and he was so regular that one might be quite was with- 
in a few minutes of four, when his descending steps were heard. 

From half past four to half past five, he worked ; then he came to 
the drawing room and was idle until it was time (about 6) to go up for 
another rest with novel reading and a cigarette. 

Latterly he gave up late dinner and had a simple tea at half past 
seven. . . . with an egg or a small piece of meat. . . . After 
dinner he played backgammon with my mother, two games being played 
every night. . . . He became extremely animated over these games, 
bitterly lamenting his bad luck and exploding with exaggerated mock 
anger at my mother's good fortune. After backgammon he read 
some scientific book to himself and afterwards there was some reading 

He became much tired in the evening, especially of late years. He 
left the drawing room about ten, going to bed at half past ten. The 
restless nights which followed have already been described. 

I have quoted in full this record of Darwin's daily routine, as 
it shows that he lived always under a modified form of rest treat- 
ment, just such as is now advised for cases like his. 

The day's program was as follows : 7:45, breakfast ; 8 to 9:30, 
work in his study; 9:30 to 10:30, rest in the recumbent position 
with reading aloud; 10:30 to 12, work in his study; 12 to 12:30, 
short walk out of doors; 12:30, luncheon; 1:30 to 2, rest in the 
recumbent position ; 2 to 3, writing of letters ; 3 to 4, rest lying 
down in bedroom, with reading aloud and sleep ; 4 to 4:30, a short 
walk out of doors; 4:30 to 5:30, work in his study ; 6 to 7, rest in 


bedroom and reading aloud ; 7, simple supper; 8 to 10, in draw- 
ing room, games, reading, etc.; 10:30, in bed. 

These rules, it will be seen, allow five hours to what may be 
called work, including letter-writing, this being divided into four 
periods of an hour to an hour and a half in length ; there were 
three and a half to four hours of rest during the day, lying down, 
the time being divided into four periods of about one hour each. 
There were two short outings of one hour or an hour and a half 
in the morning and about the same time in the afternoon. Eight 
hours and a half were spent in bed at night. 

I have no doubt that this well-ordered routine was the out- 
come of many a painful experience. Darwin, we may be sure, 
discovered early that the alternation of work and complete rest was 
essential to the prosecution of his studies. The problem was how a 
man suffering with such symptoms could best continue an arduous 
life of intense mental application during the many years necessary 
to complete a great task. Darwin certainly solved the problem ; 
the task was completed in spite of suffering and exhaustion. 

If this rule of life, which was the means by which he suc- 
ceeded, was the result of his own decision, it is only another evi- 
dence of his good judgment; if it was the advice of a physician, 
he must have had a wise counsellor. 

Something should be said of certain subsidiary parts of treat- 
ment made use of by Darwin — his diversions, holidays, etc. 
Novel-reading was his great recreation during the hours of rest ; 
even to advanced age he never tired of romances. "A novel," 
he says in his Autobiography, " according to my taste does not 
come into the first class unless it contains some person whom one 
can thoroughly love, and if a pretty woman all the better." The 
conservation of this taste for novels is strange inasmuch as he lost 
during the latter years of his life all love for poetry, even for 
that of Shakespeare, in whom he had taken intense delight in his 
earlier years. 

" His only outdoor recreation besides walking was riding. 

156 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

which he took to on the recommendation of Dr Bence Jones." 
He continued riding until two accidents upset his nerves so that 
he was advised to give it up. He was fond of music and singing 
and was diverted by them after dinner. He smoked in modera- 
tion and used wine sparingly. 

Holidays were forced upon him by the frequency of " bad 
days " or by the swimming in his head, which told him he was 
being overworked. He usually went to London, Coniston, Gras- 
mere, or Southampton, and was rarely absent more than a week. 

Much relief was experienced by visits to water-cure establish- 
ments. At first he thought that " a cure had been found, but, 
like all other remedies, it had only a transient effect on him." 

I have reserved until the last one of the most important helps 
that Darwin had. Without the faithful and untiring assistance 
of his wife and children no work could have been done ; otherwise 
his life would have been a wreck. These women of the family 
ministered to his hourly needs, brought him food, read to him, 
warded off all annoyances, and in his daily life kept in quiet mo- 
tion the machinery that was absolutely essential to his needs. 
No tribute to Darwin's accomplished tasks can justly omit to give 
this credit to those who did so much to preserve his strength 
during these many trying years. 

The conclusion to be drawn from the consideration of the in- 
fluences favorable to Darwin's health is that he was benefited by 
lessening his work and increasing his rest. He was enabled to 
live and to prevent the breaking of his thread of life only by 
relieving the tension at the critical moment. 


After this review of Darwin's symptoms and of the conditions 
that preceded and accompanied them, as well as of the modifica- 
tions they underwent under the influence of work and rest, there 
can be but little difficulty in reaching a conclusion as to their 
nature. This conclusion may be expressed as follows : 


1. Darwin was strong and in perfect health up to the begin- 
ning of the Beagle voyage. 

2. The history of the voyage shows that all the conditions 
were such as to lead to an overstrain of the brain and nervous sys- 
tem and that his expenditure of energy was in excess of the nor- 
mal supply. The mind was overtaxed with excess of work and 
the body was fatigued by discomforts and extreme exertions. 

3. After returning home he continued to be subjected to 
mental overstrain during the remainder of his life, a period of 
forty-six years. There was during this time the intense and sus- 
tained application of the mind to a series of investigations requir- 
ing the exercise of faculties of the highest order as well as the 
greatest energy and physical endurance. 

4. A state of disease characterized by symptoms connected 
with the brain and nervous system, the digestion, and the heart 
was manifested on his return to England. These symptoms were 
intensified as the years went by, and although sometimes lessened 
they were never entirely relieved, their fluctuations bearing a 
close relation to the alternations of rest and work. In their gen- 
eral character they belong to the category of " fatigue symp- 
toms " and were due to the continued overstrain of exhausted 
nerve cells. They never, however, rendered the cerebrum incap- 
able of the highest intellectual work, although making the accom- 
plishment of this work both painful and dif^cult. 

5. The disease did not consist of any gross lesions of the 
brain, spinal cord, or nerves, inasmuch as there were no symptoms 
of any such change. Moreover, the symptoms continued without 
great alteration during thirty-six years, and under the influence of 
rest and proper diet improved greatly toward the end of life. 
This could not have happened had there been any organic nervous 

6. The disease was clearly not due to any organic change 
outside of the nervous system. The chronic indigestion and dis- 
turbances in the action of the heart were the usual well-recog-- 

158 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

nized accompaniments of loss of the normal nerve supply to the 
digestive organs and the heart. 

7. The symptoms that preceded death were manifestly due 
to senile arterio-sclerotic changes, leading ultimately to heart ex- 
haustion and angina pectoris and hastened no doubt by the life of 
excessive labor. They did not exist, however, before the oncom- 
ing of old age. The early symptoms connected with the heart 
were the result of the disease of the nervous system, not of any 
organic change in the heart or arteries. 

8. The final conclusion is that Darwin's disease was chronic 
neurasthenia of a severe grade due first to the overstrain of the 
Beagle voyage and second to the life of hard intellectual work 
begun in 1837 and continued until 1882. 

If this diagnosis be the correct one, and of this I think there 
can be no doubt, could the result have been different from what 
it was ? Was it possible to have prevented all this suffering ? 
The nature of Darwin's work and of Darwin himself necessarily 
would have made his labor of production a painful one. Such 
great original thoughts could not have been born without some 
agony. And yet if Darwin had on his return from the voyage 
given up all work for one year, two years if necessary, and had 
lived a life of rest and diversion, free from the daily toil of writ- 
ing books, correcting proofs, and correspondence, I believe a cure 
would have been brought about and his subsequent life more 
filled with joy and alleviation than it was. It will be said with 
some truth that Darwin's brain could not be made to rest, that in 
the Alps or on the Riviera he still would have been the observer 
and worker. But if rest and relaxation had been enjoined upon 
him as a duty, a relative rest could have been had, free at least from 
the demands of the printer and of his own exacting conscience. 

It is too late now to regret that this course was not adopted 
and that so much suffering followed its neglect. It only enhances 
the value of Darwin's work to know that the truth as it came from 
him was created for us and for all posterity at so great a cost. 


N. S. , VOL. 3, PL. I 



George M. Dawson, C.M.G., LL.D., p'.R.S., Director of the 
Geological Survey of Canada and an editor of the American 
Anthropologist, died on March 2, in his fifty-second year, of acute 
bronchitis, after an illness of but a few hours. In his death 
Canada loses her leading scientist, and North America one of her 
foremost geologists. 

George Mercer Dawson was born at Pictou, Nova Scotia, 
August I, 1849. His father. Sir J. William Dawson (who died in 
1899), long known as principal of McGill University and still more 
widely known as the author of standard works on geology, arche- 
ology, and related topics, was Canada's most eminent scientist for 
decades ; his mother. Lady Dawson (Margaret A. Y. Mercer), 
representative of a distinguished Edinburgh family, still occupies a 
prominent place in that scientific and educational circle in Montreal 
which grew up under the influence of her honored husband. Born 
with the best physical and intellectual endowments, young Daw- 
son suffered a nearly fatal accident (involving a fracture of the 
spine) in infancy, which arrested bodily growth and resulted in 
permanent deformity; yet the misfortune was so far counteracted 
by early treatment and training, and so far overcome later by in- 
herent vigor, that its victim achieved distinction in his maturity 
as one of Canada's hardiest explorers, while his intellectual accom- 
plishments could hardly have been enhanced by any physical 

Dawson's earlier education was acquired partly in Montreal, 
partly in Edinburgh ; later he took a partial course in McGill Uni- 
versity, followed by a course in the Royal School of Mines (Lon- 
don), 1 869-1 872, where he not only graduated with honors but took 


l6o AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

the Duke of Cornwall scholarship and the Edward Forbes prize, 
and received the highly-prized title of Associate. Returning to 
Canada, he began original researches in geology. In 1873 he was 
appointed geologist and botanist of the British North American 
Boundary Commission, and his report is one of the classics of 
Canadian geology. In 1875 he was appointed on the staff of the 
Canadian Geological Survey, and entered on a remarkable career 
of exploration of northwestern North America; his work includ- 
ing extended reconnaissances of the Liard and Yukon valleys, of 
the Canadian Rocky mountains, and of British Columbia. Dur- 
ing these travels and researches he came in frequent contact with 
aboriginal tribes, and did excellent work in recording their charac- 
teristics and customs and in collecting their languages. In 1883 
he was made Assistant Director of the Geological Survey Depart- 
ment ; in 1891 he became a fellow of the Royal Society of England, 
and during the same year received the Bigsby medal for eminent 
researches in geology. In 1891 and 1892 he served as one of the 
British Bering Sea Commissioners, for which service he was 
decorated by the late Queen and Empress Victoria with the order 
of Companion of Saint Michael and Saint George ; and about the 
same time degrees were conferred on him by McGill University 
and Queen's College. In 1893 he was elected president of the 
Royal Society of Canada; on the retirement of Sir Alfred Sel- 
wyn in 1895, he was appointed Director of the Geological Survey ; 
and when an Ethnological Survey of Canada (modeled after the 
Ethnographical Survey of the United Kingdom and thus after 
the Bureau of American Ethnology) was instituted in 1896, he 
was placed at the head of the Survey Committee. 

It falls to few men to have so many high honors and grave 
responsibilities thrust on them in so short a period ; the succes- 
sion is probably without parallel in Canada's history; yet it is 
the common judgment that the honors were fully merited, the re- 
sponsibilities borne in such manner as to add renown to the country 
and the crown. Dr Dawson's career was a credit to Canada, and 


an eloquent testimony to the wisdom of the nation in recognizing 
and utilizing the talents of her sons. 

One of Dr Dawson's earliest contributions to ethnology was a 
memoir on the Haida Indians of Queen Charlotte islands, pub- 
lished in the form of an appendix to the Report of the Geological 
Survey of Canada for 1878-79 (pp. 103-189, pis. Iil-xiv); a con- 
tribution made noteworthy by the novelty and extent of the ob- 
servations and the comprehensiveness of the record. Four years 
later he, in association with W. Fraser Tolmie, prepared a valuable 
series of "Comparative Vocabularies of the Indian Tribes of 
British Columbia, with a Map Illustrating Distribution," which 
were published by the Geological Survey in 1884; and he appended 
a valuable series of notes on the aborigines of the Yukon district 
and adjacent territory to the Survey Report of 1887-88 (pp. 191- 
213). About the same time he prepared for the Royal Society 
of Canada a memoir on the Kwakiutl people of Vancouver island 
and adjacent coasts, with an extended vocabulary (Trans. Roy. 
Soc. Can., vol. v, sec. II, 1887, pp. 1-36, with plate) ; and still more 
comprehensive was his subsequent memoir entitled " Notes on the 
Shuswap People of British Columbia " (ibid., vol. IX, sec. II, 1891, 
pp. 3-44, pi. vi). A " Note on the Occurrence of Jade in British 
Columbia, and its Employment by the Natives" was published in 
1887 in the Canadian Record of Science ; and a summary sketch of 
the" Past and Present Condition of the Indians of Canada" appeared 
in the Canadian Naturalist, vol. ix, 1881. In 1884 the British 
Association for the Advancement of Science appointed a com- 
mittee to investigate the physical characters, languages, and in- 
dustrial and social condition of the northwestern tribes of Canada, 
of which committee Dr Dawson was made a member; and by 
reason of previous familiarity with the subject, acquaintance with 
territory and tribes, and presence on the ground, it naturally fell 
mainly to him to organize and administer the work of the com- 
mittee. The work was carried forward with great economy under 
small grants, and the reports of the collaborators (among whom 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 3 — II 

l62 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

Dr Boas deserves especial mention) were published annually up 
to the institution of the more formal survey in 1896. 

While several of Dr Dawson's titles and the prefatory remarks 
in some of his papers imply that his ethnologic researches were 
subsidiary to his geologic work, and while his busy life never af- 
forded opportunity for monographic treatment of Canada's abo- 
rigines, it is nevertheless true that he made original observations 
and records of standard value, that much of his work is still 
unique, and that his contributions, both personal and indirect, 
materially enlarged knowledge of our native tribes. It is well 
within bounds to say that, in addition to his other gifts to knowl- 
edge, George M. Dawson was one of Canada's foremost contribu- 
tors to ethnology, and one of that handful of original observers 
whose work affords the foundation for scientific knowledge of the 
North American natives. 

Primarily a geologist, Dawson did his work in such wise as to 
aid in the solution of fundamental problems in archeology, and so 
to illumine various aspects of anthropology. When he returned 
from the Royal School of Mines to the land of his nativity, he 
found the geologists of Canada and the United States at issue 
concerning the later periods and episodes of geologic history. The 
differences were natural ; they grew out of the fact that each 
group of earth-students began with the phenomena of their re- 
spective fields — those of Canada with late-glacial, aqueo-glacial, 
and glacial deposits only, those of the United States with earlier 
glacial deposits chiefly — and extended inference too far into the 
neighboring field ; yet the differences were none the less unfortu- 
nate and obstructive of progress. Young Dawson wisely avoided 
controversy, but gradually extended observation over the more 
northerly field, gradually systemized knowledge of the Pleistocene 
history of the northland, gradually brought the stern logic of facts 
to bear on the general interpretations, and in this manner con- 
tributed more than any associate — probably more than any con- 
temporary — toward harmonizing the discrepant readings of the 


records of rocks and ice. Today the leading geologists of Canada 
and northern United States are practically at one as to the later 
episodes of earth-making ; they are in substantial agreement as to 
the geologic time-scale by which the antiquity of man on the 
western hemisphere is to be measured ; and for this happy con- 
dition they are indebted to no one more than the sagacious and 
far-sighted student whose untimely end they are united in 

Time was when progress was mainly material, and when he 
who made two blades of grass to grow where one grew before was a 
great human benefactor; now horizons have widened, and progress 
has changed its course so far that he who sows ideas and harvests 
knowledge is coming to be reckoned among the greatest of bene- 
factors. Of such was Dawson's work; gaining broader knowledge 
of his country than any predecessor, he gathered the wide-spread- 
ing strands in single grasp ; writing treatises on geologic history 
among the most masterly ever penned, he was able to look from 
the past through the present and into the future far more clearly 
than most of his fellows ; so his surveys of natural resources and 
possible utilizations contributed in unexcelled degree to the wel- 
fare of his nation and others, while the light of his knowledge 
and the radiance of his example have raised in due measure the 
intellectual plane of the western world. 

Dawson was one of the men who left the world better because 
he lived in it. 

W J M. 


Symbolism of the Huichol Indians. By Carl Lumholtz. (Memoirs of 
the American Museum of Natural History, Volume iii. Anthro- 
pology II.) New York : May, 1900. 4°, 228 pp. 

This latest work of the distinguished explorer and ethnologist, Dr 
Carl Lumholtz, is one of the splendid series of Memoirs in course of 
publication by the American Museum of Natural History, New York, 
and embodies a portion of the results of extended studies, beginning in 
1895, among the Huichol Indians, an agricultural Nahuatlan tribe, 
numbering now about 4000 souls, residing in the heart of the Sierra 
Madre, in the state of Jalisco, southern Mexico. If " mountaineers are 
always free," so also are they conservative, and to the forbidding and 
inaccessible nature of their country is due the fortunate fact that, while 
so many other native civilizations have long since been wiped out by 
the conqueror, the Huichol have been able to preserve their system in- 
tact until it could be studied and presented to the world by so compe- 
tent an authority as Dr Lumholtz. 

Notwithstanding its attractiveness, the subject of symbolism is 
always a dangerous one to handle, by reason of the constant temptation 
to theorize on hidden meanings and to interpret simple facts from the 
occult standpoint. Of such speculation run wild, Adair's celebrated 
work on the southern tribes is a conspicuous example. It is pleasant 
to find that the Doctor's scientific training and experience have enabled 
him to avoid this error, and from his remarks on page 211 concerning 
" a strong tendency to see analogies," it is evident that he has learned, 
what some investigators fail to remember, that mysticism feeds upon 
itself, and that much that is set down as symbolism has its origin in the 
mental vagary of the individual informant and is no part of any recog- 
nized system. 

After an introductory sketch of the Huichol tribe and territory the 
author treats successively of Gods and Their Paraphernalia, Cere- 
monial Arrows, Front Shields, Back Shields, " Eyes," Votive Bowls, 
The Ark of the Deluge Legend, The Shaman's Plumes, etc., Facial 
Paintings, and Miscellaneous Symbolic Objects, followed by a summary 
of conclusions, indexes to the prayers, symbols, objects, and ideas. 



The gods have fixed relationships ; thus we have Father Sun, 
Grandfather Fire, and Great-grandfather Deertail. Their images are 
kept, not in the temples consecrated to them, but in remote secret places, 
usually caves in the mountains. In their symbolic presentation the 
gods are seen most commonly as serpents, frequently also as eagles or 
hawks, or as the sacred hikuli (peyote) plant. These symbolic forms 
are in large measure interchangeable and thus practically narrowed 
down to the one great symbol of the serpent, whose image the Huichol 
sees in every phenomenon of nature — the rain, the fire, the clouds, the 
wind, the ripples on the water, and the waving tree-tops. 

The temples, of which there are nineteen in the Huichol country, 
are large circular houses of stone, with doorways facing to the east, and 
thatched roofs which are removed every five years, five being the sacred 
number in the tribe. Although no sacred images are kept in these 
temples, to which the people constantly resort for prayer and sacrifice, 
yet the gods are always present invisibly, and stools and chairs are kept 
there for their convenience, each seat being decorated in accordance 
with the taste and office of the deity for whose use it is designed. 
Diminutive votive offerings are also attached to them by the suppliants 
as reminders of the particular blessings desired. 

Ceremonial arrows, in a great variety of forms, are inseparably con- 
nected with the religious life of the Huichol, one or more being sacri- 
ficed for each individual at least once a year. " The arrow, as an 
expression of prayer, answers to all the wants of the Indian from the 
cradle to the grave. There is no symbolic object in more common use, 
either by the private individual and the family or by the community, as 
represented by the officers of the temple. No feast can be imagined 
without the presence of arrows. Whenever an Indian wants to pray, his 
first impulse is to make an arrow. The sacrifice of one or more arrows 
expresses his desires in a language intelligible to him and to the gods." 
These sacrifice arrows are placed upright in the ground, stuck into the 
seats of the sacred chairs in the temples or into the thatch of the roofs ; 
are deposited in sacred caves, at sacred springs, and other places ; in 
lonely spots in the mountains, or even thrown into the sea — "in short, 
everywhere where some god lives whom the imaginative Huichol may 
implore and appease, for the arrow stands for him personally, or for the 
tribe, praying its silent prayers." In all this we see a close parallel to 
the prayer-feather of the Hopi. 

The front and back shields are respectively symbolic types of the 
ancient war shield or buckler, and of the woven mat carried on the 
warrior's back, to serve both as a body armor and a bed. The front 

l66 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

shields are generally round, while the back shields are rectangular, 
both being elaborately designed and decorated according to the vari- 
ous purposes for which they are intended. As an illustration it is noted 
that in order to prevent the rain going from their country to that of a 
neighboring tribe, the Huichol placed in the middle of the trails lead- 
ing out of their territory a number of back shields upon which fierce 
animals were pictured, the idea being that the (living) rain would thus 
be frightened and compelled to turn back. To counteract the spell their 
neighbors made it a business to destroy these shields wherever they 
found them. Detailed description is given of the make-up and use of 
a large number of shields of both kinds. 

The " eye " {sikuli) may briefly be described as a small mat set 
diagonally in the center of a small cross upon which it is woven, the 
details varying according to the god and the purpose. In a special 
manner it symbolizes the understanding of unknown things. Such 
" eyes " are sacrificed in large numbers to insure the health of young 
children. Votive bowls are ordinary drinking gourds specially orna- 
mented with symbolic beaded designs to serve as sacrifices to the gods. 
They are smeared with blood and deposited in the temples. 

The Huichol have a deluge myth in which one man is preserved in 
a peculiar box or ark, together with a black she-dog, who afterward be- 
comes a woman, by which means the world is repeopled. Representa- 
tions of this ark are sometimes made and deposited in certain places as 
sacrifices to obtain help in great emergencies. Such an ark was once 
fished out from a lake far to the south of the Huichol country, having 
been left there by some of the tribe " as one of the extreme means of 
getting rain," in accord with an Indian idea that what has once been 
■connected with an effect has the power of reproducing that effect ; 
hence, that the ark could bring rain. 

Plumed wands are in constant use in ceremonies and conjurations. 
Sacred cakes of meal, in various fanciful shapes, are also sacrificed to 
the gods, and are sometimes tied in festoons about the temple until 
after the conclusion of the ceremony, when they are eaten by the 
priests or distributed to the people. Of curious interest are the talis- 
manic rock crystals, which are regarded as " astral bodies " of dead or 
even living persons. Says Lumholtz : " In the collection I have a 
father and a mother, a grandfather and a grandmother, of the Indian 
who sold them to me." The stones are carefully laid away and fed at 
intervals with the blood of game, like the UlUnsiiti of the Cherokee. 

Much symbolism attaches also to certain drums, sandals, scepters, 
bannerets, sea-shells, and flowers, and to certain stuffed animal skins, 


notably that of the gray squirrel, which in the primeval time was the 
protector of the Child Sun. Around the neck of the sacred squirrel- 
skin are sometimes tied the cocoons of a species of moth found in the 
eastern country. " These cocoons, which are those of a night animal, 
— their beds, in which they sleep before coming to life again, — are sup- 
posed to be the dreams of the gray squirrel, by which he is guided." 

Considerable space is devoted to facial paintings and miscellaneous 
symbolic objects, while the concluding chapter is a valuable summary 
of the whole subject, as deduced from the objects and the explana- 
tions given by the Indians themselves. Of special value are the appen- 
dices, index of prayers, index of symbols, and index of objects and 
ideas. Throughout the volume are numerous references to the great 
hikuli or peyote cult, which dominates the religious thought of all the 
tribes of the plains and central plateau from the Arkansas river to the 
City of Mexico. 

The author calls attention to close analogies Avith beliefs and customs 
in other tribes, particularly in Mexico and among the more northern 
Pueblos, and says : " Such phenomena should not cause surprise, as re- 
searches tend more and more to convince us of the similarity of Indian 
thought, under similar conditions." He might have gone farther and 
predicted that the final result will show a regular and unbroken connec- 
tion in native cult and culture from the arctic regions to the tropics, of 
which the ancient systems of Mexico and Yucatan are but the highest 

From cover to cover the volume is filled with curious information, 
brought together with painstaking and discriminating care, upon an 
intricate subject concerning which little that is authentic has hitherto 
been published. 

On page no the Doctor says : " To the Indian the Sun, of course, is 
a man." He probably means 2i person, as with many tribes the Sun is a 
woman, as it was with the ancierjt Germans (ydie Sonne). 

The illustrations from drawings by Mr Rudolf Weber, with the 
maps and splendid colored plates, are in keeping with the general ex- 
cellence of all the publications sent out from the American Museum. 

James Mooney. 

The Political Econojny of Humanism. By Henry Wood. Boston : 
Lee & Shepard, 1901. 12°, 319 pp. 

This book is not a formal treatise in which the principles of politi- 
cal economy are systematically presented, but may be regarded rather as 
a series of essays on economic questions of current interest, the 

l68 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

discussion of principles being subsidiary to the presentation of the 
author's views on these questions. Among the subjects treated are Com- 
binations of capital, Combinations of labor, Governmental arbitration, 
Economic legislation and its proper limits, Socialism as a political 
system. Wealth and its unequal distribution, The law of centralization, 
" Booms " and panics, Money and coinage, Tariffs and protection. 
The modern corporation. The abuse of corporate management, The 
evolution of the railroad. Gold production and values, and Social ex- 
periments in Australasia. 

The author's general attitude is that of opposition to governmental 
interference in industrial affairs. In his chapter on Economic legisla- 
tion and its proper limits, he says : 

" As fundamental principles we may conclude first, that the State 
should not interfere in any enterprise that may be as efficiently carried 
on by private control ; second, that it should leave all questions of 
prices, rates, wages, and hours, to the natural regulation of free and 
untrammeled conditions." 

He admits, however, that as the supply of water and light in a muni- 
cipality involves the use of the public streets, it must at least be subject 
to public regulation, and apparently regards municipal ownership of 
waterworks and lighting plants as possibly advisable in some cases. A 
protective tariff is in conflict with the principle he favors, but however 
objectionable it may be from a cosmopolitan, it is, he thinks, expedient 
from a national point of view. In his opinion the question of higher or 
lower duties on imported commodities is in most cases a matter of much 
less importance than their respective advocates imagine ; while, on the 
other hand, the changes and uncertainties due to the position of the 
tariff as a party issue are a cause of serious harm. An ideal tariff, he 
thinks, is not to be expected as the result of legislation enacted amidst 
the influences brought to bear upon legislators by a multitude of local 
interests ; but "a commission of economic experts . . . formed with 
a single aim for justice and the public welfare, occupying an American 
standpoint, and uninfluenced by political ties and questions of party 
advantage . . . would be able to outline a very perfect revenue 

The prevalent disposition to regard great organizations like the 
Western Union Telegraph Company as dangerous monopolies is set 
down by this writer as a prejudice in which " there may be more 
danger . . . than in the organizations themselves." There is, he 
says, " what may be called a normal rate " for telegraphic service, "and 
in case the management make a tariff above this point, demand falls off 


and profits shrink with as much certainty as they would in case it were 
put below it." This would be very reassuring if satisfactory evidence 
were supplied that this so-called "normal rate " will be one that is fair 
to the public. No such evidence is, however, presented. That there is 
a rate at which the profits of the company will be larger than they 
would at any other, whether lower or higher, may be freely granted, and 
the company's managers may probably be trusted to learn by experience 
what that rate is and not to fix their charges at any higher and less 
profitable level. But the point of real importance is whether this rate of 
maximum profit is also a fair one, and upon this point no light whatever 
is thrown by the mere act of calling the rate in question a " normal " 
one, however appropriate that name may appear from the point of view 
of the shareholders and managers of the corporation. 

Of the results of social experiments in Australasia the author takes a 
more pessimistic view than the facts seem to warrant. For example, 
on page 307 he speaks of the " merely nominal increase, or in many 
cases the positive decrease, in the population of a vast undeveloped 
domain like Australasia, v/hich should naturally be in the enjoyment of 
youthful and vigorous growth." In point of fact, the increase in popu- 
lation for the seven colonies during the nine years 1 89 1-99 amounted 
to 697,850, or 18.4 per cent, a rate which exceeds 20 per cent per 
decade. While this rate is not so high as that of several earlier 
periods, it can hardly be considered \o\\, in view of the great dis- 
tance of these colonies from the countries on which they depend 
for their immigrants, especially when it is remembered that a period of 
industrial depression following a financial crisis, and aggravated by two 
or three successive seasons of severe drought, had given a check to 
immigration — a check which it would, however, be premature to regard 
as more than temporary. The " merely nominal " increase which, in 
the same paragraph, he declares is occurring in the population of New 
Zealand amounted during the nine years ending with 1899 to about 21 
per cent. This rate of increase is more than twice as great as that of 
Germany for a Hke number of years in the last decade for which statis- 
tics are at hand ; and among European countries Germany holds a high 
rank in respect to the rapid increase of her population. The large 
number of emigrants from Victoria — " mostly able-bodied men " — to 
which he calls attention in the same connection appears at first glance 
somewhat startling ; but when it is remembered that Victoria is a min- 
ing colony, and when it is found on further investigation that the ex- 
traordinary movement of population referred to consisted mainly in 
a large migration — " mostly of able-bodied men " — from the Victorian 

170 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

mining districts to the newly discovered and productive gold-fields of 
Western Australia, it immediately becomes apparent that this movement 
is not of a character to threaten the depopulation of Australasia. 

In respect to the literary style of the book under review, it may be 
said that a lack of precision in the use of words is often noticeable. 
For example, on page 302 the author speaks of " calm and accurate in- 
formation," where he apparently means accurate information calmly 
considered. In another place he introduces a table as a " table esti- 
mated from reports of the Mint Bureau," the fact apparently being that 
the table in question was either copied or compiled from those reports. 
The inexact use of English illustrated in these instances and in many 
others that might be pointed out is scarcely indicative of the clear and 
careful thinking necessary to the proper treatment of such subjects 
as the author undertakes to discuss ; yet his book is undeniably inter- 
esting and intelligently critical readers may find it sufficiently suggestive 
to repay perusal. Edward T. Peters. 

Vergleichende Studten zur Stellung der Frau ini Alterthum. Erster 
Band. Die Frau ini Talmud. Naum Klugmann. Vienna : 

The sources upon which the study of the position of woman in 
Jewish antiquity is based are the Bible and the Rabbinical literature 
(Talmud and Midrash), inasmuch as they contain either special ordi- 
nances and regulations relating to the status of woman, or incidental 
estimates of woman's nature and character. 

To begin with the beginning, the birth of a daughter was in general 
not hailed with the same joy as that of a son ; still the baby girl was 
nevertheless welcomed into the family and cherished with the same 
tender care as the boy. There was even a preference for the female as 
first child. Infanticide and exposing were unheard of in Judaism. A 
father in great straits, after he had disposed of his real and personal 
property, could sell his daughter, before she attained puberty, /. e., the 
twelfth year of age, into servitude, but then only under condition that 
either her master or his son should subsequently marry her — a condi- 
tion which, by the way, throws a significant light on the thoroughly 
democratic sjjirit which prevailed in Israel. Otherwise she became free 
on attaining maturity, nor could she be given another master by her 

In the education of the daughter the training in housework occupied 
the most important part. Intellectual pursuits were not encouraged, — 
were even frowned upon by some of the Rabbis. " Woman's wisdom is 


limited to the spindle," is one of the ungallant Rabbinical sayings. 
Still they were not absolutely discouraged or shut out from woman's 
reach. Alongside with the saying quoted above are met in the Talmud 
such sayings as : " It is the duty of every one to instruct his daughter," 
and " The study of Greek wisdom is an ornament to women." And as 
a matter of fact not only did women grace public festivals with singing, 
playing of instruments, and dancing, but the Bible knows of prophetesses 
and poetesses, and in the Talmud several women are introduced for 
their learning and high intellectual attainments. 

Passing over to the condition of woman in married life, there is to be 
pointed out the unique position of the Jewish daughter in that her father 
could not dispose of her hand and heart according to his pleasure, but 
that her consent was necessary in marriage. On the other hand it is 
well known that the Jewish lawgivers sanctioned, or at least accepted 
as de facto institutions, both polygamy and divorce. And while it may 
be assumed that the former came more and more into desuetude in 
Talmudic times, the general trend of the Rabbinical legislature was to 
facilitate the latter, and we can not join the author in his enthusiasm 
over it. There might be quoted touching warnings by the Rabbis 
against divorce ; whether they palliated the effect of the liberal laws in 
practice is withdrawn from our knowledge. As wife the Jewish woman 
was the subordinate but honored and cherished helpmate of the hus- 
band. Honoring of one's wife is enjoined by the Talmud as the con- 
dition of securing the blessing of God. " One should eat and drink 
under his income, dress according to his income, but honor his vvife above 
his income." And while she was to work and manage the house, she 
was not to be a drudge. One Rabbi forbids heavy work to woman, as 
it may impair her sexual functions. 

The widow, and for that matter also the divorced woman, was per- 
fectly sui juris and could marry again. The former, so long as she 
remained in the widowed state, was to be supported from the estate 
left by the deceased husband. It might be added that to judge from 
many expressions in Bible and Talmud, such as for instance, " God is 
the judge of widows," a widow was an object of special care and con- 
sideration in the Jewish community. 

It can be said, after considering all the utterances relating to woman 
in Jewish literature, that the position of woman among the ancient 
Jews was a comparatively high and dignified one. She had no " equal 
rights" with, her sphere of life and activity was limited — to the 
home ; but within this sphere she moved freely and was the mistress, 
not the slave. The proprietary rights over the female members of the 

172 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

family accorded to man among the ancient peoples, as also the institu- 
tions of the Asiatic harem and the Greek gyneconitis, were unknown 
among the Jews. The intercourse between both sexes was compar- 
atively free. In the incidental and proverbial sayings about woman 
there are as many and as keen satirical shafts directed against her as 
in the literature of any other people. But the Jew, it seems, was not 
only by temperament averse to harshness against his daughters and 
wives, but was also deeply imbued with the worth and mission of woman 
as wife and mother ; as one Rabbi says : " Thy wife is thy family." 

I. M. Casanowicz. 

Tanz Objecte vom Bismarck Arc/iipel., JVissan und Buka. W. FoY. 
(Pub. aus dem Konigl. Ethnog. Museum, Band xiii.) Dresden : 
Stengel & Co., 1900. Folio, 40 pp., 17 pi., 2 figs. 

Of the thirteen volumes in the folio series published by the Royal 
Ethnographic Museum in Dresden, under the direction of Dr A. B. 
Meyer, ten are devoted to southeastern Asia and the archipelagos ad- 
joining. Since our own country, having made an experiment with the 
African, has adopted a goodly number of dwarfed Papuans, this 
last-mentioned race will now engage our thoughts, ethnical and politi- 
cal, and Dr Meyer will be our best guide. In the volume here reviewed, 
the plan of all the others in the series is followed out carefully, namely, 
of presenting the object, not in lithograph or drawing, but by photo- 
graphic processes. By this means the museum in Dresden multiplies 
itself many hundredfold and makes possible a cooperative, institutional 
research and judgment. The student of Dr Foy's volume will also find 
that his desire to be in touch with a wide range of authors has been 
fully anticipated in text and footnotes. Most elaborate tables of con- 
tents, indexes, and catalogue numbers for the Dresden Museum leave 
nothing to be desired. 

In 1889 Dr Meyer published Volume vii of the series on Masks of 
New Guinea a?id Bismarck Archipelago, and in 1895 appeared Volume 
X, on Carvings and Masks from Bismarck Archipelago and Neiv Guinea, 
by Meyer and Parkinson. In the introduction to Volume xiii will be 
found an excellent account of studies in masks as ceremonial parapher- 
nalia the world over. The student is cautioned also against too hasty 
generalizations concerning acculturation through analogies and super- 
ficial resemblances. The ingenious and elaborate carving and the 
weird mixture of color in the masks of the Papuans and their kindred 
have always had a fascinating interest for the ethnologist. In plate xiii 
will be found sixty-five motives on mask ornamentation from New 



Mecklenburg (New Ireland), all drawn from well-known fishes. The 
excursus, pages 31-35, devoted to this plate, throws a flood of light on 
the otherwise hopeless confusion of parts and drawings. The compos- 
ite Yukon masks, in which all nature is shown to be quickened by the 
return of the sun, offer a slight parallel, though the Eskimo artist is 
handicapped by lack of good materials. Farther south the giant cedar 
holds out its friendly trunk to the wood-carver, and both on it and in it 
he fixes his spirit life, the art motives as analyzed by Boas being his 
commonplace activities and associations. So, by means of the descrip- 
tions in the text and the elucidation of plate xiii the student of myth- 
ology finds out that the Papuan clothes himself in a material symbolism 
that prays louder than words in the ears of his gods for supplies to his 
common wants. It may be that the divine benefactors do not under- 
stand the jargon of the petitioner, but their eyes can never be deceived 
when they rest on his elaborate requests in form and color. 

O. T. Mason. 

Volkstum U7id WeWnacht in der Geschichte. Von Albrecht Wirth, 
Miinchen : Bruckmann, 1901. 8°, 236 pp. 

Volkstum und Weltmacht, " peopledom and worldmight," or, in plain 
English, the development of nationality and world-powers in history. 
The author brings together in this volume a number of special studies 
on the gradual widening of culture as shown in the development of 
nations and enlarged conquest. Race and forms of civilization have 
been most active forces in this evolution, working through inner vitality 
and normal growth, through the union and combination of adjoining 
cultures and by finally breaking out of bounds and expansion. The 
study is divided into the following periods, marking also, as it were, 
epochs of widening : 

1. Mesopotamian-Egyptian period to 1300 b.c. 

2. Classic period 1300 b.c. to 224 a.d. 

3. The Double period, Northern and Southern 

races unfolding 224 a.d. to 1250 a.d. 

4. The Oceanic period 1250 a.d. to 1900 a.d. 

The larger part of the volume, necessarily, is devoted to the fourth 
period— the awakening of nations, races, and religions, and to the pres- 
ent as the outcome. The debate on race and culture is continued, 
and the volume closes with a series of chapters on peoples in relation to 
the absorption or disappearance of smaller peoples, to territory, to the 
state, clan feeling, industry, and power. We are called " Jankees " on 

174 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

page 20, and shall have to get used to it. Again, the national conceit is 
a little hurt by the fact that the term " United States " does not occur 
in a book of 236 pages devoted to expansion ! O. T. Mason. 

Om Kalevala, Finnai'ties nationalepos och forsk?i{ngarna rorande de det- 
safnma. Af K. B. Wiklund. Stockholm : Norstedt & Sons, 
1901. 12°, 39 pp. 

This little volume contains a Swedish essay on the Finnish national 
epic poem, Kalevala, and forms number 71 of the publications of 
the Heimdal Society, the purpose of which is to put in circulation works 
of popular interest — topics of Swedish and Scandinavian national his- 
tory and folklore. The Heimdal Society, now in its eighteenth year, is 
named after one of the principal Norse deities and is composed of a 
body of students at the University of Upsala. Kalevala is not a Scan- 
dinavian but a Finnish topic ; nevertheless the spirit pervading the 
poem is such as to interest all inhabitants of the three Norse countries, 
and the specimen " Trettiosjette runan " gives an idea of Wiklund's 
own poetic attainments. The contents of the seventy other Heimdal 
publications, according to the published list, refer to historical charac- 
ters, as Erik Dahlberg, Gustav II, Gustav Vasa, Gustav Adolf, Alexan- 
der the Great, and Luther ; and to travels in Sweden, the Dutch in 
South Africa, and other contemporary matters. A. S. Gatschet. 

Albui7i of Papiia- Types. II. North Neiv Guinea, Bismarck Archi- 
pelago, German Salomon Islands. By Dr A. B. Meyer and R. 
Parkinson. Dresden : Stengel & Co., 1900. 4°, 4 11, 15 pp., 
53 Pl- 

This splendid album is supplementary to one (now out of print) 
prepared by the same authors and published under a similar title in 
1894. The excellent photographs were made by Mr Parkinson, while 
the brief but adequate descriptive text in German and English is from 
the able pen of Dr Meyer. The 53 heliotype plates, showing some 550 
figures, portray various types of the still remarkably primitive indigenes 
of the regions indicated in the title, together with their dwellings, 
ghost-houses, mask houses, canoes, etc. As is the case with every pub- 
lication for which Dr Meyer has been responsible, the mechanical aspect 
of the album leaves nothing to be desired. F. W. Hodge. 


Conducted by Dr Alexander F. Chamberlain 


von Andrian (F.) Die Siebenzahl im 
Geistesleben der Volker. (Corrbl. d. 
deutschen Ges. f. Anthrop., 1900, xxxi, 
96-QS.) Brief general discussion of 
"the evil seven," the mystic and cos- 
mic seven, etc., among the peoples of 
Asia and Europe, with the conclusion 
that the " seven-cult " has spread from 
Mesopotamia over Europe, Asia, parts 
of Africa and Polynesia. No explana- 
tion is offered for its occurrence in 
certain regions of America. 

Bartels (M.) Was konnen die Toten? 
(Ztschr. d. Ver. f. Volkskunde, Berlin, 

1900, X, 117-142.) A critical enumera- 
tion, with references to the literature of 
the subject, of the acts attributed to the 
dead by the popular mind. Opening 
the eyes, singing, eating, disease-re- 
moving, returning to earth, night-jour- 
neying, speaking in prose and in 
verse, " death-kissing," advice-giving, 

Bastian (A.) Zum Seelenbegriff in der 
Ethnologie. (Ethnol. Xotizbl., Berlin, 

1901, II, 77-97.) A characteristic dis- 
cussion of primitive conceptions of the 
soul from the doyen of German eth- 

Beeton [Miss M.), Yule (G. V.), and 
Pearson (K.) On the correlation 
between duration of life and number of 
offspring. (Proc. Roy. Soc, London, 
1900, Lxvii, 159-179.) Gives results, 
with many tables and curves, of study 
of English and American Quaker 
mothers and fathers and of fathers in 
Burke's "Landed Gentry." In both 
America and England " the influence 
of longevity on the fertility of the 
father is greater than its influence on 
the mother." Another fact brought 
out is that " American men and women 
are more alike, and English men and 
women more alike, than the women to 

the women, or the men to the men of 
the two races." 

Boas (F.) The mind of primitive man. 
(Science, N. Y., 1901, N. s. xiii, 281- 
289. ) Address of President of American 
Folk-Lore Society. Treats of differ- 
ences between mind of primitive and of 
civilized man. Author considers it 
probable that " the wide differences be- 
tween the manifestations of the human 
mind in various stages of culture may be 
due almost entirely to the form of indi- 
vidual experience, which is determined 
by the geographical and social environ- 
ment of the individual." A very sug- 
gestive address. 

Bolton (H. C.) Physics and faith. 
(Ibid., 241-246.) Address of Presi- 
dent of Chemical Society, Washington, 
Discusses among other things the faith 
of men of genius in intellectual con- 

Brandes (G.) Ueber eine Ursache des 
Aussterbens einiger diluvialer Sauge- 
tiere. (Corrbl. d. deutschen Ges. f. An- 
throp., Miinchen, 1900, xxxi, 103-107.) 
The author takes the \\&\\ that not the 
action of man, sparsely distributed over 
a vast area, but the form of the ani- 
mal's tusks (disadvantageous to the in- 
dividual) was a chief cause of the dying 
out of the mammoth. 

Carus (P.) Anubis, Seth, and Christ. 
(Open Court, Chicago, 1901, xv, 65- 
97.) This numerously illustrated paper 
discusses some aspects of the assimi- 
lation by early Christianity of pre- 
Christian ideas. 

Chervin (Z?;-) Traditions populaires rela- 
tives a la Parole. (Rev. d. Trad. Pop., 
Paris, iqoo, XV, 241-263.) Folklore 
relating to "tongue-cutting," crying, 
stammering, mutism, etc. 

Culin (S.) The origin of ornament. 
(Bull. Free Mus. Sci. and Art, Phila., 
igoo, II, 235-242.) A general argu- 




[n. s., 3, igoi 

Culin — Continued. 

ment in favor of the thesis that orna- 
ment and adornment " are the products 
of religious sentiment, of magic and 
superstition," and are not primarily 
based upon innate love of the esthetic 
or sexual attraction. 

Cutore (G.) e Fichera (G.) Varieta 
anatomiche riscontrate durante I'anno 
scolastico 1S99-1900. (Arch. p. I'An- 
trop. e la Etnol., Firenze, 1900, xxx, 
55~S5.) A good description (with bib- 
liography of 69 titles) of the anatomical 
variations, — osseous, muscular, arterial, 
ner\'es and urinary organs, — observed 
in the dissecting room of the Anatomi- 
cal Institute of the University of Ca- 

Drechsler (P.) Das Riickwartszaubern 
im Volksglauben. (Mitteil. d. Schles. 
Ges. f. Volkskunde, Breslau, igoo, 45- 
50.) Examples of belief in the power 
of ' ' backwards doing " in folk-thought. 

Eisler (P.) Ueber die Herkunft und 
Entstehungsursache des Musculus ster- 
nalis. (Corrbl. d. deutschen Ges. f. 
Anthrop., Miinchen, 1900, xxxi, 
150-154.) In this article, with three 
figures in the text, Dr Eisler argues 
that the Musculus sttrnalis is an aber- 
ration of independent origin (neither 
prospective nor retrospective) due to 
the conditions of the sternal region. 

Ferraro (G.) La genesi della mitologia 
meteorica. (Arch. p. 1. Stud. d. Trad. 
Pop., Palermo, 1900, xix, 469-481.) 
The personification of atmospheric phe- 
nomena is thought by the author to 
have a " corporeo-psychic " origin, as 
seen in primitive peoples and chil- 
dren. Evidence in proof of this. Fer- 
raro considers that the age of two to 
five in children corresponds to the crea- 
tion-period of such mythology. 

Giuffrida-Ruggeri {Dr V.) Ricerche 
morfologiche e craniometriche nella 
norma laterale e nella norma facciale. 
(Atti. d. Soc. Rom. di Antrop., 1900, 
VII, fasc. 2.) Discusses height of 
squama of temporal bone as race-char- 
acteristic (results not very satisfactory), 
fontanelle bones and suture spaces and 
the norma lateralis, pretemporal bone, 
nasal skeleton, bipartite zygomatic 
bone, etc. 

Sopravvivenze morfologiche in crani 

di aleniati. (Arch. d. Psich., Sci. Pen., 
ed Antrop. crim., Torino, 1901, xxil. 

fasc. I.) Describes the mandible of an 
idiot, whose excessive volume causes it 
to approach that of prehistoric man ; 
also notes the occurrence of the torus 
occipitale in the skull of a lunatic. 

Gusinde (K.) Ueber Totenbretter. 
(Mitteil. d. Schles. Ges. f. Volkskunde, 
Breslau, 1900, 27-40.) An interesting 
account of " death-boards" in Central 
Europe (many inscriptions are cited), 
with numerous references to the litera- 
ture of the subject. The superstitions 
are also noted. 

Hartland (E. S.) Totemism and some 
recent discoveries. (Folk-Lore, Lon- 
don, igoo, XI, 52-80.) Address of 
President of Folk-Lore Society. Dis- 
cusses the recent researches and publi- 
cations of Dr Franz Boas in America 
and Messrs Spencer and Gillen in Aus- 
tralia, which, the author believes, have 
dealt "smashing blows" at the Mac- 
lennan-Frazer-Smith-Jevons theory of 
totemism, so that " there is hardly one 
stone of the fabric left upon another." 

Henderson (C. R.) Prison laboratories. 
(Amer. Journ. Sociol., Chicago, 1900, 
VI, 316-323.) General statement of 
case for the institution of anthropo- 
metric and psycho-physical laboratories 
in prisons, with report of a committee 
of the National Prison Association. 

The scope of social technology. 

(Ibid., 465-4S6.) Social technology 
deals with the problem of means in 
sociology. General outline and discus- 

Keller (A. G.) Sociology and the epic. 
(Ibid., 267-271.) A general statement 
of " the value of these poetical docu- 
ments of the past as affording well-nigh 
indispensable material for the student 
of the history of civilization." Appeals 
for monographs on the social data of 
the great epics. 

Klaatsch (H.) Der kurze Kopf des 
Musculus biceps femoris und seine mor- 
phologische Bedeutung. (Corrbl. d. 
deutschen Ges. f. Anthrop., Miinchen, 
1900, XXXI, 145-150,) The author 
looks upon the form of this muscle as 
primitive, a rudimentary formation be- 
longing to the ancestor of the mam- 
mals, now occurring only sporadically. 

Lasch (K.) Weitere Beitrage zur Geo- 
phagie. (Mitth. d. Anthrop. Ges. in 
Wien, 1900, Sitzgber., 181-183.) Ad- 
denda to the article published in 1898, 



Lasch — Continued. 

Treats of earth as food, geophagy of 
pregnant women, earth-eating as a re- 
ligious rite, pathological geophagy. It 
is worth noting that while the ancient 
Mexicans forbade the eating of earth by 
pregnant women, in Java and other 
parts of the East Indies it i5 in high 

Lee {Miss A.), and Pearson (K.) A 
first study of the correlation of the hu- 
man skull. (Proc. Roy. Soc, London, 
1901, Lxvii, 333-337.) Abstract of the 
results of the examination of the skull 
capacity of some 60 men and 30 wo- 
men, whose relative intellectual ability 
can be more or less roughly appreciated. 
The conclusion arrived at is that there 
is no marked degree of correlation be- 
tween skull capacity and intellectual 

Lefebure (E.) Mirages visuels et audi- 
tifs. (Melusine, Paris, 1900, X, 25-39, 
49-56.) A detailed account, with many 
bibliographical references, of ancient 
and modern folk-belief about mirages 
(water and land), phantasmagoria, 
strange noises, echoes, singing sands, 

L'Arc-en-ciel. (Ibid., 97-1 11, 121- 

125.) A very interesting study, well 
provided with citations, of the rainbow 
among the poets (classical and French 
in particular). The form, color, com- 
position are considered. 

Le Sueur (W. D.) Notes on the study 
of language. (Trans. Ottawa Lit. and 
Scientif. Soc, iSgg-igoo, 93-iiS.) 
Treats of some of the most important 
facts about the origin, growth, and ac- 
quisition of language, its nature and 
possibilities for the expression of 

Leuba (J. H.) Introduction to a psy- 
chological study of religion. (Alonist, 
Chicago, 1901, XI, 194-225.) Largely 
concerned with the discussion of defi- 
nitions of religion. 

Lombroso (Gina). I vantaggi della de- 
generazione. (Riv. di Sci. biol., Torino, 
1900, 11,848-874.) Treats of degenera- 
tion in evolution, physical resistance of 
degenerate man, useful pathological phe- 
nomena, weakness of apparent strength, 
longevity of degenerate individuals and 
races, influence of civilization on longev- 
ity and degeneration, etc. A suggestive 
exposition of the thesis that " not all the 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 3 — 12. 

anomalies stigmatized as degenerate are 
as disadvantageous to the species and to 
the individual as is commonly thought." 

Marett (R. R.) Pre-animistic religion. 
(Folk-Lore, London, igoo, xi, 162- 
182.) .\ims to set forth certain very 
primitive phases of religion, the reli- 
gious phenomena " before aiiiviism." 
The author thinks awe the best term 
wherewith to denote " the fundamental 
religious feeling." Awe finds vent in 
anijnntism, then animism. Pages 318— 
321 contain remarks on M. Marett's 
paper by Andrew Lang and reply by 
the author. 

Marro (A.) Puberal hygiene in relation 
to pedagogy and sociology. (Amer. 
Journ. Sociol., Chicago, 1900, vi, 224— 
237.) General discussion of the proper 
treatment of the boy and girl during 
the development of puberty. Advises 
repression of excitement, extravagances, 
etc.; counsels the use of "cool appli- 

Murray (G.) National ideals, conscious 
and unconscious. (Internat. Journ. 
Ethics, Phila.. igoo-igoi, xi, 1-22.) 
Argiies that " the unconscious or con- 
cealed ideals are the real forces that 
govern mankind." 

von Negelein (J.) Die Reise der Seele 
ins Jenseits. (Ztschr. d. Ver. f. Volks- 
kunde, Berlin, 1901, XI, 16-28.) First 
part (the departure of the soul) of 
a general discussion of beliefs and prac- 
tices of all peoples concerned with the 
journey of the soul in the other world. 
The author endeavors to be entirely 
unprejudiced in his treatment of the 

Netolitzky (F.) Ueber die Anwendung 
des Mikroskopes in der Urgeschichts- 
forschung. (Corrbl. d. deutschen Ges. 
f. Anthrop., Munchen, 1901, xxxi, i- 
2.) Points out the importance of mi- 
croscopical examination of the remains 
of textile materials, plants (used for 
food and other purposes), the earth in 
graves, mounds, etc., the exuviae of 
animals and of human beings, the re- 
mains attaching to pottery and frag- 
ments of kitchen-utensils, weapons, and 
the like for ascertaining facts relative 
to the food-habits, plant-use. etc., of 
primitive man. 

Penka (K.) Die Ethnologisch-ethno- 
graphische Bedeutung der megalith- 
ischen Grabbauten. (Mitth. d. Anthrop. 



[n. s., 3, iqoi 

Penka — Continued. 

Ges. in Wien, 1900, xxx, N. F. xx, 
27-43.) A general discussion of the 
distribution and racial significance of 
megalithic grave-monuments (dolmens, 
etc.). The author notes the growth of 
the opinion that these relics of past 
ages have a common origin although 
widespread over the Eurafrica-Indic 
region. The article is well provided 
with references to the literature of the 
subject, and the views of Montelius, 
Meitzen, and Sophus Miiller are gone 
into in detail. Penka sees in the small 
stone-chambers imitations of the dwell- 
ings of the living. The dolmens of the 
Mediterranean region are to be at- 
tributed to the blonde, i. e., the Aryan 

Polivka (G.) Tom Tit Tot. Ein Bei- 
trag zur vergleichenden Marchenkunde. 
(Ztschr. d. Ver. f. Volkskunde, Berlin, 
igoo, X, 254-272, 325, 3S2-396, 438- 
439.) A detailed discussion of the ori- 
gin and development, relationships, 
etc., of the tale after which Clodd's 
recent book is named. A valuable 
addition to the latter (which is more 
concerned with the content of the tale). 

Read (C. H.) Presidential Address. 
(Journ. Anthrop. Inst., London, 1900, 
XXX, N. -s. Ill, 6-21.) A review of the 
contributions to anthropological science 
by the members of the Institute during 
i8gg. with more details in the case of 
those lately deceased. 

Regnault (Felix) Le costume, son 
origine et ses transformations. (Rev. 
Scientif. , Paris, 1901, 4^ ser., xv\ 103- 
1x2.) This article on the evolution of 
dress discusses briefly the roles of utility, 
ornament, esthetics, trophy, relicism, 
niodesty, etc., in the origin of dress. The 
influences of climate, active life, imita- 
tion, exaggeration, misoneism, age, 
social status, profession, urban and 
rural life, sex, are noted, and the con- 
clusion contains some good advice on 
" the science of dress." The author 
expresses the safe opinion that " the 
origin of dress is complex." 

Reinach (S.) Quelques observations sur 
le tabou. (Anthropologie, Paris, igoo, 
XI, 401-407.) A general discussion of 
the origin and meaning of taboo, and an 
attempt to define more exactly its sig- 
nification. For the author a taboo is 
" une interdiction non motivce," unac- 
companied by the threat of intervention 

of a legislator, and having the object of 
shielding men from unknown danger, 
and from the peril of death in particu- 
lar. The roots of the taboo reach back 
into the animal world below man. 

Russell (F.) Anthropology at Baltimore. 
(Science, N. Y., 1901, N. s. xiii, i3g- 
142.) Brief account of papers read be- 
fore .Section H., A. A. A. S., at Balti- 
more, Md., Dec. 27-28, igoo. 

de Saussure (L.) Le point de vue sci- 
entifique en sociologie. (Rev. Scien- 
tif., Paris, 1901, 4*= ser., xv, 34-44.) 
The "scientific point of view" is the 
spirit of research into the relations of 
phenomena which is not biased by any 
utilitarian or sentimental considera- 
tions. This essay is the introduction 
to a "science of the relations of civil- 
ization to barbarism," which is to be em- 
bodied in a series of works edited by 
the author. 

Schmid-Monnard {Dr) Ueber den 
Werth von Korpermaassen zur Beur- 
theilung des Korperzustandes von Kin- 
dern. (Corrbl. d. deutschen Ges. f. 
Anthrop., Mtinchen, igoo, xxxi, 130- 
133.) Discusses, with two tables and 
three sets of curves, the value of bodily 
measurements as indications of bodily 
conditions in children. Notes the ex- 
istence of numerous deviations from 
the norms without any trace of disease 
or sickness. As the result of the inves- 
tigation of 102 1 boys and 107 1 girls 
(from birth up to 14 years of age) be- 
longing to Halle, the author concludes 
that there exists betv^'een stature and 
weight a fixed relation independent of 
age ; hence when such relation is noted 
small size is nothing pathological. 

Sergi (G.) Le forme del cranio nmano 
nello sviluppo fetale in relazione alle 
forme adulte. (Riv. di Sci. Biol., 
Torino, igoo, 11, 831-847.) The greater 
part of this second part of Prof. Sergi's 
study of the developmental relations 
of the fetal to the adult forms of the hu- 
man skull is devoted to a descriptive 
and systematic catalogue of 88 fetal 
skulls (chiefly at term), preserved in the 
Museum of Comparative Anatomy (Jar- 
din des Plantes) and the Broca Anthro- 
pological Museum (School of Medicine) 
at Paris. Tlie measurements of length 
and l)readth, together with the cephalic 
index are given, and there are eight 
figures in the text. The conclusions of 
the previous paper, with one or two ex- 
ceptions, are confirmed. 



Super (C. F.) Civilization and the ethi- 
cal standard. (Amer. Antiq., Chicago, 
1900, XXII, 358-366.) An argument 
for the " inherently ethical" nature of 
man in spite of his lapses, mistakes, and 
flippant treatment at times of the true, 
the good, and the beautiful. 

Stefan6-Pol (M.) La reglementation 
scientifique du mariage. (Rev. Scien- 
tif., Paris, igor, 4« ser., xv, 34-44.) 
A reply to [he arguments set forth in a 
previous number by M. Cazalis, whose 
book. La Science et le Mariage, has 
just been published. To encourage 
marriages, not to put obstacles in their 
way, is jhe better remedy ; to prevent 
the marriage of the unfit may not ac- 
complish as much as to secure the mar- 
riage of the fit, and improve the environ- 
ments of all. 

Thomas (N. W.) Animal superstitions 
and totemism. (Folk-Lore, London, 
1900, XI, 227-267.) This valuable 
paper, provided with numerous biblio- 
graphical references, treats in consider- 
able detail of the animal superstitions 
connected with totemism, which, the 
author says, " has been found as a liv- 
ing cult in only two considerable areas 
of the world's surface — North America 
and Australia." The superstitions in 
question are discussed under the fol- 
lowing heads : Totemic or quasi-totem- 
ic ; animals used in augury and 
sacrifice ; annual ceremonies (sacrifice, 
communion). The author believes that 
the facts he has collected " conclusively 
prove the existence of an animal cult in 
Europe," and that the great mass of 
animal superstitions "originated in a 
system of totemism differing in no 
essential respect from that which we 
find among the non-European races." 


d'Araujo (J.) Proverbios venezianos 
com equivalencia portugueza. (A Tra- 
di9ao, Serpa, 1901. Ill, 12-15.) A list 
of 92 Venetian proverbs and their equiv- 
alents in Portuguese. 

d'Azevedo (P. A.) As Boas-Festas. 
(Ibid., 42-44, 75-76, 91-93.) An his- 
torical account of the Christmas and 
Easter festivals, which alone enjoy the 
epithet " good festivals." 

Bacher (J.) Von dem deutschen Grenz- 
posten Lusern im walschen Slidtirol. 
(Ztschr. d. Ver. f. Volkskunde, Berlin, 

1900, X, 151-162, 306-319, 407-417 ; 

1901, XI, 2S-37.) Three sections of an 
interesting study of Luserna, a moun- 
tain community of German stock in the 
Italian Tirol. A brief historical sketch 
takes up the first part, the three others 
consisting of tales in the Luserna dia- 
lect, the original phonetic text and 
German translation being given in par- 
allel columns, with explanatory notes 
on difficult or unusual words. So far 
20 tales are recorded in these pages. 

Balfour (H.) Guilloche pattern on an 
Etruscan potsherd. (Man, London, 
1901, 8.) The potsherd here figured 
and described illustrates a genesis of the 
guilloche by "a more or less uncon- 
scious process, beginning with concen- 
tric circles in series." 

Balladoro (A.) Cinquanta indovinelli 
Veronesi. (Arch. p. 1. Stud. d. Trad. 
Pop., Palermo, 1900, xix, 34-39.) Of 
these 50 Veronese riddles 10 are in 
prose, 8 in three-line and 32 in four- 
line verses. 

Impronte maravigliose in Italia. 

(Ibid., 126-129, 186-1S9, 443-449-) 
Continuation (Nos. xciv-cxvii) from 
previous articles on "magic imprints." 
Imprints of hands, feet, etc., on pave- 
ments, rocks, marks of injuries on 
statues, persons changed into stone, 
etc., are discussed ; several of the items 
relate to the Devil. 

Bancalari (G.) Forschungen und Stu- 
dien liber das Haus. vi. \'olksmassige 
Benennungen der Gerathe. (Mitth. d. 
Anthrop. Ges. in Wien, 1900, Xxx, n. 
Y. XX, 1-23.) This article discusses the 
popular names in Austria and Ger- 
many of lamps and lights, stoves and 
heating apparatus, kitchen apparatus 
and utensils, furniture, vessels for 
fluids and solids, baskets, barn, stable 
and kindred implements, agricultural 
implements, etc., and contains many 
valuable items of culture-history. The 
names for lighting and heating appara- 
tus are particularly interesting. It is 
worth noting that the "fire-dog" 
(Ftnierluiud in Berchtesgaden) ' is 
known as "fire-horse" {Fenerj-oss)\vi 
Steiermark and Upper and Lower 

Barella (D.) Cantilene infantili della 
Sardegna centrale. (Arch. p. 1. Stud, 
d. Trad. Pop., Palermo, 1900, xix, 
307-321, 433-442.) Texts, with occa- 
sional notes, of 87 ca)itilence, of which 



[n. s., 3, igoi 

Barella — Continued. 

15 relate to natural phenomena, 19 to 
animals, birds, insects, etc., 10 to play- 
things, 21 to raillery at bad actions, 
names, etc., 13 to games. These chil- 
dren's songs were collected in Nuoro 
and the surrounding villages, though a 
good many of them belong to the whole 

Bliimml (E. K.) und Rott (A. J.) Die 
Verwendung der Pflanzen durch die 
Kinder in Deutschbohmen und Nie- 
derosterreich. (Ztschr. d. Ver. f . Volks- 
kunde, Berlin, 1901, xi, 49-64.) In 
this interesting and valuable paper 
the authors enumerate (the common 
and botanical names are given), with 
occasionally detailed explanatory notes, 
106 species of plants used for various 
purposes (food, games, childish arts 
and industries) by children in German 
Bohemia and Lower Austria. 

Bogisic (V.) Publication et enquete de 
proverbes en Russie. (Melusine, Paris, 
igoo, X, 129-141.) Discusses recent 
studies of Russian proverbs by Simoni. 
The author's collection of proverb- 
literature numbers 1,500 books and 
pamphlets and MSS. containing go, 000 
proverbs (Slavonic 62,000). 

Bolte (y.) Volkstiimliche Zahlzeichen 
und Jahreszahlratsel. (Ztschr. d. Ver. 
f. Volkskunde, Berlin, 1900, X, 1S6- 
ig4.) Deals with signs used by the 
folk (builders, masons, threshers, etc.) 
for the numbers 5, 10, 11, 19, etc., and 
with "year-riddles," of which latter 
many examples are given ; CLX, e. g. 
= a sausage, a scythe, and a cross. 
Some interesting comparisons might be 
made here between these folk-phe- 
nomena and the "number forms" of 

Bosanquet (B.) The English people : 
notes on national characteristics. (In- 
ternat. Monthly, Burlington, Vt., igoi. 
Ill, 71-I16.) A popular sketch of 
race-psychology well and interestingly 
written by a philosopher. Insularity, 
inarticulateness, particularity, individu- 
ality, etc., are discussed in their various 
bearings upon English thought and 

Breuil {VA/>/>i) L'age du bronze dans 
le bassin de Paris. I. Les epees et 
dagues du bassin de la Somme. (An- 
thropologic, Paris, 1900, XI, 503-534.) 
The first part (with eight figures, illus- 

trating 119 specimens, in the text) of 
thorough-going study of the age of 
bronze in the Paris basin. This article 
deals with swords and daggers, their 
parts and appurtenances, wholly or in 
part of bronze. Comparisons are made 
with similar objects in England and 

Blinker (J. R.) Eine heanzische Bauern- 
hochzeit. (Ztschr. d. Ver. f. Volks- 
kunde, Berlin, 1900, x, 288-306, 365- 
382.) A valuable, detailed description 
of the wedding-feast (the greatest and 
most brilliant of all their festivals) 
among the Heanzen, a German people 
dwelling in the western parts of Eisen- 
burg and Odenhurg in western Hun- 
gary. No item of the event seems 

Eiserne Opferthiere. (Mitth. d. 

Anthrop. Ges.inWien, 1900, Sitzgber., 
185-186.) Brief description, with 6 
figures in the text, of animal figures of 
iron offered up. as votive gifts, at 
churches on certain saints' days within 
the last 30 years. Such offerings were 
once very common at Kogel, Tre- 
besing, etc. 

Buss (E.) Die religiosen und weltlichen 
Festgebrjiuche im Kan ton Glarus. 
(Schweiz. Archiv f. Volkskunde, Zur- 
ich, 1900, IV, 245-308.) An interesting, 
more or less detailed account of annual 
festivals, occasional celebrations, family 
ceremonials, etc. in Glarus. from saints' 
days to festivals of youth, the whole 
round of folk-life being covered. 

Galliano (G.) Prahistorische und ro- 
mische Funde in und um Baden. 
(Mitth. d. Anthrop. Ges. inWien, 1900, 
Sitzgber., 111-116.) General historical 
and critical sketch of archeological 
discoveries in and around Baden. The 
author holds that the remains of sculp- 
tures and marble-work especially dis- 
pose of the theory that Baden was only 
a little military station in Roman times. 

Carmi (Maria) II dramma della Pas- 
sione ad Olierammergau. (Arch. p. 1. 
Stud. d. Trad. Pop., Palermo, 1900, 
XIX, 378-400.) A detailed account, 
with criticisms of the Passion Play at 
Oberammergau in igoo. 

Casal (E.) I>a fesia dei fior. (Ibid., 
238-255.) Describes, with historical 
notes and numerous bibliographical ref- 
erences, the "festival of flowers" at 
Caprile, and discusses its significance. 



Chadwick (H. M.) The ancient Teu- 
tonic priesthood. (Folk-Lore, London, 
1900, XI, 268-300.) A comparative 
study of the priesthood in ancient Ger- 
many and Scandinavia. The author 
holds that the priests of the ancient 
Germans had little in common with the 
vates of the Gauls, and that priestly 
duties were discharged by the temporal 
. chief, while in the Scandinavian region 
the existence of a priestly class has not 
been clearly demonstrated. M. Chad- 
wick argues for the origin of the Ger- 
man priesthood from a previously 
existing monarchy. 

The oak and the thunder- 
god. (Jour. Anthrop. Inst., Lon- 
don, 1900, XXX, N. s. Ill, 22-44.) 
Treats of the thunder-god among the 
Scandinavians, continental Germans, 
Celts, ancient Prussians, Slavs, etc. ; 
of the " tree-sanctuary " among these 
peoples, of the association between the 
thunder-god and the oak, and of the 
theories relating thereto. The author 
concludes that " the cult of the thunder- 
god was in early times common to 
most of the Indo- Germanic races or 
peoples of Europe," — the distribution 
of the tree-sanctuary is less certainly 
made out. Mr Chadwick holds that 
"the thunder-god was tJie god of the 
primitive European community " and 
that he was supposed to inhabit the 
oak " because it had formerly been 
the dwelling-place of his worshipper." 
The oak acquired its sanctity from the 
fact that priests dwelt under it and 
not vice versa. 

Chamberlain (Isabel C.) The devil's 
grandmother. (Journ. Am. Folk-Lore, 
Boston, igoo, xili, 278-280.) Brief 
list of folk-sayings of Teutonic peoples 
concerning the " devil's dam." 

Coelho (T.) O Senhor Sete. (A Tradi- 
9ao, Serpa, igoo, 11, 39-42, 69-71, 86- 
88, 97-102, 118-120, 135-138, 154-157, 
162-168, 185-186 ; igoi. III, 8-10, 
17-22.) "Mr Seven " is an interest- 
ing and valuable collection of folk-lore 
(poetry, proverbs, superstitions, etc.) 
relating to the number seven. 

Ellis (H.) A study of British genius. 
(Pop. Sci. Mo., N. Y., 1901, LViii, 
372-380, 540-547, 595-603.) An an- 
thropological-psychological study of the 
character, parentage, racial and social 
characteristics, etc., of British genius. 
The bases of the study are 859 men and 

43 women of high intellectual ability as 
recorded in the Dictionary of National 
Biography, selected from the 30,000 
persons with whom the 63 volumes of 
this work deal. Mr Ellis notes the 
presence of two important factors, " a 
spontaneous rhythmical rise and fall in 
the production of genius," and "the 
stimulating influence of great historical 
events, calling out latent intellectual 
energy." He also suggests that we may 
have "afresh outburst of intellectual 
ability at the beginning of the twentieth 
century." As compared with England, 
Wales and Ireland produce not enough 
and Scotland more than her share of 
men of genius. Norfolk, in England, 
is a noteworthy genius-centre. The 
proletariat have produced few men of 
genius in contrast with the " gentle- 
men," — education seems not to have 
changed this. Geniuses tend to be the 
oldest or youngest sons of large families 
(father 30-34 years, mother 26-40 old). 
Mr Ellis emphasizes the fact that men 
of genius in the conditions of their 
birth parallel the other classes of man- 
kind who are mentally abnormal. 

Fortsch (Z>;-) Ueber die vor- und friih- 
geschichtlichen Verhiiltnisse der Pro- 
vinz Sachsen. (Corrbl. d. deutschen 
Ges. f. Anthrop., Miinchen, 1900, 
xxxi, 77-80.) The author traces 
briefly the anthropological history of 
Saxony from the stone age down to 
the fifteenth century of our era. Very 
few traces of paleolithic man have been 
discovered hitherto in this region ; the 
high development of stone-age ceramics 
is noteworthy ; and the transition from 
stone to bronze seems to have been 
rather gradual. The Hallstatt and La 
Tene cultures appear to have existed 
side by side for a long time. The 
Slavs, Dr Fortsch thinks, brought lit- 
tle if any culture into Saxony. 

Forzano (G.) La vita nel villagio di S. 
Gorgio. (Arch. p. 1. Stud. d. Trad. 
Pop., Palermo, 1900, xix, 518-520.) 
Brief account of folk-life in a village of 
the Province of Messina. 

Freund (Z?;-) Ein Faltstuhl aus der al- 
teren Bronzezeit. (Corrbl. d. deut- 
schen Ges. f. Anthrop., MUnchen, 
1900, XXXI, 144-145.) Describes a 
" folding chair" of the older bronze 
period, found in 1869 at Bechelsdorf 
(Ratzeburg), and notes the fact of the 
frequency of such chairs over a wide 
area during this age. 



[n. s., 3, 1901 

Gaster (M.) Two thousand years of a 
charm against the child-stealing witch. 
(Folk-Lore, London, igoo, XI, 129- 
162.) Discusses the wanderings of 
"one of the longest and most complete 
[the text is given] in the whole range of 
Roumanian charms," in oral and in 
written literature. The charm is held 
to be of Oriental origin, Babylonian, 
perhaps, and has changed compara- 
tively little during the centuries. 

Giuffrida-Ruggeri (V.) Le origini 
Italiche. (Riv. di Sci. Biol., Torino, 
IQOO, II, 926-932.) A critical review 
of recent anthropological literature con- 
cerning the earliest Italian peoples and 
their culture. The author does not 
favor the term " Ibero-Ligurian," not 
admitting the identity of the two races. 
He also disapproves the attempt to 
make funeral-rites absolute evidences 
of race-diversities. 

Gbtze (A.) Die Eintheilung der neo- 
lithischen Periode in Mitteleuropa. 
(Corrbl. d. deutschen Ges. f. Anthrop., 
Miinchen, 1900, xxxi, 133-137.) An 
attempt by means of the grouping of 
pottery specimens (illustrated in the 
text) to fix a division of the neolithic 
period in central Europe. The author 
recognizes two sub-periods, the first of 
which is represented by " Schur- " and 
" Zonenkeramik." 

Gray (J.) and Tocher (J. F.) The 
physical characteristics of adults and 
school-children in East Aberdeenshire. 
(Jour. Anthrop. Inst., London, 1900, 
XXX, N. s. Ill, 104-124.) This paper, 
supplied with tables, maps of distribu- 
tion, and cephalic charts, resume's the 
results of the investigation of shape of 
the nose and the hair and eyes of 14,561 
children (boys 7717) and 3262 adults 
(women 551); also the measurements 
of stature, height sitting, maximum 
length and breadth of head of 402 
adults of various classes and occupa- 
tions. Among the facts brought out 
by these investigations are the exist- 
ence of " a very much smaller percent- 
age of the blond element than has been 
generally supposed " ; an excess of 
brown hair over brown eyes ; post-natal 
darkening of females ; increase of 
brown hair among adults 15 to 16 Jb 
(Virchow's estimate for Germany is 

Hein (W.) Die Opfer-Barmutter als 
Stachelkugel. (Ztschr. d. Ver. f. Volks- 

kunde. Berlin, 1900, X, 420-426.) De- 
scribes (with three figures in text) the 
use of iron spike-balls as votive offer- 
ings of women suffering from womb 
troubles in parts of Austria, Switzer- 
land, and Germany. 

Heinemann (F.) Die Henker und 
Scharfrichter als Volks- und Vieharzte 
seit Ausgang des Mittelalters. (Schweiz. 
Archiv. f. V^olkskunde, Zurich, 1900, 
IV, 1-16.) A discussion of the role of 
the hangman and executioner as physi- 
cian and animal-doctor in post-medi- 
eval Germany and Switzerland. As 
late as the first quarter of the nineteenth 
century the popular assembly at Alt- 
dorf had to choose, for " Landesphysi- 
cus," between a regular physician and 
the executioner of Uri. 

Henning {Dr) Bericht i'lber die letzten 
Strassburger Ausgrabungen und liber 
die neue archiiologische Bewegung in 
Deutschland. (Corrbl. d. deutschen 
Ges. f. Anthrop., 1900, xxxi, 92-96.) 
Deals with the discoveries of remains 
of the Roman period (city walls espe- 
cially) at Strassburg, the Argentorate 
of the oldest documents. Contains 
also an appeal for the archeological 
investigation and preservation of the 
oldest German remains. 

Hertzberg (G.) Die Halloren in Halle 
a. S. (Ibid., 118-120.) Brief account 
of the Hallori (the name is first known 
in 1630), or salt-workers, whose history 
is bound up with that of the city of 
Halle from the most ancient times. 

Hofer (P.) Ueber drei neue Hausurnen 
und liber Hausurnentypen. (Ibid., 
115-118.) The number of hut urns 
so far discovered in Germany is 25 
(from Saxony 16, and from Anhalt 6). 
Dr Hofer describes three new speci- 
mens from Hoym and Wulferstedt. 

Hoffmann -Krayer (E.) Das Berner 
" Matten-English." (Schweiz. Archiv 
f. Volkskunde, Zfirich, 1900, iv, 39- 
44.) Specimens — text and vocabulary 
— of a student-jargon in Bern, with 
request for further information. 

Hoernes (M.) Bronzen aus Wien und 
Umgebung im k. k. naturhistorischen 
Hofmuseum und die Bronzezeit Niede- 
rosterreichs im Allgemeinen. (Mitth. 
d. Anthrop. Ges. in Wien, 1900, xxx, 
N. F. XX, 65-78.) A description (with 
four plates and two figures in the text) of 
bronze specimens from Vienna and the 



Hoernes — Contiitued. 
eastern half of Lower Austria in the 
Royal Museum of Natural History, 
followed by a brief general account of 
the bronze age in Lower Austria. 

Janowski (A.) Rysunki z piasku pized 
chata. (Wisla, Warzawa, iqoo, xiv, 
314-318.) Describes briefly, with two 
plates (21 figures) sand-drawings made 
in front of the huts at Smardzewice. 

Kahle (B.) Der Ort der Hochzeit auf 
Island zur Sagazeit. (Ztschr. d. Ver. 
f. V^olkskunde, Berlin, 1901, XI, 40- 
46.) From the data in the old Iceland 
sagas, the author argues that a solemn 
procession or conduction of the bride 
to her new home, where she was for- 
mally given over to her waiting hus- 
band, did not take place ; the nature 
of the country accounts for the absence 
of this. The various places where 
weddings took place — house of either 
party, of parents, relatives, guardians, 
friends, etc. — are noted. 

Kohl {Dr) Neue stein- und friihmetall- 
zeitliche Graberfunde bei Worms. 
(Corrbl. d. deutschen Ges. f. Anthrop., 
Miinchen, 1900, xxxi, 137-142.) De- 
scribes, with five figures in the text, the 
investigation of a prehistoric burial 
ground near Worms, in which 25 
graves were successively discovered. 
These Adlerberg graves contain re- 
mains from four periods (two stone and 
two metal), and represent largely the 
transition between the age of stone and 
that of metal. The skeletons are 
tall, with mesocephalic skulls, and lit- 
tle evidence of platycnemia. The 
corpses had the crouched {hockend) 

Lewis (A. L.) The stone circles of 
Scotland. (Jour. Anthrop. Inst., Lon- 
don, igoo, XXX, N. s. HI, 56-72.) A 
general description (with six figures) of 
the principal stone circles in Scotland 
and the Isles. The author notes that 
"stone circles are still much more 
plentiful in certain parts of Scotland 
than in the rest of Britain, but many 
that formerly existed have been de- 
stroyed, and for the most part without 
any satisfactory description of them 
having been preserved." In the Aber- 
deen district more than thirty circles 
(26 having the peculiar "altar stone ") 
have been listed. Mr Lewis distin- 
guishes three different types of stone 
circles in Scotland : Western Scottish 

(irregular ring), Inverness (ring about 
tumulus), Aberdeen (ring with "altar 
stone "). Sun and star circles, and 
possibly other classes, may also be dis- 

Majewski (E.) Rodzina krukow w 
moure proj^ciach i praktykach ludu 
polskiego. (WisJa, Warzawa, igoo, 
XIV, 2S-41, 152-179.) A study of the 
crow (corvi/s) in folk-speech, legend, 
proverb, tale, and superstition in Po- 
land. The various species of crows 
are taken up, lists of place-names de- 
rived from them, proverbial expression 
and divers items of folk-belief concern- 
ing them given. Poetical references 
and appearances in myths and legends 
are also noted in detail. 

Makowski (W.) Dozywocie. (Ibid., 
241-252.) Discusses with some detail 
the do'zyzvocic or property relation be- 
tween grown - lip children and old 

Matiegka (H.) Bericht fiber die an- 
thropologische Untersuchung der Ge- 
beine Paul J. Safarik's. (Mitth. d. 
Anthrop. Ges. in Wien, 1900, Sitzgber. , 
179-181.) Brief account (with details 
of measurements) of the condition and 
characteristics of the skull of ^afarik, 
the distinguished Slavonic scholar, a 
Slovak by birth. The investigation 
took place in connection with the ex- 
huming of his body in May, 1900. 
The skull is very regular and no anom- 
aly could be detected. The content of 
the skull was 1738 cubic cm., or nearly 
200 cm. above the average. 

Meier (S.) Volksti'imliches aus dem 
Frei- und Kelleramt. (Schweiz. Archiv 
f. Volkskunde, Ziirich, igoo. iv, 17— 
29, 167-173, 221-232, 321-328.) Folk- 
lore about birth, childhood, food and 
meals, clothing, household stuff, care 
of body, folk-medicine. 

Meisner (Z?r) Scherben mit Fingerein- 
driicken. (Corrbl. d. deutschen Ges. f. 
Anthrop., Miinchen, 1900, XXXI, 120- 
122.) Describes, with two figures in 
the text, a fragment of pottery from 
the pile-dwellings at Corcelettes (Lake 
Neuchatel), with impressions of finger- 
tips, including nails. The condition 
and shape of the nails the author con- 
siders valuable anthropological data, 
according to the views of Kollmann, 
Minakow and others concerning the 
relation of nail-types to stature, size, 

1 84 


[n. s., 3, 1901 

Meyer (R. M.) Goethe und die deutsche 
Volkskunde. (Ztschr. d. Ver. f. Volks- 
kunde, Berlin, 1900, X, 1-15.) Dis- 
cusses from the evidence of his life and 
writings Goethe's interest in folk-life 
and folk-lore. The author concludes 
that Goethe's folk-interest was hardly 
more than a " Dreingucken." 

Montelius (O.) On the earliest commu- 
nications between Italy and Scandi- 
navia. (Jour. Anthrop. Inst., igoo, 
XXX, N. s. Ill, 89-94.) From the con- 
sideration of bronze vessels, ornaments, 
swords, shields (figured in the three 
plates accompanying the paper), Dr 
Montelius concludes that " the Italian 
bronzes imported into Scandinavia were 
in use contemporaneously in Sweden 
and in Italy." The third millennium 
B.C. is none too early for the relations 
in question in their first developments. 
These articles traveled to Scandinavia 
by the amber trade route, and the 
transit could have been made in two 

Ueber das erste Auftreten des Ei- 

sens. (Corrbl. der deutschen Ges. f. 
Anthrop., Munchen, igoo, xxxi, 142- 
144.) From present evidence (no re- 
mains of iron go back further than the 
fifteenth century B.C.) iron seems to 
have been discovered about the middle 
of the second millennium B.C., probably 
in the Orient, whence its use reached 
Europe and the West. 

Miillenhoff (K.) Zur Geschichte der 
Bienenzucht in Deutschland. (Ztschr. 
d. Ver. f. Volkskunde, Berlin, igoo, X, 
16-26.) Interesting sketch of the his- 
tory of apiculture in Germany. Bee- 
keeping, charms, folk-lore, laws, etc., 
are treated. 

Nicklin (J. A.) The Greek view of life. 
(Internat. Jour, of Ethics, Phila. , igoo- 
igoi, XI, 227-232.) Protests against 
the characterization of Greek genius as 
wholly sensuous, — it reconciled the in- 
tellect with the senses. 

Pimentel (A.) Os proverbios e a medi- 
cina. (A Tradifao, Serpa, 1900, 11, 65- 
69, 120-124.) Discusses Portuguese 
proverbs and popular sayings in rela- 
tion to medicine, and their hints of 
scientific truth. 

Pineau (L.) Vieux chants populaires 
Scandinaves de I'age barbare. (Arch, 
p. 1. Stud. d. Trad. Pop., Palermo, 

igoo, XIX, 2S9-306.) General discus- 
sion of the reflection of barbarous life 
in old Scandinavian songs, with fre- 
quent citations in illustration of the 

Paysans Scandinaves d'autrefois et 

paysans Fran9ais d'aujourd'hui. (Rev. 
d. Trad. Pop., Paris, 1900, xv, 497- 
502.) Cites instances of folk-lore to 
prove "the astonishing likeness" be- 
tween the Scandinavian peasantry of 
old [as described in Saxo^Grammaticus 
and Olavus Magnus] and the French 
peasantry of today. 

Piroutet (M.) Contribution a I'etude 
du premier age du fer dans les De- 
partements du Jura et du Doubs. (An- 
thropologic, Paris, 1900, XI, 369-400.) 
This article, illustrated by 21 figures in 
the text, discusses in considerable de- 
tail the tumuli of the early iron age in 
the region of the Jura and Doubs and 
their contents. The author combats 
the idea formerly very prevalent that 
these tumuli represented battle-fields, 
the tombs of fallen Gaulish, Roman, 
Frankish, and Saracen warriors. 

Pitre (G.) Delle feste patronali in Si- 
cilia. (Arch. p. 1. Stud. d. Trad. Pop., 
Palermo, 1900, xix, 3-17, 145-168.) 
A detailed and valuable study of patron 
saints and their festivals in various 
cities and towns of Sicily, customs, 
legends, etc., connected therewith. In 
the middle of the seventeenth century 
Palermo had 31 patron saints, and today 
in 150 -Sicilian communes there are 50. 

Contributo alia bibliografia dei 

" Contes des Fees" di Ch. Perrault, 
d'Aulnoy e Leprince de Beaumont in 
Italia. (Ibid., 256-259.) Titles, with 
notes, 26 editions of Italian books con- 
taining in whole or in part Perrault's 
" Fairy Tales." 

Le tradizioni popolari nella Divina 

Cotnmedia. (Ibid., 521-554.) Cites, 
with explanatory notes and references 
to literature, 43 passages from Dante's 
Divine Cot?iedy, containing items of 
folk-lore of various sorts, — customs, 
games, beliefs, superstitions, legends, 

Radziukinas (J.) Dzuki. (Wisla, Warz- 
awa, igoo, .\iv, 42-54.) An eth- 
nographical sketch of the " Dzukis," 
of the Government of Suwalki, in 



Regalia (E.) Sulla fauna della Grotta 
di Pertosa, Salerno, con un sunto della 
relativa pubblicazione paletnologica del 
Prof. G. Patroni. (Arch. p. I'Antrop. 
e la Etnol., Firenze, 1900, xxx, 25- 
54.) An account of the finds in the 
prehistoric grotto-station of Pertosa in 
the Province of Saleino. To the re- 
port on the fauna by Dr Regalia is 
added a 7-esume of Prof. Patroni's in- 
vestigation of the evidences of human 
habitation. This grotto is remarkable 
for possessing a pile-dwelling, proof of 
the efforts of man to contend against 
the water and the mud of the torrent 
coursing through it. The station dates 
at least from the first age of bronze. A 
similar grotto has recently been dis- 
covered in Caggiano, in the same 

Rehme ( ) und Voght (V.) Beitrage 

zur Geschichte des deutschen Volks- 
schauspiels in Schlesien. (Mitteil. d. 
Schles. Ges. f. Volkskunde, Breslau, 
1900, 77-93.) A general account from 
the archives of Breslau of the folk- 
drama in Silesia, which lasted till well 
into the first half of the nineteenth 

Reinach (S.) Temoignages antiques sur 
Tecriture Mycenienne. (Anthropologic, 
Paris, igoo, xr, 497-502.) Discusses 
passages in Diodorus Siculus and Plu- 
tarch, which seem to indicate that the 
ancient Greeks were not altogether 
ignorant of the important Mycenian 
civilization with its graphic system. 

Reinecke (P.) Brandgraber vom Be- 
ginne der Hallstattzeit aus dem ostlichen 
Alpenlandem und die Chronologie des 
Grabfeldes von Hallstatt. (Mitth. d. 
Anthrop. Ges. in Wien, 1900, xxx, N. 
F. XX, 44-49.) During the early stages 
of the Hallstatt period the region of 
the eastern Alps, like the whole countr}' 
from Italy to Scandina%'ia, affords e%n- 
dence of the incineration of the dead. 
The author describes the contents of 
several grave-mounds of this era, and 
points out that about 1000 B.C., the 
finds in the Alps and northward to the 
North sea and Scandinavia give proof 
of verj' close relationship. The most 
modern graves of the Hallstatt ceme- 
tery date from the fourth centurj' B.C. 

Grabhligelfund von Toschewa in 

Serbien. (Ibid., 50-52.) "From one of 
two mounds, the only ones in the 
neighborhood, were obtained a bronze 

sword and a clay vessel (of a type 
hitherto unknown in the Balkan re- 
gion). These finds seem to indicate 
the extension of Hungarian bronze- 
work and pottery into parts of the 
Balkan peninsula during the third and 
fourth periods of the bronze age. 

Rhys (J.) On certain wells in Ireland. 
(Man, London, 1901, 12-13.) Contains 
extracts from letter of Sir Henrj' Blake, 
on tabooed wells and on a sea-calming 
"knievogue" or little saint. 

Ringholz (P. O.) Die Ausbreitung der 
Verehrung des hi. Meinrad. (Schweiz. 
Arch. f. Volkskunde. Zurich, 1900, 
IV, 85-130.) A historico-geographical 
sketch (with map) of the rise and ex- 
tension of the worship of St Meinrad 
(d. S6r A.D.)in Switzerland and beyond 
its borders. 

Salomone-Moreno (S. ) Le storie ]iopo- 
lari in poesia Siciliana messe a stampa 
dal secolo xv. ai di nostri. (Arch. p. 1. 
Stud. d. Trad. Pop., Palermo, 1900, 
XIX, 4S-64, 327-364.) A detailed bib- 
liograph}' of folk-tales in Sicilian 
poetry printed from the fifteenth centurj' 
down to the present time. Thirty-five 
titles are given, and pages 328-364 are 
occupied by an alphabetical list of 
Sicilian folk-poets (numbering more 
than 200) with brief notices. 

Seller (A.) Kirsche und Kirschbaum 
im Spiegel schweizer-deutscher Sprache 
und Sitte. (Schweiz. Archiv f. Volks- 
kunde, Ziirich, igoo, iv, 199-213.) 
Interesting information about German- 
Swiss names for cherries and cherry- 
trees, place-names derived from them, 
cultivation of cherry-trees, property in 
them, folk-sayings about them. 

Simon (T.) Recherches anthropome- 
triques sur 223 garcons anormaux ages 
de 8 a 23 ans. (Annee Psychol., Paris, 
1899 [1900], VI, 191-247.) Details of 
study of idiotic and feeble-minded chil- 
dren at Vaucluse (Seine). Author con- ' 
eludes that a correlation does exist 
between physical and intellectual de- 

Smdlski (G.) Zwycieczki na Mazowsze 
Pruskie. (Wisia, Warzawa, 1900, Xiv, 
113-130, 284-29S.) Describes a visit 
in 1899 in Prussian Maso\aa (the country 
of the -Mazurs), with ethnographic and 
historical notes. It is from this region 
that the mazurka has its name. 

1 86 


[n. s., 3, 1901 

Thomas (X. W.) O mercado de Grilles. 
(A Tradicao, Serpa, 1900, II, 120-130.) 
Brief discussion of the sale of crickets 
in various parts of Europe and its sig- 
mficance in folk-lore. 

Titelbach (V.) The sacred fire among 
the Slavic races of the Balkan. (Open 
Court, Chicago, igor, xv, 143-149.) 
This article, with 6 illustrations, treats 
of the kindling of the " living fire," 
and is translated from Internat. Arch, 
f. Ethnogr. , xill, i-2. 

Trotter (A.) Di alcune produzioni pato- 
logiche delle piante nella credenza 
popolare. (Arch. p. 1. Stud. d. Trad. 
Pop., Palermo, 1900, xi.x, 207-214.) 
Items of folk-belief from various parts 
of Europe (Italy chiefly) concerning 
"galls" on oaks, beeches, — "oak ap- 
ples," etc., — and their use in folk- 

Tuchmann (J.) La fascination. (Melu- 
sine, Paris, 1900, x, 8-14, 40-46, 68- 
70. 115-117, 125-127.) Discusses with 
numerous bibliographical references the 
prophylaxis and jurisprudence of fasci- 
nation in ancient and modern times 
among various peoples. 

Udziela (S.) Swiat nadzmyslowy ludu 
krakowskiego. (Wisla, Warzawa, igoo, 
XIV, 1-2, 132-144, 253-272.) Items 
272-330 of a detailed account of folk- 
beliefs in and about Krakow concerning 
the supernatural world. 

Vaschide (N.) and Pieron (H.) Pro- 
phetic dreams in Greek and Roman 
Antiquity. (Monist, Chicago, igoi, XI, 
161-194.) General discussion with lit- 
erary references. 

Virchow (R.) Ueber das Auftreten der 
Slaven in Deutschland. (Corrbl. d. 
deutschen Ges. f. Anthrop., Miinchen, 
igoo. xx.xi, 109-115.) Interesting dis- 
cussion of race-contact in North Ger- 
many. The author warns against 
looking upon all peoples termed Wends 
as Slavs, confesses his inability to state 
absolutely what is a Germanic and 
what is a Slavonic skull, and expresses 
the opinion that, after the emigration 
of the old stocks in northern Germany, 
the land was " empty," so the new im- 
migration was no conquest at all. 

Der Fund einer mit geschlagenen 

Feuersteinen gefiillten Meermuschel 
bei Braunschweig. (Ibid., 129-130.) 

Discusses the finding of a Triionium 
(the species belongs to the Red sea 
and Indian ocean) on the hill near 
Brunswick, where digging for flints 
had been carried on. 

Vital (A.) Der Cudesch da Babania. 
(Schweiz. Archiv f. Volkskunde, Zur- 
ich, igoo, IV, 174-176.) Treats of the 
"wheel of fortune" consultation on 
Jan. 6. (Epiphany) in the Engadin. 

Wasilewski (L.) Zdziejow zachod- 
niej granicy etnograficznej stowianskiej. 
(Wista, Warzawa, igoo, xiv, 13-27.) A 
statistical study of the Germanization 
of the Polish borders. 

Weinhold (K.) Ueber die Bedeutung 
des Haselstrauchs im altgermanischen 
Kultus und Zauberwesen. (Ztschr. d. 
Ver. f. Volkskunde, Berlin, 1901, xi, 
1-16.) According to the author the 
evidence resumed here indicates that in 
ancient Teutonic cultus and magic the 
hazel was a sacred implement, a holy 
symbol. The hazel-rod was the weapon 
of the celestial deity and possessed a 
sacred power which beneficently radi- 
ated in all directions among men. The 
hazel appears as altar-sacrifice, light- 
ning-protector, wind-ward, charm- 
breaker, shepherd's staff, doctor's rod, 
wishing-stick, water-finder, magic-staff, 

Ein hochdeutscher Augensegen. 

(Ibid., 79-S2.) Text from a Cambridge 
MS. of the twelfth century, of an old 
High German "eye-charm," with ex- 
planatory notes. 

Weisbach (A.) Die Deutschen Karn- 
tens. (Mitth. d. Anthrop. Ges. in 
Wien, igoo, xxx, N. F. X.x, 78-96.) 
Discusses in considerable detail, with 
maps and tables, the results of the an- 
thropometric investigation (stature, 
color of hair and eyes, color of skin, 
head-measurements) of 736 soldiers (in- 
dividuals with non-German names or 
"pathological" head-forms excluded) 
between 21 and 25 years of age. The 
results are compared with those in the 
surrounding provinces of Austria, based 
on the author's investigation of 10,834 
subjects altogether. The Carinthian 
Germans are taller, less brown- 
haired, more blue-eyed, less white- 
skinned, less mixed as to blond and 
brunette types, less brachycephalic and 
more dolichocephalic than those of the 
adjoining regions. 



Wiedersheim (R.) Organi rudimen- 
tali dell'uomo. (Riv. d. Sci. Biol., il, 
Soi-830. ) General discussion with 
numerous illustrations in text. 

Wilson (T.) Criminology. (Proc. Amer. 
Assoc. Adv. Sci., Easton, Pa., 19CO, 
XLix, 294-300.) A general statement, 
illustrated with four plates, of the 
claims of criminology, with the author's 
reasons for rejecting Lombroso's theory. 

Winslo'w (W. C.) The palace of Minos 
in Crete. (Amer. Antiq., Chicago, 
igoi, x.xiii, 54-57.) Brief discussion 
of the recent finds at Cnossus made by 
Mr A. J. Evans, with their bearings 
upon Egypto-.Egean relations. The 
author's conclusion is that " Cretan 
genius borrowed from Egypt, but 
beautified and added to it all." 

The tombs at Abydos. (Ibid., 141- 

144.) General account, after Petrie, of 
recent explorations. 


Arnaud-Regis (P.) Coutumes et super- 
stitions de la Casamance. (Rev. d. 
Trad. Pop., Paris, 1900, XV, 325-330.) 
Items about sorcery, funerals, and mar- 
riage from the region of Casamance 
river in West Africa, peopled by the 
Mandingos, Diolas, etc. 

Balfour (H.) Native smoking-pipes 
from Natal. (Man, London, 1901, 11- 
12.) Describes and figures four pipes, 
in one of which a penny stoneware ink- 
bottle has been utilized as a bowl. 

Delafosse (M.) Sur des traces proba- 
bles de civilisation Egyptienne et 
d'hommes de race blanche a la Cote 
d'lvoire. (Anthropologie, Paris, 1900, 
XI, 431-451, 543-56S.) These two 
sections of an extended study, illustra- 
trated with iS figures in the text, deal 
with the evidence (from houses, cloth- 
ing, furniture, pottery, tools, gold and 
metal work, sculpture, bas-reliefs, cari- 
cature, music and dance, property and 
succession laws, condition of women, 
insignia of power, cosmology, astron- 
omy, medicine, religion, funeral rites, 
cult of the dead, tombs, etc.) that the 
Baoule of the Ivory Coast have been 
touched in times past by the civilization 
of ancient Egypt. Some of the alleged 
identities are accidental, others merely 
superficial, but in the case of a few of 
the sculptures, masks, etc., and perhaps 

in some matters of astronomy and reli- 
gion, Egyptian influence may ultimately 
be proved. 

Girard (H.) Les Dinkas Nilotiques. 
(Ibid., 409-429.) After a brief general 
account of the natives and their country, 
details (with tables) are given of the vari- 
ous bodily and cranial measurements of 
three male Dinkas of the Nile, — the 
Dinkas are a pastoral negro people of 
tall stature, markedly dolichocephalic, 
and of average intelligence. 

Griffith (F. D.) The system of writing 
in ancient Egypt. (Journ. Anthrop. 
Inst., London, 1900, xxx, N. s. iii, 
153-159.) A general exposition of the 
chief features of Egyptian hieroglyphic 
writing. The author points out how 
the Egyptians never took full advan- 
tage of their great discovery of the 
alphabetic sign, conservatism, super- 
stition, and the artist-scribes' appre- 
ciation of the decorative value of 
hieroglyphic writing combining to re- 
tard progress. He also argues against 
the alleged acrophonic origin of the 
Egyptian alphabet, and notes that "in 
the great decline of taste under Ptol- 
emaic and Roman rule the inscriptions 
are crowded with fantastic inventions 
of new values and new signs." The 
hieratic or cursive writing can be traced 
back to the first dynasty. There is as 
yet " no clear evidence that Egyptian 
writing was either borrowed from or 
borrowed by any country outside the 
Nile valley." 

Kingston (H. D. R.) Notes on some 
caves in the T'Zitzikama or Outeniqua 
district, near Knysna, South Africa, 
and the objects found therein. (Ibid., 
45-49.) These caves contain evidence 
(shells, implements of bone and stone) 
of the sojourn of the so-called " strand 
loopers," who are believed to have pre- 
ceded the Hottentots in this region. 
The paper is accompanied by a plate 
showing 13 specimens of flaked quartz- 
ite, worked pebbles, etc. 

Koettlitz (R.) Notes on the Galla of 
Walega and the Bertat. (Ibid., 50- 
55.) Dr Koettlitz was a member of 
the Blundell expedition of 189S, which 
traversed the Sonial-Galla country. 
Dress, ornaments, weapons, granaries 
are described. The author also gives 
(in feet and inches) the mean of a num- 
ber of anthropological measurements of 
Abyssinians, Galla, and Bertat. 



[n. s., 3, 1901 

Le Roy {Mgr) Usages des negrilles 
d'Afrique et des negritos d'Asie. (Arch, 
p. 1. Stud. d. Trad. Pop., Palermo, 
1900, xi.x, iiy-riS.) Items relating to 
birth, circumcision, adolescence, mar- 
riage, death, funerals, etc. 

Maclver (D.) Recent anthropological 
work in Egypt. (Journ. Anthrop. 
Inst., London, 1900, xxx, N. s. ill, 
95-103.) This paper, which is illus- 
trated with six figures in the text and 
two plates of diagrams, is an interest- 
ing attempt by means of the seriation 
and charting of the results of the meas- 
urements of over 1,400 skulls of all 
periods of ancient Egyptian history 
(from 5000 B.C. to 500 A.D.), to demon- 
strate the fluctuations of certain physi- 
cal characteristics (length and breadth 
of skull, cephalic, nasal, and alveolar 
indices) during a long period of time. 
The course of events, according to Mr 
Maclver, has been as follows : First 
people, long-headed, broad-nosed Lib- 
yans ; some time before the fourth dy- 
nasty supplanting of Libyans by Puntites 
with broader heads and slenderer noses ; 
sixth to twelfth dynasties period of 
fusion, or mixture of the two stocks ; 
between twelfth and eighteenth dynas- 
ties invasion by a narrow-headed, fine- 
nosed people. 

Mochi (A.) Gli oggetti etnografici delle 
popolazioni etiopiche posseduti dal 
Museo Nazionale d'.A.ntropologia in 
Firenze. (Arch. p. 1' Anthrop. e la 
Etnol., Firenze, 1900, xxx, 87-172.) 
A well-compiled descriptive list (with 
ethnographic introduction, index, and 
bibliography of 65 titles) of 88 ethno- 
graphic specimens and groups of objects 
from the native races of northeastern 
Africa (Erythreans and Abyssinians 
64 ; Danakil, 10 ; Somal, 12 ; Galla, 
2). The objects treated of are weap- 
ons, implements, personal ornaments, 
amulets, pictures, etc. Among the 
facts brought out by the consideration 
of this collection is " the modifying in- 
fluence exerted by Semitic invasions 
and the evidence of ancient contact 
with Europe." 

Packard (A. S.) Prehistoric tombs of 
eastern Algeria. (Pop. Sci. Mo., N. 
Y., 1901, lATii, 397-404.) Describes 
a visit to the dolmen-field and necrop- 
olis of Rocknia and resumh theories 
as to their origin. 

Pittard (E.) Note sur deux cranes de 
Congolais peu connus. (Anthropologic, 

Paris, 1900, XI, 535-542.) Describes 
with four figures in the text and meas- 
urements in detail, a male skull of the 
Kayaka and a female skull of the Bas- 
sundi, both tribes of the central 

Pope-Hennessy (H.) Notes on the 
Jukos and other tribes of the middle 
Benue. (Journ. Anthrop. Inst., Lon- 
don, 1900, xxx, N. s. Ill, Anthrop. 
Rev. and Misc., 24-31.) These notes, 
made during a journey in 1S98, deal 
with the Tangale, Wuruku, Ligori, and 
Juko tribes of the middle Benue, a 
tributary of the Niger. Mode of sub- 
sistence, cannibalism, hunting and 
fighting, clothing, marriage, religion, 
and " medicine'" are among the topics 
considered. Among the Jukos the cus- 
tom of king-killing prevails. 

Sayce (A. H.) Cairene folklore. (Folk- 
Lore, London, xi, 354-395.) Some 
fifteen stories (of nearly all the Cairene 
text is given) and a large number of 
items (pp. 379-395), of folk-lore items 
of every sort. Dr Sayce notes " that 
comparatively few of the stories are 
Eetiological." Interesting are some 
traces of the "Arabian Nights," all 
knowledge of which "is ignored by 
orthodox Mohammedanism." We also 
learn that "the folk-lore of Cairo, 
though largely of Arab origin, has little 
about it that is distinctly jVrab." Much 
of it is pre-Mohammedan, ancient 

di Ujfalvy (C.) Tracce di steatopigia 
nei Greci della Cirenaica. (Arch. p. 
r Anthrop. e la Etnol., P'irenze, 1900, 
xxx, 19-24.) From the condition of 
the human figures on two cups of 
Cyrenian origin (dating from the fifth 
century B.C.), preserved in the National 
Museum at Paris, the author deduces 
the existence of steatopygy among the 
Cyrenian Greeks. This peculiarity of 
the Cyrenian type the artist has rep- 
resented in his figures. 


Basset (R.) Contes et legendes Arabes. 
(Rev. de Trad. Pop., Paris, 1900, xv, 
22-43, 105-114, 143-151, 190-199, 281- 
28S, 353-364, 459-470, 526-542. 606- 
612, 665-675.) Continued from pre- 
vious volume. French texts of 223 
tales and legends long and short of all 
kinds, with references to literature. 



Basset (R.) Contes et legendes de I'Ex- 
treme-Orient. (Ibid., 45-48, 319-323, 
403-414, 593-596.) Continued from 
previous volume. French texts of 25 
brief tales and legends from various 
parts of southeastern Asia and the 
islands of the Pacific. 

Crooke (W.) The legends of Krishna. 
(Folk-Lore, London]^ .1900, XI, 1-38.) 
A general account of the popular le- 
gends and myths of the Krishna cult, 
the neo-Brahmanic faith of 207,000.000 
people in India more or less. The last 
half of the paper treats : of the origin 
and real significance of the name 
Krishna, "black, dark." The author 
thinks the Krishna-legends have ab- 
sorbed very many folk-beliefs, and that 
the Dravidian element in them is larger 
than is generally believed. 

Dumontier (G.) Traditions populaires 
sino-annamites. (Rev. d. Trad. Pop., 
Paris, 1900, XV, 51-54.) Folk-lore 
about clouds and water. 

Ellon (F.) Verzeichniss der japanisch- 
buddhistischen Holzbildwerke. (Eth- 
nol. Notizbl., Berlin, igoi, 11, 41-57.) 
List, with explanatory notes, of a col- 
lection of 141 specimens of Japanese 
Buddhistic wood carvings presented to 
the Royal Ethnological Museum in 
Berlin by Hr. Ellon. The catalogue is 
followed (pp. 58-59) by some " Notes" 
by F. \V. R. Miiller. 

Gale (J. S.) Korean beliefs. (Folk- 
Lore, London, 1900, xi, 325-332.) 
Items of folk-lore relating to Hananim 
(the Korean Great Spirit), mountains 
and mountain-spirits, islands, lake- 
spirits and dragons, rivers and streams. 
The Korean texts of many of the items 
are given. 

Jiriczek (O. L.) Hamlet in Iran. 
(Ztschr. d. Ver. f. Volkskunde, Berlin, 
igoo, x, 353-364.) Discusses the re- 
semblances between " Hamlet" and the 
story of Kei Chosro in the Shah-Na- 
meh, and points of rapprochement with 
other legends. 

Krafft (H.) Contes et apologues recueil- 
lis au Turkestan russe. (Rev. d. Trad. 
Pop., Paris, 1900, xv, 644-656.) 
Twelve fables and three tales (with 
references to literature) from Mussul- 
mans of Russian Turkestan. 

Leclere (A.) Trois contes Cambodgiens. 
(Ibid., 129-139.) Tales of the adven- 
tures of the Guru Parumarta. 

Martinengo-Cesaresco (E.) The He- 
brew conception of animals. (Open 
Court, Chicago, 1901, xv, 110-114.) 
Argues that the Jews did not look on 
animals as " things '' or mere automata. 

Matignon (J.) Hysteric et " boxeurs " 
en Chine. (Rev. Scientif., Paris, 1901, 
4*^ serie, xv, 202-204.) The author 
considers the Chinese as " big children," 
and emphasizes their naivete, credulity, 
suggestibility, and impulsiveness. In a 
sense they are hysterical, epileptoid. 
The "boxers," moreover, recruit from 
the very young. 

von Schroeder (L.) Ueber die neuen 
Entdeckungen buddhistischer Alter- 
thiimer in Ost-Turkestan. (Mitth. d. 
Anthrop. Ges. in Wien, igoo, Sitzgber., 
1 19-126.) Re'smiies the discoveries of 
Buddhistic antiquities in Chinese East- 
ern Turkestan from the finding of the 
so-called Bower MSS. in 1889, noting 
the results of English and Russian ex- 
plorations. The English collection at 
Rome contains 23 MSS., from the 
desert region of Takla Makan, — there 
are also 45 xylographic books, besides 
many coins and seals, terra-cottas, clay 
vessels, figures in stone, metal, etc. 
The Russian collections include several 
MSS. in Uigur and Chinese, but the 
chief results of Russian explorations 
have been the discoveries of wall-paint- 
ings and inscriptions in the cave-dwell- 
ings of this region. 

Thomas (N. W.) On a pictorial rep- 
resentation of the wheel of life from 
Japan. (Man, London, 1901, 1-4.) 
Detailed explanation, with colored 
plate, of a Buddhist Wheel of Life (the 
print dates from 1850, but the picture 
itself is far older). The picture has 
many Chinese features about it. In 
Japanese wheels, as compared with 
Tibetan, the details of Hell, etc., are 
far simpler. 

Zaboro'wski (M.) La Chine et les 
Chinois. (Rev. Scientif., Paris, 1901, 
4^ ser., XV, 161-170.) An historical, 
ethnographical study of " the oldest of 
all human societies," embracing more 
than one-fourth of mankind, from which 
the white race has yet much to learn. 
The author approves Schlegel's idea that 
there is some connection between the 
ancient astronomy of China and that of 
Chaldea. but recognizes the originality 
and development in situ of Chinese 
civilization. There has been much 

I go 


[n, s., 3, igoi 

Zaborowski — Coniimted. 

mingling of races in the various regions 
of the empire, but the ancient type of 
the Chinese proper is best preserved, 
according to M. Zaborowski, in that of 
the Hakkas. 

Indonesia, Australasia, 

Agostini (J.) Folk-lore du Tahiti et 
des lies voisines. Changements sur- 
venus dans les coutumes, moeurs, croy- 
ances, etc., des indigenes, depuis 70 
annees environ, 1829-1898. (Rev. d. 
Trad. Pop., Paris, igoo, xv, 65-96, 
157-165.) A very interesting and valu- 
able comparison of the customs and 
beliefs of the natives of Tahiti as re- 
corded by Moerenhout in 1828, and as 
observed by the author during three 
years of personal observation. Cos- 
tume, toilet, sex affairs, tales and le- 
gends, literature, mythology, religion, 
public and private manners, are treated. 

Brown (J. A.) Stone implements from 
Pitcairn island. (Journ. Anthrop. 
Inst., London, igoo, xxx, N. s. iii, 
83-88.) The axes and chisels of basalt 
described and figured here are of great 
interest on account of their specializa- 
tion in form, — some of them simulate 
curved copper axes or the medieval 
European battle-axe of iron. Certain 
of them suggest relationship with some 
of the stone implements of Easter is- 
land, a view further enforced by the ex- 
istence on Pitcairn island of large stone 
images, sculptured pillars, rude carvings 
in relief on the face of cliffs and in 
caverns, etc., similar to those found 
upon Easter island. The author sug- 
gests " a racial connection between 
Easter island and Pitcairn in the past," 
and advises a search on the latter for 
tablets with inscribed letters or signs. 

Bouchal (L.) Aberglaubische Brauche 
beim Hausbau in den Preanger-Regent- 
schaften. (Mitth. d. Anthrop. Ges. in 
Wien, 1900, Sitzgber., 153-154.) Dis- 
cusses, after Habbema, the house-build- 
ing ceremonies of certain natives of 
Sunda. The brief Sundanese text of 
the rules of building is given with inter- 
linear translation. 

IndonesischeWertiger. (Ibid., 154 

-156.) A brief general discussion of 
werwolf-beliefs in Java, Celebes, etc., 
based on Knebel and Kruijt. 

Calkins (C. G.) Prehistoric politics in 
the Philippines. (Land of Sunshine, 
Los Angeles, 1900, xiii, 392-406.) A 
well-illustrated article based on the 
writings of Padre Santa Ines (1676), 
Padre Chirino (1604), etc. At pages 
3g4-3g5 the Filipino alphabet is given. 

Chamberlain (A. F.) Philippine studies. 
L Place-names. II. Folk-lore. III. 
The Tagal language. (Amer. Antiq., 
Chicago, igoo, xxil, 3g3-3g9 ; 1901, 
XXIII, 49-54, 145-14S.) Discusses ety- 
mology of some 40 place-names ; enu- 
merates, from various sources, items of 
religious and social, animal and plant 
lore ; gives Paternoster in Tagal with 
explanatory vocabulary. 

Duckworth (W. L. H.) On a collec- 
tion of crania, with two skeletons, of 
the Mori-ori, or aborigines of Chatham 
islands. With a note on some crania 
from the same islands now in the 
museum of the Royal College of Sur- 
geons. (Journ. Anthrop. Inst., London, 
igoo, xxx, N. s. Ill, 141-152.) De- 
scribes, with tables of measurements, 
ten crania (males Sj and two skeletons. 
The results favor "an affinity with a 
Polynesian rather than with a Melane- 
sian type," a view agreeing with that 
indicated by the Polynesian affinities of 
the weapons and implements of the 
Mori-ori. The Maori invasion of the 
Chatham islands in 1835 renders abso- 
lute certainty of the provenience of the 
material necessary before valid conclu- 
sions can be drawn. 

Edge-Partington (J.) On the origin of 
the stone figures or incised tablets 
from Easter island. (Man, London, 
1901, g-io.) Brief review of papers of 
Thomson and Barclay. Author con- 
cludes that history of statues and mean- 
ing of inscriptions are no nearer solution 
than before. 

Note on an object of unknown use 

from the Solomon islands. (Journ. 
Anthrop. Inst., London, 1900, xxx, N. 
s., Ill, Anthro]). Rev. and Misc., 37.) 
Describes, with plate, a tinda/o repre- 
senting a deceased ancestor. 

Note on some feather-mats in the 

British Museum. (Ibid., 38-3g.) De- 
scribes, with two plates, two mats and 
a feather coronet from Hawaii (?). 

Fraser (J.) Some Indian words of re- 
lationship used by the Australian tribes. 
(Amer. Antiq., Chicago, 1901, xxill. 



Fraser — Contimied. 

89-gS.) The author, who holds that the 
Australians and Melanesians are the 
descendants of the original stratum of 
population in the Indo-Pacific region, 
after whom came Caucasians, then 
Malays, seeks to prove the existence of 
an Indian element in the languages of 
Australia, etc. , seen especially in certain 
terms of relationship. The "aboriginal 
blacks" of southern Hindustan he be- 
lieves to be the close kin of the Austral- 
ians. The case is more venturesome 
than proved. 

Hahl (/?;■) Mittheilungen liber Sitten 
und rechtliche Verhaltnisse auf Ponape. 
(Ethnol. Notizbl., Berlin, 1901, II, i- 
13.) Brief account, by the Vice-Gov- 
ernor, of religion, beliefs about the soul, 
social classes, titles, family and prop- 
erty law among the natives of Ponape, 
one of the Carolines. This paper is 
followed by a lengthy discussion (pp. 
14-40) apparently by A. Bastian. 

Karutz (Dr) Weitere Bemerkungen zur 
Ethnographie der Matty-Insel. (Inter- 
nal. Arch. f. Ethnogr. , Leiden, 1900, 
XIII, 217-223.) According to the author 
the Matty Island people are " a Poly- 
nesian enclave of Melanesia." Race- 
mixture and foreign influences exist, 
but originality has not been extin- 
guished. Matty culture shows Caro- 
line Islands affinities. 

Rae (John) Laieikawai : A legend of 
the Hawaiian Islands. (Journ. Amer. 
Folk-Lore, Boston, 1900, xiii, 241- 
266.) A story " possessing the compass 
of a modern novel," the chief part of 
which is printed from a MS. of the late 
Dr John Rae dating circa 1855. The 
text differs in some respects notably 
from that given in King Kalakaua's 
Legends and Myths of Hawaii, and Dr 
Rae gives the niele or song of the sisters 
which does not appear in the book, be- 
ing only alluded to there. The tale 
takes its name from the heroine, and 
may be four hundred years old, prob- 
ably less. 

Rivers (W. H. R.) A genealogical 
method of collecting social and vital 
statistics. (Journ. Anthrop. Inst., 
London, 1900, xxx, n. s. ni, 74-82.) 
This essay, with the two genealogical 
charts (one from Murray island, the 
other from Mabinag), exemplify the 
possibility of collecting social and gene- 
alogical data from uncivilized races such 

as those of Torres straits, where Dr 
Rivers' researches were carried on. 
Such data will be a welcome aid to the 
thorough study of kinship systems, 
while at the same time they illustrate 
the social customs, etc., connected with 
names. The "genealogical method" 
is a means for utilizing " the store of 
information which the extraordinary 
memory for detail of the savage has 
enabled him to accumulate." The sav- 
age's memory for names " is as highly 
developed as in any European, and far 
more so than in those Europeans who 
are accustomed to abstract thinking." 

Sierich (Z>r O.) Samoanische Marchen. 
(Internat. Arch. f. Ethnogr., 1900, xill, 
223-237.) First part, with good intro- 
duction, of a collection of Samoan tales 
made on the spot by the author. Text 
in native language and accurate trans- 
lations are given. The Tagogos, or 
poetic tales here recorded antedate mis- 
sionary influence. One of the three 
tales published in this article is con- 
cerned with albinos. 

Zdekauer (A.) Ueber Schjideltrepana- 
tionen im Bismarck-Archipel. (Mitth. 
der Anthrop. Ges. in Wien, 1900, 
Sitzgber., 116-117.) Describes (three 
are figured in the text) four trepanned 
skulls from the Bismarck archipelago. 
The operation is performed with a stone 


Anthony (Frances). An Indian well. 
(Land of Sunshine, Los Angeles, 1901, 
XIV, 121-125.) Describes, with illus- 
trations, an Indian well (an old camp- 
site) in the Colorado desert. 

Ayer {Mrs E. E.) Early western his- 
tory. I->enavides's Memorial, 1630. 
(Ibid., igoo, XIII, 345-358, 435-444; 
1901, XIV, 39-52, 137-148.) Continua- 
tion of this valuable translation of an 
important ethnographic document, ren- 
dered indispensable by the editorial 
notes of Chas. F. Lummis and the 
annotations of F. W. Hodge. 

Bagley (W. C.) On the correlation of 
mental and motor ability in school- 
children. (Amer. Journ. Psychol., 
Worcester, 1901, Xli, 193-205.) From 
studies of some 160 Madison (Wis.) 
school-children the author " does not 
find such a direct relation between weight 
and mental ability as Porter found in 



[n. s., 3, 1901 

Bagley — Continued. 

his investigations upon St Louis school- 
children." A " significant trend toward 
an inverse relation between mental 
ability and head-girth " is noted. Boys 
slightly surpass girls in motor, but not 
in mental, ability. 

Barrows (D. P.) The desert of the 
Colorado. (Land of Sunshine, Los 
Angeles, igoo, xiii, 312-322.) Con- 
tains some references to the Coahuia 

Barrows (Mabel H.) "Hiawatha" 
among the Ojibwa Indians. (Southern 
Workman, Hampton, Va. , 1901, XXX, 
771-776.) Account of "Hiawatha," 
pantomimic tableau performed by the 
Indians of Garden river, Ontario, for 
the benefit of the family of Longfellow. 
The performance was "rather a reminis- 
cence of their own early life than an 
adaptation of the poem." 

Beauchamp (W. M.) Onondaga tale of 
the Pleiades. (Journ. Amer. Folk-Lore, 
Boston, 1900, XIII, 281-2S2.) Recounts 
the origin of the seven stars from ' " a 
pretty band of dancing children." The 
moral is " feed children well." The 
Pleiades are the favorite constellation 
of the Iroquois. 

Benedict (A. L.) jNIound-builder re- 
mains on Cattaraugus creek, Erie 
county, X. Y. (Amer. Antiq., Chicago, 
1901 , XXIII, 99-105.) Account of char- 
acter and contents of two mounds, 
investigated by the author (for the Pan- 
American Exposition) in August and 
September, igoo. A sacrum found 
in one of these mounds is conjectured 
to belong to a musk-ox (?). A map and 
plans accompany the article. 

Blue (A.) Notes on skulls taken from a 
pre-historic fort in Kent county. 
(Proc. Canad. Inst., Toronto, igoi, 11, 
93~95-) Describes briefly (a few meas- 
urements are given) seven skulls from 
an ossuary not far from the shore of 
Lake Erie in Kent county, Ontario. 
Two different Indian races are repre- 
sented, and the tree-circle method indi- 
cates a period for the oldest burial ante- 
dating the Columbian discovery by 
about a century. 

Boas (Franz) A bronze figurine from 
British ColumVna. (Bull. Amer. Mus. 
Nat. Hist., N. Y., 1901, xiv, 51-52.) 
Description (with plate) of specimen 

found at Kincolith in northern British 
Columbia, whither it probably passed 
by way of the Manila-Acapulco trade 
some time before the close of the eigh- 
teenth century. The object in question 
seems to be the handle of a ghanta, or 
bell used by the Brahmana in the Puja 

Brinton (D. G. ) Catalogue of the Berendt 
linguistic collection. (Bull. Free Mus. 
Sci. and Art, Phila., igoo, 11, 203- 
234.) Briefly describes 1S3 books and 
MS. (mostly the latter), now in the 
Library of the Free Museum of Science 
and Art, University of Pennsylvania, 
relating to the languages of Mexico and 
Central America. Printed as the late 
Dr Brinton left it. 

Burns (L. M.) "Digger" Indian le- 
gends. ( Land of Sunshine, Los Angeles, 
1901, XIV, 130-134.) First part of an 
account of legends of the Scott Valley 
Indians of northern California : " Why 
the Animals are Warm-Blooded," and 
" The Stealing of the Fire." 

Campbell (R. F.) Classification of 
mountain whites. (Southern Work- 
man, Hampton, Va., 1901, xxx, iio- 
116). Rather popular account of the 
various classes of the inhabitants of 
" Appalachian America." The author 
holds to the ' ' driftwood "or " deposit " 
theory of the origin of these people. 

Chamberlain (A. F.) Some items of 
Algonkian folk-lore. (Journ. Amer. 
Folk-Liire, Boston, igoo, xiii, 271- 
277.) Alphabetical enumeration, with 
explanatory comments, of folk-lore 
items from Cuoq's Lexique de la langue 

Chamberlain (Lucia S.) Plants used by 
the Indians of eastern North America. 
(American Naturalist, Boston, 1901, 
XXXV, i-ic) Enumerates (in some 
cases the Indian names are given) plants 
used by the various tribes of the Iroquois 
and Algonquians for food, medicine, 
ornament, artistic and manufacturing 
purposes, etc. The arrangement of 
plant-names is alphabetic under each 
tribe-name, and a bibliography of 40 
titles is appended. 

Cibele (Angela N.) Folk-lore di San 
Paulo nel Brasile. Alcune parole usate 
dalla populazionemista Italiana e Negra 
nelle "fazende" di S. Paulo nel Bra- 
sile. (Arch. p. 1. Stud. d. Trad. Pop., 



Cibele — Contimied. 

1900, XIX, 18-24.) Last article on the 
topic. An alphabetic list of words in 
use among the Italian-Negro popula- 
tion of the "'fazendas" ot S. Paulo, 
Brazil. The list contains a number of 
words of Indian origin. 

Culin (S.) The Dickeson collection of 
American antiquities. (Bull. Free 
Mus. Sci. and Art, Phila., 1900, 11, 
113-168.) Account of archeological 
investigations of Dr M. W. Dickeson 
in 1842-1843 in Mississippi and Louis- 
iana, with a list of the specimens from 
his collection now in the Free Museum. 
Many of the mounds described have 
long since disappeared. 

Dalton (O. M.) Note on a stone figure 
from Colombia, S. America. (Joum. 
Anthrop. Inst., London, igoo, xxx, 
N. s. Ill, Anthrop. Rev. and Misc., 
64.) Very brief account (with two 
plates) of statue of warrior, pre-Colum- 
bian in date, and obtained in 1899 
from San Augustin. These statues are 
said to be quite numerous in the region 
about the upper Magdalena river. 

Note on a copper shield from the 

N. W. Coast of America. (Ibid.. 47.) 
Very brief account (with figure) of tau- 
shield from Stickeen tribe. 

Dixon (R. B.) The musical bow in 
California. (Science, N. Y., 1901, N. 
s. XIII, 274-275.) Notes the occur- 
rence of a form of this instrument 
among the Maidu Indians, used by sha- 
mans. Author favors Amerindian ori- 
gin of musical bow. 

Some Coyote stories from the 

Maidu Indians of California. (Journ. 
Amer. Folk-Lore, Boston, igoo, xiii, 
267-270.) Four tales, — "Coyote and 
Grizzly Bears," "Coyote and Fleas," 
"Coyote and the Gray Fox," "How 
the Coyote Married his Daughter," — 
collected in i89g from the Koyoma or 
Maidu of the Sierra. 

Dorsey (G. A.) The Stanley McCor- 
mick Hopi expeditions. (Science, N. 
Y., 1901, N. s. XIII, 2ig-222.) Brief 
account of the expeditions of 1 899-1 900 
for the exploration of the Hopi or Mo- 
qui ruins and of the Hopi material now 
in the Field Columbian Museum, 

An aboriginal quartzite quarry in 

eastern Wyoming. (Field Columb. 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 3 — 13. 

Mus., Chicago, Dec, igoo, Anthrop. 
Ser. II, 232-243.) Describes, with 12 
plates, the situation, condition, and 
products of an aboriginal quartzite 
quarry in Converse county, Wyoming. 
The quarry belonged to some tribe of 
Plains Indians, and dates "within a 
comparatively recent period, but before 
the advent of the white race in this 

Games of the Makah Indians of 

Neah bay. (Amer. Antiq., Chicago, 
1901, XXIII, 69-73.) Describes 11 
games upon information derived from 
intelligent young Indian. The materi- 
als used in these games bring out nota- 
bly the effect of seashore environment. 
Interesting is the modification " from 
the original buckskin ball of the Plains 
or Mountain Indians to a ball of whale- 
bone." The game itself, in this case, 
" has become intimately bound up with 
the celebration of the capture of a 

Doubleday (N. de G.) Aboriginal in- 
dustries. (Southern Workman, Hamp- 
ton, Va., 1901, xxx, 81-S5.) Argues 
for the preservation and revival of In- 
dian arts, some of which are now lost 
or nearly so, by the adaptation of In- 
dian industry to white men's needs. 

Dowde (J.) Art in negro homes. 
(Ibid., go-95.) General account of the 
art-contents of 25 negro homes in the 
city of Durham, N. C. 

Duckworth (W. L. H.) and Pain (B. 
H.) A contribution to Eskimo crani- 
ology. (Journ. Anthrop. Inst., Lon- 
don, 1900, xxx, X. s. Ill, 125-140.) 
This article (furnished with tables and 
two plates) gives the results of meas- 
urements of eleven adult males and ten 
adult females (Labrador Eskimo on ex- 
hibition in London in the winter of 
1899-1900), compared with those of 
from seventeen to twenty skulls of adult 
males and from eight to eleven skulls 
of adult females (all eastern Eskimo). 
Ten Eskimo skulls in the Anatomical 
Museum at Cambridge are also in- 
cluded. At the end of the article are 
some "Miscellaneous Notes" by Mr 
R. G. Taber on these Labrador Es- 
kimo. Among the peculiarities noted 
with more or less frequency in Eskimo 
skulls are : Scaphocephalism, persis- 
tence of certain sutures, asymmetry of 
foramen magnum, wearing down of 
teeth, thickening of body of mandible, 



[n. s,, 3, igoi 

Duckworth — Continued. 

etc. Early appearance of certain char- 
acteristics (retention of infantile char- 
acters) also occurs. 

Edge-Partington (J.) Floats for allur- 
ing salmon, from the north end of 
Vancouver island. (Journ. Anthrop. 
Inst., London, igoo, xxx, N. s. Ill, 
Anthrop. Rev. and Misc., 49.) Brief 
description, with figures, from lists in 
British Museum. 

Fewkes (J. Walter) A theatrical per- 
formance at Walpi. (Proc. Wash. 
Acad. Sci., 1900,11,605-629.) A good 
description (with three plates) of the si.x 
"acts" and occasional additional per- 
formances of ' ' the great serpent drama " 
of the Hopi Indians, as rendered at 
the Pueblo of Walpi in the spring of 
1900. The paper includes also notes 
on paraphernalia, a rhumJ of events 
in the Paliilukonti ceremony, and inter- 
esting views of the significance of prim- 
itive drama. The drama here described 
is " in the main, theatrical and secular, 
performed for instruction or entertain- 
ment." An important point is Dr 
Fewkes' belief that " the Great Serpent 
cult in Tusayan and among the Toltecs 
had a common origin," the Tlapallan 
of the latter having been in southern 
Arizona, or northern Mexico. 

Fletcher (Alice C.) Giving thanks : 
a Pawnee ceremony. (Journ. Amer. 
Folk-Lore, Boston, 1900, xiii, 261- 
266.) Interesting account — the rite 
has seldom, if ever, been witnessed be- 
fore by members of the white race — 
of a ceremony of thanks to Tirawa (the 
chief deity of the Pawnees) " for power 
granted to medicine given by an old 
priest to the wife and child of a young 
man." Belief in the efficacy of medi- 
cine, position of doctor, meaning and 
purpose of fees are touched upon. 

G^rin (L.) The Hurons of Lorette. 
(Trans. Ottawa Lit. and Scientif. Soc, 
1899-1900, 69-92.) General historical 
and ethnographic discussion of forms of 
labor, property, and family. The author 
notes the intermarriage of Hurons 
with white women, and the potent in- 
fluence of the latter ; the alteration of 
the physical type of the old Hurons ; 
the passing of the Huron language, and 
the old Huron dress, mode of living, 
etc. Of the Iroquois of Caughnawaga, 
as compared with the Hurons of Lor- 
ette, he says that the former " instead 

of being weakened by foreign intrusion 
have been strengthened by it " (p. 90). 

Gleason (F. D.) Social life among the 
Indians. (Southern Workman, Hamp- 
ton, Va., 1900, XXIX, 565-568 ; 1901, 
xxx, 156-159.) The first article treats 
of Indian hospitality and its survivals, 
the second of burials among the Oma- 
has of eastern Nebraska. 

Hagar (S.) The Peruvian star-chart of 
Salcamayhua. (Proc. Amer. Assoc. 
Adv. Sci., Easton, Pa., 1900, XLix, 
320-321.) Abstract of " the first of a 
series of articles upon the symbolic as- 
tronomy of the ancient Peruvians." 
The author con.siders the chart pre- 

Halbert (H. S.) Prehistoric earthworks 
in Noxubee county, Mississippi. 
(Amer. Antiq., Chicago, 1901, xxiii, 
139-141.) Describes two " forts," 
probably built by the Choctaws as bar- 
riers against Muskogee invasion. 

Hastings (W. W.) Anthropometric 
studies in Nebraska. (Amer. Phys. 
Ed. Rev., Boston, 1900, v, 53-66.) 
From study of 2500 school children of 
Lincoln, and 10,000 of Omaha, the au- 
thor concludes that Porter's views as 
to correlation between intellectual and 
physical development are correct. 

Hatcher (J. B.) The Indian tribes of 
southern Patagonia, Terra del Fuego, 
and the adjoining islands. (Nat. 
Geogr. Mag., Washington, 1901, xii, 
12-22.) Notes on the Tehuelches, 
Onas of the Plains, Channel Indians, 
with illustrations (Tehuelche brave, 
squaw, etc.). The author notes that 
marriages of white men and Tehuelche 
women are more prolific than marriages 
of Indians. The effects of the advent 
of the horse are referred to. The Yah- 
gans are considered a people who have 
been driven to the wall. 

Holden {Mrs M. E. R.) A relic of 
Thayendanegea. (Papers and Records 
Ontario Hist. Soc, Toronto, 1901, ill, 
113-116.) Describes Capt. Brant's 
war-banner, ring, and watch. 

Hunter (A. F.) The ethnographical 
elements of Ontario. (Ibid., 180-199.) 
The first attempt of any consequence to 
delimit ethnographically the settlement 
of the Province of Ontario according to 
race. The settlements or groups of the 
original rural population are given in 
tabular form. A valuable paper. 



Johnson (J.) Canada's northern fringe. 
(Trans. Ottawa Lit. and Scientif. Soc, 
iSgg-igoo, 9-6S.) A historical-geo- 
graphical account of the " District of 
Franklin," by which name, since 1895, 
the Arctic islands belonging to Canada 
have been designated in honor of the 
famous explorer. The origin of many 
place-names is given. 

La Flesche (F.) The Laughing bird, the 
wren. (Southern Workman, Hamp- 
ton, Va., IQOO, XXIX, 554-556.) Omaha 
story of how the wren defeated the 
eagle and won its name, Kihahaja, the 
" laughing bird." 

The story of a vision. (Ibid., 

1901, XXX, 106-109.) A tale of 
Omaha boy-life. 

Lehmann-Nitsche (R.) Ueber den fos- 
silen Menschen der Pampaformation. 
(Corrbl. d. deutschen Ges. f. Anthrop., 
Miinchen, 1900, XXXI, 107-109.) Brief 
resutiie of our present insufficient 
knowledge of fossil man in the Pam- 
pas. The author believes the pieces of 
burnt clay found in the middle loss to 
be of human origin. 

Lewis (Frances W.) Life among the 
Pueblos. (Southern Workman, Hamp- 
ton, Va., 1901, XXX, 757-760.) Brief 
general account of Indians of various 
pueblos of New Me.xico and Arizona. 

Levvis (T. H.) Sculptures in caves at 
St. Paul, Minnesota. (De Lestry's 
Western Mag., St. Paul, igoi, vi, 229- 
233.) Describes, with 12 figures in 
the text, sculptures of human beings, 
animals, etc., in Dayton's Bluff, Carver, 
and other caves within the city of St 
Paul. The sculptures in Carver Cave 
(of which but few were in good condi- 
tion in 1S78) were thought to be " very 
ancient" by Capt. Carver, who saw 
them in 1766. The author's investiga- 
tions were made mostly in 1878, and it 
is fortunate that he made the copies 
here reproduced. 

The De Soto expedition through 

Florida. (Amer. Antiq., Chicago, 
igoo, XXII, 351-357 ; igoi, xxiii, 107- 
III.) Abridged translation, with notes, 
of the Ranjel-Oviedo account of the ex- 
pedition of 1839. 

McGee (W. J.) Amerind— A designa- 
tion for the aboriginal tribes of the 
American hemisphere. (Journ. An- 
throp. Inst., London, 1900, xxx, n. 

S. Ill, Anthrop, Rev. and Misc., 44- 
45.) A brief account of the origin of 
Amerind and reasons for its adoption. 

McGhee (Z.) A study in the play-life 
of some South Carolina children. 
(Pedag. Sem., Worcester, 1900, vii, 
457-478.) Detailed account of the age 
and sex relations of 134 games of all 
sorts as played by 8,718 South Carolina 
children, 6-18 years old. 

Mason (O. T.) Traps of the Amerinds : 
a study in psychology and invention. 
(Proc. Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sci., Easton, 
Pa., 1900, XLix, 301-313.) This ex- 
cellent paper has appeared in full in 
the American Anthropologist, 1900, 
II, 657-675. It deals with all aspects 
of the trap among the American 

Nuttall (Zelia) The meaning of the 
ancient Mexican calendar stone. 
(Ibid., 320.) Brief abstract. Author 
holds that " a single, primitive cosmical 
scheme and plan of government pre- 
vailed through ancient America, this 
scheme being identical with the primi- 
tive Old World scheme. 

Patrick (G. T. W.) The psychology of 
profanity. (Psychol. Rev., N. Y., 
igoi, VIII, 113-127.) General discus- 
sion of the history and nature of pro- 
fanity. According to the author " the 
human analogue of the [animal] growl 
or roar of anger is the profane oath." 
Profanity is a form of instinctive 

Peet (S. D.) Architecture in the stone 
age. (Amer. Antiq., Chicago, rgoo, 
XXII, 367-382.) Illustrated discussion 
of buildings of the " stone age," chiefly 
in North America. The author holds 
to the Mongolic affinities of the ancient 

Toltec cities and Toltec civilization. 

(Ibid., XXXIII, 1901,33-47.) Illustrated 
article of general nature. Author takes 
too high a view of " Toltec" culture. 

Mexican and Maya architecture. 

(Ibid., 1 1 3-1 36.) General discussion, 
with numerous illustrations, of the re- 
semblances and differences of Mexican 
and Central American architecture. 
The author thinks the ancient Mexicans 
borrowed much from the Mayas. 

Pepper (G. H.) The Navajos. (South- 
ern Workman, Hampton, Va., 1900, 
XXIX, 639-644.) Brief ethnological 
sketch. According to the author, "the 



[n. s., 3, 1901 

Pepper — Continued. 

sheep that the Spaniards introduced 
were destined to work out the Navajos' 

Preuss (K. T.) Der Affe in der mexi- 
kanischen Mythologie. (Ethnol. No- 
tizbl., Berlin, 1901, 11, 66-76.) In this 
paper, which is accompanied by 43 
figures in the text (from pottery, codi- 
ces, etc.), the author discusses the role 
of the monkey in ancient Mexican 
mythology. The "monkey ear" of 
certain figures, monkey-shaped rattles 
and bells, the connection of the mon- 
key with pulque, with death, with fer- 
tility and the earth, etc., are touched 

Rakestraw (C. D.) The Shaker Indians 
of Puget sound. (Southern Workman, 
Hampton, Va., 1900, xxix, 703-709.) 
Brief general account of John Slocum, 
the founder of the " Shaker religion " 
among the Puget Sound Indians, and 
the system itself, "a combination of 
Protestantism, Catholicism, and Chris- 
tian Science." The author writes from 
personal observation. 

Rig&s (F. R.) Peculiarities of Indian 
education. (Ibid., 1901, xxx, 66-71.) 
Discusses some of the peculiarities of 
Indian children in the schoolroom. 
Notes the power of custom and habit. 
According to the author the Dakota 
hanke acquired its present meaning of 
"half" from the whites, having meant 
originally " part " only. 

Rogers (F. K.) The rain-dance of the 
ArapahoesandCheyennes. (Ibid., 1900, 
XXIX, 721-723.) Brief account of dance 
as performed by these Indians near El 
Reno, Oklahoma. 

Rovre (G. C.) The negroes of the Sea 
islands. (Ibid., 1900, xxtx, 709-715.) 
Brief general sketch of present condi- 
tions of the negroes of the South Caro- 
lina coast islands. 

Russell (F.) Studies in cranial variation. 
(American Naturalist, Boston, igoo, 
x.xxiv, 737-745.) Gives results of ex- 
amination of some 2000 Amerindian 
skulls, in the Peabody Museum at Har- 
vard, as to metopic suture, tympanic 
exostoses, frontoparietal, parietal, epac- 
tal bone, platybasis, jugular process, 
Aymara fossa, fused atlas, torus pala- 
tinus. Statistical tables and two pages 
of illustrations are given. 

Slocum (C. E.) A civilized heredity 
stronger than a savage environment. 
(Proc. Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sci.. Easton, 
Pa., 1900, XLix, 316-317.) Theauthor 
considers the thesis proved by the his- 
tory of Frances Slocum, taken captive 
by the Delawares in 1778, and for 59 
years resident in an Indian environment. 
Here heredity triumphed psychically, 
and in one of the youngest great- 
granddaughters from Indian marriages 
" the dark auburn hair of the captive " 
appears atavistically. 

Smith (Harlan I.) The archaeology of 
the southern interior of British Colum- 
bia. I. Introduction. (Amer. Antiq., 
Chicago, 1901, XXIII. 25-31.) Treats 
of geography, archeological sites, re- 
sources of the prehistoric peoples of the 
region about Lytton, Spences Bridge, 
and Kamloops. The paper is extracted 
from Vol. II of the jNIemoirs of the 
American Museum of Natural History. 

The cairns of British Columbia and 

Washington. (Proc. Amer. Assoc. 
Adv. Sci., Easton, Pa., 1900, XLix, 
313-315.) Abstract. See next title. 

Smith (H. I.) and Fowke (G.) Cairns 
of British Columbia and Washington. 
(Mem. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., N. Y., 
Jan., 1901, IV, Anthrop., iii, ii, 56-76.) 
This excellent memoir, with map, 5 
beautiful plates, and 9 figures in the 
text, describes with detail nature and 
contents of numerous cairns on south- 
eastern Vancouver island, the San 
Juan group, and Whidbey island, which 
antedate the coming of the whites. A 
careful and well-digested study. 

Smyth (J. H.) Negro criminality. 
(Southern Workman, Hampton, Va., 
igoo, XXIX, 625-631.) Appeals for re- 
form in home-training as a preventive 
of crime. 

von den Steinen (K.) Der Paradies- 
garten als Schnitzmotiv der Payagua- 
Indianer. (Ethnol. Notizbl., Berlin, 
igoi, II, 60-65.) This interesting 
paper, with four illustrations, describes 
the carvings on four " medicine-pipes" 
of the Payaguas now in the Ethnologi- 
cal Museum. The carvings represent 
the Paradise of the Old Testament, 
doubtless after missionary ideas rudely 

Strobridge (Idah M.) Lo's Turkish 
bath. (Land of .Sunshine, Los Angeles, 



Strobridge — Continued. 

1901, XIV, 13-19.) Describes, with 
illustrations, the " sweat house" of the 

Trotter (C.) Extracts from the diary of 
Mr James Strange, H. E. I. C. S., com- 
manding an expedition sent by the East 
India Company to the northwest coast 
of America in 17S6 ; with a vocabulary 
of the language of Nutka Sound. 
(Journ. Anthrop. Inst., London, igoo, 
XXX, N. S. Ill, Anthrop. Rev. and 
Misc., 50-62.) Pages 50-58 are occu- 
pied with extracts from the diary, pages 
56-61 by "Additions to Captain 
Cook's Vocabulary of the Nootka 
Sound language," pp. 61-62, by a 
"Vocabulary of the Prince William's 
Sound language," and there are added 
to the article brief " Notes on the above 
vocabulary " by N. W. Thomas. Mr 
Strange's word-list "is four times as 
numerous as Captain Cook's, and in- 
cludes the numerals." Mr Coutts 
Trotter is the grandson of Mr Strange. 
The diary and vocabulary seem never 
to have been published, so the added 
linguistic material is very welcome. 

Upham (W.) Derivation and antiquity 
of the American race. (Amer. Antiq., 
Chicago, 1901, XXIII, Si-88.) Author 
gives his reasons for believing that 
"the first American peoples migrated 
to our continent from northeastern Asia 
during the early Quaternary time of the 
general uplift of northern regions," and 
this inflow of man spread south to 
Cape Horn, mingling on the way with 
"another line of very ancient immigra- 
tion, in the same early Pleistocene or 
Quaternary time, from Western Eu- 

Wardle (H. N.) Notes on the designa- 
tion ^/«a. (Ibid., 137-139.) Sums up 
the evidence as to the Atnaor Ahtenne. 
Author concludes that there are "two 
tribes known as Atnah, one to the 

northwest, the other in the southwest, a 
Tinne and a non-Tinnc people." The 
name Atna seems to be related to 
gdelfun, "glacier," in certain Atha- 
pascan dialects, hence perhaps " glacier 

The Sedna cycle : a study in myth 

evolution. (Proc. Amer. Assoc. Adv. 
Sci., Easton, Pa., 1900, xi.ix, 317- 
318.) Abstract of a paper published 
in full in the American Anthropologist, 
1900, II, 568-580. 

Willoughby (C. C.) Prehistoric work- 
shops at Mt Kineo, Maine. (Ameri- 
can Naturalist, Boston, 1901, xxxv, 
213-216.) Gives an account, with three 
plates, of the results of two investiga- 
tions of the porphyritic felsite rejects 
and other relics about the great cliff of 
Mt Kineo. The condition of the 
material indicates that the process of 
finishing was undertaken after trans- 
portation to other places. The presence 
of completed implements of material 
derived from Mt Kineo all over the 
valleys of the Kennebec and Penobscot 
corroborates this view. 

Wintemberg (W. J.) German-Cana- 
dian folk-lore. (Papers and Records 
Ontario Hist. Soc. , Toronto, 1901, iii, 
86-g6.) Items of folk-lore from the 
German population of Ontario, relating 
to folk-medicine, luck, weather, fauna 
and flora of the country, heavenly bod- 
ies, thunder and lightning, holidays, 
witchcraft, etc. 

Work (M. R.) Crime among the ne- 
groes of Chicago. (Amer. Journ. So- 
ciol., Chicago, 1900, vi, 204-223.) 
Statistics 1872-1897 are discussed ac- 
cording to sex, age, offences. Author 
holds that " the fact of the negro being 
in a transitional state, and the eco- 
nomic phase of this transition, account 
for a large part of the excess of negro 
crime in the United States." 


Archeological Survey of Michigan.' — Owing to the desire on 
the part of students for such study and to support by Prof. Francis 
W. Kelsey of the Latin department, a full course in museum work in 
American archeology was offered at the University of Michigan under 
Prof. Kelsey's general direction, beginning the second semester in the 
college year 1891-92.° Two students availed themselves of this oppor- 
tunity and some of the laboratory work was done on Michigan material. 
Regular university credits were given in both that year and the one 
following, but the course is no longer offered. 

In 1893 and 1894, as a direct outgrowth of the interest in the course 
and the cooperation with the university of the Detroit branch of the 
Archeological Institute of America, several surveys were made of the 
prehistoric earthworks known as " garden beds " near Kalamazoo. 
From these data one of the groups was modeled for the University 
museum, and copies were taken by the Peabody Museum and the 
American Museum of Natural History. 

The Michigan Academy of Science was organized in the fall of 
1894 and at the first meeting, December 26, 1894, the anthropology of 
the state was represented by a paper on one branch, " The Data and 
Development of Michigan Archeology." This paper was published 
in two parts ; the first, referring to the data, together with a note pre- 
dicting future activity on the part of the state in the preservation and 
study of its archeologic resources, appeared in The American Anti- 
quarian, May, 1896, while the second, referring to the development of 
Michigan archeology, was published simultaneously at the University 
in The Inlander. This paper pled for the subject, suggesting a general 
plan of action, particularly that the work be systematic and directed by 
some public institution, such as the State University, where the results 
could be assembled for study and permanent free public exhibition ; 
and that the antiquities of the state should be photographed, surveyed, 

' Presented before the Michigan Academy of Science at its seventh annual meet- 
ing, Ann Arbor, March 28, 1901. 

^ See " Anthropological Work at the University of Michigan," Memoirs of the 
International Congress of Anthropology, Chicago, 1894 ; also University Record, Feb- 
ruary, 1894. 



and plotted. Later a plea for inclosing mounds in public parks, ceme- 
teries, etc., was published in the local papers. 

In 1900 the Detroit branch of the Archeological Institute of America 
appointed a committee composed of James E. Scripps, owner of the' 
Detroit JVezus- Tribime j Prof. Francis W. Kelsey, of the University of 
Michigan ; George W. Bates, President of the Detroit Archeological 
Society ; Hon. William E. Quinby, owner of the Detroit Free Press j 
and Levi L. Barbour, and instructed it to prepare and to have passed 
by the state legislature a bill establishing a survey of the antiquities of 
Michigan and to make appropriations therefor. After careful consulta- 
tion with members of the American Museum of Natural History, Bureau 
of American Ethnology, and United States National Museum, as well 
as with those who conducted the archeological exploration for the New 
York State University and the Ohio Historical Society, this bill was 

At the meeting of Section H of the American Association for the 
Advancement of Science, at Johns Hopkins University in 1900, a com- 
mittee was appointed to transmit a suitable memorial to the people of 
Michigan, expressing approval of the establishment of the proposed 
survey and tendering its cooperation. 

The following is a copy of the memorial transmitted : 

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the General Assembly of 
the State of Michigan : 
Resolved : by Section H of the American Association for the Ad- 
vancement of Science, at its meeting held at Baltimore, December 28- 
29, 1900, that the proposed Archeological Survey of the state of 
Michigan is highly desirable ; that we approve the same and hope it 
will soon be pushed to completion. We recommend that the work be 
placed in charge of an experienced archeologist, with an advisory board 
of archeologists the members of which shall serve without pay, the 
results of which inquisition to be preserved by publication. 

Thomas Wilson, Chairman. 
Geo. a. Dorsey \ Members of 
Frank Russell f Committee. 

The bill which was presented early in the present year is as follows : 

A Bill Establishing a survey of the antiquities of Michigan and 
making appropriations by fiscal years therefor. 

The People of the State of Michigan enact : 

Section i. That a survey of the antiquities of Michigan be and the 
same is hereby established. 

Section 2. That the survey shall be in charge of a commission 
comprising the Governor of the State ex officio, the President of the 
University of Michigan, the President of the Michigan Academy of 

200 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

Science, the President of the Pioneer and Historical Society, and the 
President of the Detroit Archeological Society, this commission to 
serve without compensation, but to be reimbursed for their actual and 
necessary expenses. 

The commission shall have the power to employ an archeologist and 
one or more assistants and to make such incidental expenditures as the 
nature of the work may require. The accounts for salaries and other 
expenses provided herein shall be paid upon the warrant of the Auditor- 
General monthly upon the approval of the Governor. At the end of 
each fiscal year the commission shall cause to be made an annual report, 
the copy for which, as soon as completed, shall be forwarded to the 
clerk of the Board of State Auditors for publication by the State Printer, 
the expense of such publication to be paid from the general fund of the 
State upon the allowance of the Board of State Auditors. 

Section 3. For the purpose of carrying out the provisions of this 
act, exclusive of the cost of publishing the annual reports, there is 
hereby appropriated from the general fund of the State for the fiscal 
year ending June thirty, nineteen hundred and two, and each fiscal 
year thereafter, the sum of two thousand five hundred dollars. 

The committee on state affairs has reported the bill favorably, but it 
has been amended by limiting it to two years. This will require a 
somewhat different mode of field work and an effort to have the survey 
perpetuated at the end of two years either by state or private aid. The 
bill is now in the hands of the committee on ways and means. 

Should the bill pass it will be necessary to enlist the services of an 
archeologist to direct the survey who not only has field experience and 
will avoid the pitfalls so often fatal to such undertakings, but one who 
can also bring about the reestablishment of anthropologic work in the 
University curriculum. The latter important object could easily be 
effected by offering a few lectures the first year, supplemented the 
second by laboratory work on the results of the survey. This plan 
would not only furnish material for the students, but would further the 
interests of the survey by their preparation of its material. These stu- 
dents could later be employed in special field research during the 
summer, and in the laboratory prepare the material and collate the 
results for theses. The director should also give popular lectures 
throughout the state in order to develop general interest in the subject. 

Should the bill fail to pass it is still significant that interest in the 
subject should have reached this stage. With the large number of in- 
fluential and thoughtful people now striving for this survey as part of a 
permanent anthropological institution in Michigan, and with the in- 
creased public interest which they have aroused, the subject has now a 
larger constituency in the state than ever before. 

Harlan I. Smith. 


Twined Weaving. — In Professor Mason's note on " Woven 
Basketry : a Study in Distribution," on pp. 771-73 of the last number 
of the American Anthropologist, he gives the geographical distribution 
of twined weaving in America as follows : " It commences with the 
island of Attn and continues down the Pacific coast of America to the 
borders of Mexico with some interruptions, and extends into the Great 
Interior basin with the Ute. Otherwise it does not exist in North 
America excepting in association with prehistoric pottery in Pope 
county, Tennessee, in Macon, Georgia, in Arkansas, and in Illinois, as 
may be seen by examining Holmes' illustrations in the Third Annual 
Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 408-413." 

He also refers to figures of twined weaving in Holmes' paper in the 
Thirteenth Annual Report oi the Bureau of Ethnology, and, continuing, 
says : " There is not a specimen in the United States National Museum 
of any sort from Central or South America. In the codices as well as 
in the beautifully illustrated books of Stiibel, Reiss, and Uhle, not one 
example contains this compound weft. In other words, in my limited 
study, no twined weaving was ever done in America south of the 
present boundary of the United States." 

The simplest form of twined weaving (style a) in which the warp 
elements form the body of the cloth, mat, or basket, and in which the 
twisted woof elements, placed at intervals, are used simply to bind the 
warp elements together, is probably one of the earliest and most widely 
distributed forms of weaving. We must seek its origin in fish weirs and 
other coarse wattle-work where inflexible rods were held firmly in rows 
by twisted twigs or vines. It was probably applied to the finer forms 
of basketry and matting later, and its use in holding together untwisted 
bast and the fiber of plants, as well as cords of twisted vegetal fiber 
must have occurred in the very first stages of cloth manufacture. 

In the second form of twaned weaving (style b) the twisted pairs of 
woof elements are pressed close together and the warp elements do not 
show conspicuously. This style was applied principally to basketry but 
was also used in the manufacture of cloth. 

Of the more complicated forms of twined weaving the Peabody 
Museum possesses excellent examples, principally from the area given 
by Professor Mason. The following localities represented by collec- 
tions in the Peabody Museum at Cambridge, showing distribution of the 
two simpler forms, may be added to Professor Mason's list : 

Iroquois Indians, cornhusk basketry (style b); Mounds of Ohio, 
charred cloth (styles a and b); Prehistoric burial caves. State of Coa- 
huila, Mexico, cloth and matting, several examples (a); Tlaxcala Indians, 

202 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

central Mexico, sling (b); Prehistoric graves at Ancon, Peru, matting 
both coarse and fine (a), baskets (b); Prehistoric graves at Arica, Chile, 
small wallets of basketry (a); Graves at Pisagua, Chile, basket (a); 
Guato Indians, southern Brazil, excellent examples of Mosquito man- 
tles (a) ; Cadiueios Indians, Paragua river, southern Brazil, grass 
bags (a). 

Outside of America the Peabody Museum shows examples of twined 
weaving from the Swiss lakes (style a), Egyptian graves (a), central 
Africa (a), China (a and b), Japan (a), Ainos of Japan (a), New Zea- 
land (a), Australia (a), Marshall islands (b), and the Society islands 
(a and b). 

It is also interesting to note the survival of the simplest form of 
this weaving in various objects of everyday use — our ordinary wicker 
wastepaper baskets and crates for shipping crockery and similar ma- 
terial serving as examples. ^ ^ ,Tr 

° ^ C. C. Willoughbv. 

A Correction. — On page 773, volume 11, of this journal I use the 
language, " In my limited study no twined weaving was ever done in 
America south of the present boundary of the United States." The 
absence of this technic from more than half of the Western Hemisphere 
is indeed surprising, but since writing the sentence at the head of this 
paragraph I have found drawings of twined basketry from Peruvian 
graves in the Eleventh Annual Report of the Peabody Museum, pp. 280, 
291, 292. One of the drawings shows the style of crossed warp such as 
one sees in cedar-bark baskets on the coast of British Columbia. 

O. T. Mason. 

Artifacts from Norse Ruins. — I regret the necessity of calling 
attention to the unfortunate error that has crept into the article by Mr 
Gerard Fowke on " Points of Difference between Norse Remains and 
Indian Works most Closely Resembling them," published in vol. 11, No, 
3, of this journal. On page 562, speaking of the " lack of the slightest 
trace of bone or any object which shows the least indication of " the 
artificiality of the " Norse graves " at Clematis Brook, near Cambridge, 
Mr Fowke says : " The same statement is true in regard to the graves 
of Iceland and Greenland, and not only of the graves in these coun- 
tries, but also of the house sites." The author has evidently overlooked 
even Miss Horsford's statements in the article which he cites {National 
Geographic Magazine, March, 1898, p. 81), not to mention the sources 
from which that information is drawn (V. Boye, " Beskrivelse af og 
Fortegnelse over de ved Premier-lieutenant D. Brunn i Nordboruinerne 


fremgravede Oldsager," Meddelelser om Gr(l>nland, 16''^ Hefte, and G. F. 
Holm, " Beskrivelse af Ruiner i Julianehaabs Distrikt, pp. 119, 136, etc., 
ibid., 6"= Hefte). 

I quote from Miss Horsford's " Dwellings of the Saga-time " : 
" Numerous relics have been found in these ruins [of Greenland] — iron 
nails and knives, pieces of stone vessels, spinning stones, bone combs, 
and stone pendants, bored with holes and incised with runelike but 
illegible characters." The following is from the resume of Lieutenant 
Holm's work, p. 211 : "In the cemetery of Kagsiarsuk, in the Igeliko 
fjord, lay at a slight depth many bodies, placed quite near together 
under great stones, as if in a family tomb. These bodies, of which the 
heads were turned toward the west, seemed not to have been extended, 
but folded upon themselves, and there was no trace of coffin or grave- 
clothes. At Ikigaet, on the contrary, where bodies have been found 
interred at greater depth, they were lying in caskets joined with wooden 
pegs but without cover, and clothed in sheets of brown woolen stuff. 
The coffins contained also little crosses of carved wood." Such graves 
do not present the same type as the hypothetical ruins of Massachusetts. 
Now, when even Longfellow's famous " Skeleton in Armor " seems to 
have spoken an Algonquian tongue, it were well to move cautiously. 
The question of the long occupancy of the New England coast by the 
Northmen is, I believe, still an open one, and ground is lost rather than 
gained by a slip like the one in question. 

H. Newell Wardle. 

Academy of N^atnral Sciences, Philadelphia. 

With Miss Wardle's permission her communication was referred to 
Mr Fowke, who responded as follows : 

" The article to which Miss Wardle refers was written soon after the 
excavations were made at Cambridge. It was considerably changed 
from its original form when sent to the Anthropologist, hence is not so 
clear on some points, perhaps, as it should be. 

" My information in regard to Norse remains, except about Cam- 
bridge, is entirely second-hand. In speaking of graves elsewhere, I had 
in mind only the small circular cairns. Having been told that no 
remains occurred on the hut-sites in Greenland, I took it for granted — 
jumped to the conclusion,' perhaps, — that specimens found there, as 
mentioned in the Natiojial Geographic Magazine and enumerated by 
Miss Wardle, were left by people occupying the site at a date later than 
Lief's time ; that such was the meaning of the words ' attributed by 
the Danes to a period later than the Saga time.' Thanks for the 
correction." Gerard Fowke. 

204 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

"The Skeleton in Armor"; was it Norse or Indian? — 
With many people Longfellow's poem, with its prefatory note of " a 
skeleton clad in broken and corroded armor," has been held as proof 
indubitable of the presence of the Norsemen in New England. The 
word armor brings up visions of breastplates and bucklers, visors and 
helmets, with all the protective paraphernalia of the martial men of the 
middle ages ; then, too, metallic armor was unknown among the New 
England Indians. 

In the winter of 1897 it was my good fortune to hear Mrs Julia 
Ward Howe give one of her delightful parlor lectures on her personal 
recollections of Longfellow, Whittier, Lowell, and Emerson, in which 
she told of the circumstances which led to Longfellow's writing of the 
poem in question. At that time Mrs Howe's family were living in 
Newport ; her brother, Mr Sam Ward, and Mr Longfellow were intimate 
friends, and the poet often visited at their home. On one occasion Mr 
Ward called the poet's attention to a recent interesting discovery of a 
skeleton with brass tubes upon its chest which was preserved in a private 
museum at Fall River, suggesting it as a fine subject for a poem. While 
on his return journey to Boston Mr Longfellow visited the Fall River 
museum and the poem of " The Skeleton in Armor " was the result. Soon 
after his visit the museum and all of its contents were destroyed by fire. 

The description of the armor as having been composed of " brass 
tubes " was highly suggestive to me. A few days later I wrote to Mrs 
Howe, enclosing an extract from an early writer on New England, ask- 
ing if it described the so-called armor. The quotation was to this effect : 
" An Indian with a bandolier of copper tubes upon his chest, and 
another about his middle, will strut about thinking himself the equal of 
King Charles," There are many allusions in early writings to copper 
tubes strung upon sinew or fiber and worn as a highly-valued ornament 
by the Indians. 

Mrs Howe's reply settles the question of Norse armor or Indian 
ornament. It is as follows : 

" My dear Mrs Eaton : 

" You must remember that it is about sixty years since I saw the 
skeletofi -at Fall River. I think, however, that what was called its armor 
corresponded very much to the description quoted in your letter. It 
was composed of hollow pieces of metal, like reeds, of various lengths. 
The color led me to suppose that this metal was brass. I remember it 
as of a light yellow color. The pieces seemed to be strung on a fiber 
of some sort, hanging something in this way : 


but closer together, one set of these being on the breast, the other 

across the abdomen, the figure in a kneeling or crouching posture. 

"Wishing that I could tell you more about it, believe me 

" Yours sincerely, 

"Julia Ward Howe. 
^^ Bosto7t, May lot/i, iSg'y." 

The method of burial in a " crouching posture " is also an evidence 
of the skeleton having walked the earth as an Algonquian Indian. 

Much can be allowed to " poetic license," but, when poems are 
quoted as proof of historic facts, it is well to investigate the data upon 
which they are founded. In this case Mrs Howe's recollections seem 
to have settled the question. 

Harriet Phillips Eaton. 

Death of Colonel Hilder.— Frank Frederick Hilder was born in 
Hastings, England, in 1836 ; he died in Washington, January 31, 190 1. 
After a course at Rugby young Hilder entered the military school at 
Sandhurst, whence he was graduated. Entering the British army as a 
cornet, he was sent to India where, through conspicuous gallantry, he 
was awarded the Mutiny medal, with special service bars for Delhi and 
Lucknow. While thus engaged in the military service his attention 
was directed to the manners and customs of the inhabitants, first in 
India, later in Borneo, Egypt, the Philippines, and elsewhere in the Old 
World. His skill as a military expert attracted the attention of the 
Khedive who appointed him a colonel in the Egyptian army. 

While serving in this capacity Colonel Hilder's sight was seriously 
impaired ; this led to his resignation, and coming to America during the 
Civil War, he rendered notable service for the Engineer Corps. For many 
years after the Rebellion he engaged in business which led him again to 
many parts of the world, particularly to South America, where he visited 
almost every civilized settlement and many that were not civilized. 
Settling at St Louis after 187 1, he became interested in the mounds of 
the Mississippi valley, and the collections obtained through personal 
excavations (some of which are now in the National Museum) are note- 
worthy for their representative character and for the intelligent manner 
in which they are catalogued. By reason of his intimate knowledge of 
the Spanish language. Colonel Hilder rendered valuable service to the 
Bureau of American Republics in its early days ; later he contributed 
articles on education in South America to the reports of the Commis- 
sioner of Education, and in 1899 became ethnologic translator in the 
Bureau of American Ethnology, which position he held at the time of 
his death. During the winter of 1899-1900 Colonel Hilder visited the 
Philippines under the auspices of the United States Commission for 

206 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

the Pan-American Exposition, making a valuable collection of ethno- 
logic and other objects for exhibition at Buffalo. On his return to 
Washington he continued to completion the translation of a manuscript 
•history of Texas — prepared anonymously but attributed by Colonel 
Hilder to Fray Agustin Morfi in the latter part of the seventeenth cen- 
tury — and had begun its annotation when overcome by his final brief 

Ever courteous and generous, endowed with learning of that sub- 
stantial sort which comes with long and intimate acquaintance with the 
wide world, Colonel Hilder made many friends who courted his com- 
panionship for their personal gain in knowledge and for the ennobling 
influence of a good man. F. W. H. 

Jipijapa or Panama Hats. — Ecuador is the real home of the 
hats wrongly designated under the name of "panama," and according 
to the Recueil Consulaire Beige this industry afterward extended to 
Peru and other countries, even to Yucatan in Mexico. Everywhere in 
Latin America the hat is known under the name of Jipijapa, in honor 
of the city where its manufacture was first started. It is only in Europe 
or outside of the producing countries that this hat receives the name of 
a city which does not make it. The finest hats are made in Jipijapa 
and at Montecristi, in the province of Manabi, Ecuador, this industry 
being one of the greatest resources of the country. The ioguilla, or 
leaf of a small plant, is used for this purpose. It grows abundantly in 
the country, the leaves coming up in the shape of a fan. The plant is 
the Carludovica palmata. There are jipijapas of all qualities, from 
those costing a few pence to those worth several pounds. The merit of 
these last, really marvels of fineness, consists as much in the scarcity 
of the straw as in the difficulty of the weaving, and therefore it is ex- 
ceptional to find these hats on the general market. The hats of current 
sale cost a few shillings, the finest not exceeding from five to six pounds 
sterling in price. In buying a panama it is necessary to ascertain two 
things — that the straw is whole and that it is not stiffened. It is not 
easy to recognize this first condition. In order to make two from one, 
the weavers split the straw with such perfection that unless a person is 
accustomed to such examinations it is almost impossible for him to dis- 
tinguish the difference. Of equal fineness the hat made from whole straw 
is worth three or four times the one manufactured from the straw that has 
been split. The second condition is easily recognized, for the hats are 
stiffened to make the straw firmer and white. Good toquilla is white 
and stiff enough not to need any gum, and only ordinary panamas are 
stiffened. — yournal of the Society of Arts, London, August, 1900, p. 744. 


Twine-making without Apparatus. — An observant lady 
friend, who had been traveling in southeastern Alaska, gave me the 
following description of two-ply twine-making by a Tlinkit woman : 
" All the fingers on both hands are used in the operation. In beginning, 
a small bundle of filaments is doubled and the middle loop grasped be- 
tween the thumb and forefinger of the left hand. The two ends are 
brought downward on the palm and held in place by the fourth and 
fifth fingers. One of the ends is then seized between the thumb and 
the first two fingers of the right hand and twisted several times. This 
end is then brought down upon the palm of the left hand and held in 
place by the fourth and fifth fingers, so that it cannot untwist. At the 
same time the other end is taken up by the fourth and fifth fingers of 
the right hand and passed over to the thumb and forefinger of the right 
hand, when the operation of twisting is repeated, first one strand and 
then the other. The two ends are then grasped with the fingers of the 
right hand and twined two or three times, and at the same time the 
thumb and forefinger of the left hand help in the twisting. Seizing 
the band or loop in the right hand, it is drawn forward so as to take up 
the finished part of the twine. Fresh filaments are added, and the 
operation goes on as long as necessary, the completed twine being 
wound into a ball." 

In the Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, Dr 

Hoffman describes quite similar twine-making, by the Menomini, from 

the inner bark of young lindens. In this example, however, the two 

ends are held on the thigh, near each other, and twisted simultaneously 

with the palm of the hand, while the looped end is held between the 

thumb and forefinger of the left hand. These fingers also aid the 

twisting. ^ rr. ,VT 

^ Otis T. Mason. 

Study of the Romance Languages and Literature, especially 
of the earlier periods, will receive a powerful impetus through a society 
recently formed in Europe, with Prof. Dr VV^ Foerster, of Bonn Uni- 
versity, as president. The society will engage in editing and publish- 
ing early manuscripts and in reediting and printing early classics that 
have become practically inaccessible through their extreme rarity. The 
works of the authors who wrote in old French before and after the 
thirteenth century, the Italians of the period of Dante, Tasso, and 
Ariosto, the Spanish dramatists, and the leading contributors to Portu- 
guese and Provencal literature, as well as those of the seventeenth and 
and eighteenth centuries will be reproduced. The great obstacle in 
such a study — the scarcity of the most important ancient poems, 
dramas, and collections of popular songs — will largely be surmounted 

208 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, igoi 

through the cooperation of such scholars as K. Vollmoller of Dresden, G. 
Baist of Freiburg, F. A. Coelho of Lisbon, R. M. Pidal of Madrid, A. 
Morel-Fatio of Paris, and a score of others. Among the first of the 
literary monuments to be reproduced is the " Search for the Holy 
Grail " (^ demanda do santo Graal e a morte del rrey Artur), the oldest 
known Portuguese prose classic ; this will be followed by five Italian 
comedies dating from 1524 to 1537, and three Spanish comedies of 
1550-51 ; the recently discovered Tercera parte de la Silva de Varios 
Romances, 1551 5 the Cancionero de Coiisfantina, a rhymed chronicle of 
the Cid, the comedies of Lope de Vegas reproduced from the original of 
1604-47, and many others. The publications of the society will be 
distributed by its treasurer, Fr. Junge, of Erlangen, Germany. 

A. S. Gatschet. 

Miles Rock, one of the founders of the Anthropological Society 
of Washington, died at Guatemala City, Guatemala, February ist. Mr 
Rock was born in Ephrata, Pennsylvania, October 10, 1840. He at- 
tended the local school and the Lancaster High School, and was a 
student of Franklin and Marshall College until the outbreak of the 
Civil War. After serving throughout the war, he entered Lehigh Uni- 
versity, whence he was graduated in 1868 as a civil engineer, and in 
which he taught mathematics and mineralogy during the year 1868-69. 
In 1870 he went to Cordova, Argentina, as astronomical assistant in the 
observatory, and during the next three years was engaged in mapping 
the stars of the southern heavens. From 1874 to 1877 he was attached 
to the United States Hydrographic Office ; in 1878 was an assistant on 
the Wheeler Survey, and from 1879 to 1883 was an assistant astronomer 
of the United States Naval Observatory. From 1883 to 189S Mr 
Rock was the head of the Guatemala Commission to determine the 
Mexico-Guatemala boundary, and his faithful and intelligent labors in 
this direction were so highly appreciated by the Guatemalan govern- 
ment that at the time of his death it took charge of his remains, and 
unusual public honors were bestowed at the time of his funeral, which 
was directed personally by President Cabrera. During the early years 
of the Anthropological Society of Washington Mr Rock manifested 
deep interest in its welfare. At its sixth meeting, held May 20, 1879, 
he read a paper on " Indian Pictographs in New Mexico," and late in 
the same year he presented a memoir " On the Effacing Power of 
Tropical Forest-growth in Trinidad Island." 

Conscious Word-making by the Hupa. — The Hupa Indians 
of northern California have a custom which compels them to form new 


words and to discard the old ones. After a burial ceremony is com- 
pleted it is a serious offense to utter the name of the deceased in the 
hearing of a relative. It often happens that the name is that of 
some common animal or object, when a new designation must 
be invented, at least for use in the presence of the relatives of the 
deceased. If the new name happens to " take," or the person who had 
been called by the old one was prominent in the tribe, the change will 
be likely to be permanent. 

Three instances of this have come to my notice. The old word for 
wild goose was lid. An important man known by that name having 
died some years ago, the word has largely gone out of use. The young 
people know only tlc-kimch-yc-de-ti' -Ic, " the one that likes salt." Nearly 
all the Indians say jnitl-ke-o-hat, "what one buys with," to avoid nd- 
de-a7i, the older word for money. A woman having lost a relative who 
bore the name djd-kjd, "grouse," employs the poetical expression wit- 
wdt-yetl-tcJnve^ " the flour-maker," from the similarity of the sound of a 
grouse's drumming and the noise made in pounding acorns. This pro- 
cess of word-building in the course of a few centuries may have largely 

changed the nouns of the language. ^ t^ r^ 

^ & & Pliny E. Goddard. 

Cushing's Zuni Folk-Tales. — A committee consisting of Major 
J. W. Powell, ]Miss Alice C. Fletcher, Dr Franz Boas, Mr Stewart Culin, 
Dr George A. Dorsey, and Professor ^V. H. Holmes, with Mr F. W. 
Hodge as secretary, is planning to have published, by a prominent New 
York house, a handsome, illustrated volume containing more than thirty 
folk-tales which were recorded and translated by the late Frank Hamil- 
ton Gushing during his long and intimate association with the Zuni 
Indians of New Mexico. The printing of the volume will be begun as 
soon as advance orders sufficient in number to guarantee the cost of 
production have been received. As there is little likelihood that the 
volume will be reprinted, those who desire a copy should communicate 
immediately with the Secretary of the committee, at Washington, D. C. 
The subscription price has been fixed at $3.50, payable on delivery of 
the book. 

Eskimo Stone Implements. — Rev. H. R. Marsh, formerly a 
Presbyterian missionary at Point Barrow, Alaska, but now at Joliet, 
Illinois, informs me that around Point Barrow, among the Eskimo, 
stone is called o-ya'-hak, jade is Is-ig'-iiak, and flint is aii-mak ; ham- 
mer is katu-iak, adze is u-li-maw. The stone adze or the flint of the 
woman's skifr-scraper is called ku-kia. No matter what the material, if 
put to the same use, the same word is employed : that is, an adze might 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 3 — 14 

210 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

be of neplirite, flint, or any other stone, but its name would invariably 
be ku-kia. An adze handle is called ka-te-lo -a, an ax or hammer 
handle is i-po-a, a pail handle is Jie-go'-me-o-ta. Thomas Wilson. 

By the will of the late Professor Edward Elbridge Salisbury, Yale 
University will receive on the death of Mrs Salisbury a certain part of 
the residue of the estate, the amount being estimated at $150,000. 
One-half of the sum is to provide an additional income for the Salis- 
bury professorship of Sanskrit and comparative philology, and the other 
half is to accumulate until it reaches $100,000, when the income is to 
be used for such purpose as the trustees may determine. — Science. 

Anthropology at Havana. — The dean of the faculty of science 
and arts of the University of Havana has assigned the chair of anthro- 
pology to Dr Louis Montane, a disciple of Quatrefages and Hamy and 
a pupil of Broca. It is said that Dr Montane is completing the prep- 
aration of a work which has for its object the description of skulls of 
Indians of Cuba which he discovered at Baracoa and Guantanamo, in 
the province of Santiago. 

The British Association for the Advancement of Science has 
granted j[^\o for excavations at Silchester, ^30 toward the archeologi- 
cal survey of Canada, the balance (amounting to ^10) of a previous 
appropriation for the purchase of photographs of anthropologic interest, 
^5 toward anthropological teaching, £,1^"^ for explorations in Crete, 
and the balance in hand under a former appropriation for determining 
the age of stone circles. 

Micmac-English Dictionary. — Of the Micmac Dictionary pre- 
pared by Rev. Silas Tertius Rand, who died in 1889, only the English- 
Micmac volume was published (Halifax, 1888, 4°). The Canadian 
government has now planned to publish the Micmac-English part under 
the editorship of Mr J. S. Clark, of Bay View, Prince Edward Island. 

A " Bibliography of Child Study for the Year 1899," by Louis 
N. Wilson, of Clark University, has been reprinted from vol. 7, pp. 
526-556, of the Pedagogical Seminary. The Bibliography comprises 
441 titles and a subject index. 

The University of Cambridge, England, has accepted a collection 
of ethnological specimens formed in the Maldine islands by Mr J. Stanley 
Gardiner. The collection will be deposited in the Museum of Ethnology. 

The death of Dr Hippolyte-Jean Gosse, professor of legal medicine 
at the University of Geneva, and Director of the Archeological Museum 
of Geneva, on February 22d, in his 67th year, has been announced. 

The Critic is the work of the most com- 
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books, for criticism and informal discussion 
of art, for the sifting of dramatic matters, 
for the tasteful serving up of chit-chat of 
writerdom, past and present. The Critic 
is an observant and trustworthy reporter of 
the progress of the world in arts and letters. 


The bald summary given above affords small 
hint of the pleasure and benefit to be de- 
rived from The Critic by those who care 
for its topics. The proof of The Critic is 
in the reading. Hence for a short time we 
offer a three months' subscription for 25 
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N. S., VOL. 3, PL. IV. 


i\merican Anthropologist 


Vol. 3 April-June, 1901 No. 2 



Each Hopi clan possesses one or more ancient objects, called 
wimi, which it has inherited from the past and regards with 
special reverence. The clan ownership of these objects dates 
back to a time when cultural and sociological conditions were 
somewhat different from those of the present. 

These luiini are generally supposed to be endowed with occult 
powers, and the way in which they are regarded may well be 
likened to that in which, according to Spencer and Gillen, the 
Central Australians consider sacred objects called cJiuringa. 
They are thought to possess magical powers by the use of which 
the priests can obtain certain results, are almost universally 
totemic, and are intimately connected with the ancients, the 
worship of whom runs through all Hopi ritual. 

In old times, when the clans lived apart, the worship of the 
wimi was limited to the clans which owned them. When clans 

' This article is published by permission of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 
under the auspices of which the material for it was collected. 

212 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

combined, their wimi passed into the custody of priest fraterni- 
ties and were thus reverenced by several clans, but ownership of 
the objects still remained with the original clans. After this union 
the clan head-man or head-woman became the chief of the frater. 
nity. He then held the clan ivimi on account of his position 
as chief of the society. 

When required for divination or for medicinal or magical 
practices, in early times, these objects were used in the presence 
of the clan, or, we may say, were exhibited to clan members at 
those times ; later, when a religious society formed from several 
consolidated clans came into being and the number of these wimi 
increased, it became necessary in this exhibition to install them 
with a certain prescribed arrangement. Such an installation is 
called ^ poiiya, or altar, and on the occasion of its erection there is 
held a festival or ceremony which is greater or lesser, elaborate or 
abbreviated, according to the time of the year or other circum- 

The study of these collections of sacred objects or altars has at- 
tracted the attention of several ethnologists, and progress has been 
made in the interpretation of their significance. The first known 
representation of a Hopi altar was an unpublished painting made 
under direction of Maj. J. W. Powell, about twenty-five years 
ago. Captain Bourke, in his book on the Snake dance, published 
in 1884 the first figures of a Tusayan sand picture, and the Hopi 
Antelope altar was figured by Stephen in 1887. In the decade 
1890-1900, the author described and illustrated several altars, ob- 
taining in 1 891 the first photograph ever made of these sacred 
objects. A model of a Hopi altar which showed the sand pictures 
only, was exhibited by the author at Madrid, Spain, in 1892-93, 
and in 1895 he made a complete representation of a Lalakonti 

' Every fraternity or religious society at Walpi has its greater and lesser mysteries 
occurring commonly six months apart. There are also elaborated and abbreviated fes- 
tivals in different years, the celebration of the former occurring quadrennially. In 
the lesser mysteries only a part of the altar is ordinarily installed, but in the greater all 
the wt'vii are placed in position. 


altar for the National Museum at Washington, where it is now on 
exhibition.' One of the first Pueblo altars modeled for exhibi- 
tion purposes was made by the late F. H. Gushing, who prepared 
a group of Zuni figures and an imitation of a Zuni sand picture 
for the World's Columbian Exhibition at Chicago ; this also is 
now in the National Museum. Mrs M. C. Stevenson, in 1898, 
made a model of an altar of the Zuiii War-god which now 
forms an instructive exhibit in the same institution. Several 
Oraibi altars were reproduced during igoo under direction of 
the Rev. H. R. Voth, for the Field Columbian Museum, and 
photographs of certain of these have appeared in a late report of 
that museum. 

Notwithstanding the enlarged knowledge of these objects 
which the above references to the subject implies, there still remain 
several Hopi altars w^hich have never been figured, modeled, or 
described. One of the most instructive of these is that of the 
Owakillti, a ceremony at Sichomovi,^ in some respects the most 
suggestive of all Tusayan religious performances. As the 
OwakultiiQ.s,\\v2\ is celebrated only occasionally in this pueblo, it 
has seemed timely to publish these notes lest an opportunity 
to enlarge them might not occur. 


The zvivii composing the Oivakiilti altar of Sichomovi may be 
considered under two groups, viz., those arranged on the floor of 
the room where the altar is placed, and those forming the uprights 
attached to a vertical framework erected for them in the kiva. 
Our account will first consider the former group, including the fol- 
lowing objects: I. Tiponis ; 2. Effigies (idols) ; 3. Medicine- 
bowl and surrounding objects. 

' The author hoped at one time to have the means and space to erect in the 
National Museum a complete series of Walpi altars. The death of his friend. Dr G. 
Brown Goode, who manifested deep interest in the plan, led to its abandonment. 

■' The author has extensive notes, sketches, and a few kodak photographs of the 
Oraibi Owakiilti altar, which is one of those modeled for the Field Columbian INIuseum. 

214 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 3, 1901 

I. Tiponis. — The badge of the religious fraternity among the 
Hopi is called a tiponi ; this was originally the palladium of the 
clan, and as the fraternity is made up of several clans there are 
ordinarily several of these objects on every altar. The Owakiilti 
altar has two tiponis, one belonging to the chief of the Buli or 
Butterfly, the other to the Pakab or Reed clan. These two clans 
form the nuclei of the Owakiilti society. A tiponi is regarded as 
the most important of all altar zvimi, and is ordinarily called 
" mother " ; but it is totemic only so far as it is a symbol of food 
or seed, the potential sustenance of an agricultural people, and is 
generally an ear of corn with appropriate wrappings and feathers. 
When we consider its status in the Hopi cultural life — how it came 
through symbolism to be elevated to the highest place in their 
reverence — corn is mother in the sense of furnishing sustenance to 
people who rely upon it for food, and is so highly prized that its seed 
was committed to the care of the chief of the clan. Every Hopi 
child has a similar ear of corn as its special symbolic " mother " ; 
every youth initiated into a religious fraternity has a like symbol 
of his food mother. Each novice at initiation places his special 
ear of corn on the altar at the time of his induction into the 
society ; but the ear of corn with accompanying trappings owned 
by the chief of the clan is the only one ordinarily called the tiponi,^ 
although in essential symbolism it is the same as that owned by 
each and every individual. 

2. Effigies {idols). — Although apparently very complicated, 
Hopi mythology in reality is simple, as most of the names of the 
gods are attributal. Especially is this true of the Sky- and Earth- 
gods, the names of which are numerous and perplexing. It would, 
in fact, seem that every clan had its own name for each of these 
gods, and it is this multiplicity of names which makes a proper 
identification very difficult. Every clan had a great Sky-god and 
an Earth-god or -goddess, the former being the father, the latter 

' The tiponi was originally a reserve ear of seed-corn kept with reverential care as 
a last resort if all other seed failed. 


the mother of all minor gods. Each clan also had its totemic an- 
cestral members — the ancients, male and female, — resembling each 
other in type but not in name. Three supernaturals, differing in 
name and in personation, appear in connection with most Hopi 
altars. These three are {a) Sky-god, {b) Earth-god, and (<;) Cul- 
tus hero or heroine. They are personated symbolically and 
may be represented by a human being, a graven image, or a pic- 
ture, or by all these combined. 

The idols on the Hopi altars are both male and female, and 
their forms and names vary with different altars. In the Owakiilti 
the three idols are as follows : A male efBgy represents Coto- 
kinumvil, the Sky-heart, a Sun- or Sky-god who wields lightning 
ordinarily associated with him as a symbol. One of the two 
other idols represents the Growth-god, Miiyimvi'i ; the other 
Owakiil-inana, the special tutelary ancient or ancestress of the 
clans from whom arose the Owakiil society. Miiyinzvil is repre- 
sented by a half-ovoid block of wood upon the sides of which sym- 
bols of corn are painted. The image of Oivakiil-inana is rudely 
human in form. 

3. Medicinc-boivl and Surrounding Objects. — On the floor 
directly in front of the upright part of the altar is placed a medi- 
cine-bowl, around which are radially arranged certain objects yet 
to be mentioned. This bowl, as usual, is placed on a low pile of 
sand, upon which are drawn six radiating lines of sacred meal 
representing the six directions — north, west, south, east, above, 
and below. On each of these lines of meal is an ear of corn of 
the color corresponding to the direction with which it is asso- 
ciated in the Hopi cult, viz., north, yellow ; west, blue or green ; 
south, red ; east, white ; above, black ; below, speckled. 

Alternating with these ears of corn are efifigies of birds and but- 
terflies mounted on slender pedestals held in clay bases. Their 
colors likewise correspond with those ascribed to the cardinal 
points which they represent. The following names were obtained 
for birds and butterflies corresponding to the six world-quarters : 

2l6 AMERICAN AXTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, iqoi 

North, Tiiiua-mana. 

" Sikyalwli (Yellow butterfly). 
West, Tcosro. 

" Gi'XvfrZi^c// (Blue butterfly). 
South, Mu''zri>i-mana. 

Palaboli (Red butterfly). 
Zast, Poyabi. 

'* Fociwil. 

" Kiitcaboli (White butterfly). 
Above, Topocka. 

" Kumbiboli (Black butterfly). 
Below, Tawaktci. 

" NeyanujtiboH (Variegated butterfly). 

Each of these birds, or butterflies, has a small twig on its back 
which had been sprinkled with sacred meal. There is a trilobite 
(said to be an " old butterfly") on the floor near the bowl. Cer- 
tain other objects lay near the altar, among which may be men- 
tioned a tray of sacred meal, a corn-husk containing corn-pollen, 
several water-worn stones, pipes, and a bag of tobacco. All of 
these are used in the rites which occur when medicine is made. 

Upright Parts of the Altar. — Hopi altars as a rule have, in 
addition to the graven images, the medicine-bowl, and surrounding 
objects, a number of wooden slats and clay tiles or flat stones with 
symbols painted upon them. In the Owakiilti sXtdiV these wooden 
slats are tied either vertically or horizontally to a framework at- 
tached to the beams of the kiva. Their sizes and forms vary ; 
most of them are rectangular, while a few have a rude head cut 
on one end. The designs painted on the slats may thus be clas- 
sified : a, Symbols of maize ; b, Symbols of lightning ; c, Pictures 
of birds and insects ; d, Pictures of sun and cultus heroes ; <?, 
Figures of rain-clouds. 

The first group {a) includes not only symbolic pictures of corn 
but also pictures of the Growth-god. The members of the second 
group {b), the number of individuals in which is far greater than 
in the first, have ordinarily a zigzag shape, bearing, when rec- 
tangular, zigzag figures often replaced by designs representing 


snakes. The symbol of lightning is a picture of a snake which 
is conventionalized into a zigzag figure representing the course of 
the lightning in the sky and the movement of the serpent, a simi- 
larity which has been recognized by most primitive peoples and 
introduced into their symbolism. 

All the lower tier of wooden slats are arranged standing up- 
right in a ridge of sand on the floor, but leaning on the framework 
of the altar. Above them is a broad, horizontally placed board 
bearing symbolic bird designs the figures of which (plate iv) con- 
vey a better idea than a mere verbal description. Above the board 
with the pictures of these three birds there is another, also hori- 
zontal, resting upon the last-mentioned. It is tied to the altar 
framework at each end, and is decorated with a row of five semi- 
circular designs symbolic of rain-clouds, from which depend short 
parallel lines representing falling rain. 

Above the last-mentioned board and parallel with it, also hori- 
zontally placed and tied at each end to the uprights of the altar, 
is another board bearing a row of semicircular figures representing 
clouds. From these symbols also depend parallel lines, sym- 
bolizing falling rain. These cloud symbols are painted yellow, 
green, red, and white, thus corresponding with the four cardinal 
points, north, west, south, and east, respectively. The triangular 
symbol between two of these clouds is the conventional figure of a 
feather, while the indistinct zigzag markings between others repre- 
sent either feathers poorly drawn, or, more likely, the lightning. 

Just above the row of upright wooden sticks there is a 
broad slat, tied horizontally to the altar framework, upon which 
are depicted three birds, dragon-flies, and star symbols. The up- 
permost horizontal slat is not decorated, but its surface is crossed 
transversely by a number of elevations. This slat is known as 
tokpela, the "rain-cloud house" or "high-sky house" — practically 
the heavens. Attention is called to the relative position of the 
slat to that on which the bird and stars are painted and to 
certain designs on ancient Tusayan pottery. 

2l8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

Bands, to which are appended highly conventionalized bird 
symbols, are often drawn across the interior of many old food-bowls 
from Sikyatki. These bands are accompanied with figures of stars, 
and from them hang conventionalized devices representing birds. 
The interpretation of this band has not been satisfactorily made, 
but light is shed on its significance by a study of this altar. If we 
compare this band with the horizontal wooden slat last mentioned, 
we find both associated with similar conventional designs, and it 
is probable that both express the same idea. The diametrical 
band on the pottery may thus be interpreted to represent the sky 
band, or home of a sky-bird, which may be the symbol of a sky- 

Several smaller wooden slats, attached to the uprights of the 
altar, and which likewise serve as symbolic pictures, remain to be 
mentioned. One of these has a rain-cloud, a frog, and tadpoles 
painted upon it. Two round sticks, resembling certain prayer- 
sticks found in Sikyatki graves, have crosses painted on their flat 
faces, from which fact they are called tokpcla, "high-sky" sym- 
bols. There was also another object, called by the same name, 
hanging before the altar from the roof. It consists of two sticks 
tied in the form of a cross and has turkey-feathers attached to 
the arms. 

Less conspicuous than the objects above mentioned, but of 
greater importance in the public dance, are two netted hoops 
hanging above the idol of the Oivakulti maid. These were later 
carried by the girls who personated this maid in the Basket dance 
on the last day of the festival. 

Reviewing what has been written above, it is clear that a study 
of the wimi of this altar reveals a general homology, from a point 
of view of symbolism, with other Tusayan altars. The same rain- 
clouds, lightning, and maize symbols are prominent and apparently 
have the same intent. The images are tutelary clan ancients hav- 

' Compare figures of this band in Seventeenth Ann. Rept. Bureau of Amer. Eth- 
nology, plates cxxxix. cxLvi^z', cxvii/, et al. 


ing distinctive names but with few differences in general character. 
It shares with other altars Sun- and Germ-god pictures, but the 
chief idol, Oxvakiil-mana, is characteristic. 

I have described the altar as it appears on the second day 
{Luctald) before the prayer offerings, Zd\\Q.d. paJios, had been set up 
before it. These objects are characteristic, consisting of a small 
wooden slat upon which an ear of corn is depicted and to which 
feathers, herbs, and a small package of meal are attached. A de- 
scription of these is reserved for a more extended account of the 


Like all other festivals ' in the Hopi calendar, there are two 
presentations of this ceremony annually — one abbreviated, the 
other elaborate, — occurring about six months apart. The latter is 
occasionally celebrated at Sichomovi in October and lasts nine 
consecutive days and nights, closing with a public Basket dance. 
The date of the festival is determined during a nocturnal smoke- 
talk of the chiefs, sixteen days before the public event, and is 
formally announced by the town-crier on the following morning. 
The nomenclature of the nine ceremonial days of Owakiilti is similar 
to that of other great unabbreviated festivals elsewhere described. 
It is not within the scope of this article to describe the many 
and complicated rites before the altar on the successive nine days 
and nights composing the festival, but these have been carefully 
noted and will later be published in an appropriate place. A 
brief reference to the " making of the medicine " on the assembly 
day sheds light on the meaning of some of the zuinii. 

Making the Medicine. — Six women (of whom four were priest- 
esses) and four men took their position about the medicine-bowl 
on the assembly day, and arranged about it the different objects 
already mentioned. While the chiefs were arranging these objects, 
a woman made the circuit of the room, drawing on each of the 

' Every great festival has a summer and winter or spring and autumn celebration, 
one of which (the greater) being elaborate, the other (or lesser) abbreviated. 

220 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 3, 1901 

four walls and the ceiling four parallel lines. This is called 
" making the house," and occurs in various other ceremonies. 
The objects having been satisfactorily arranged about the bowl, 
not without considerable discussion regarding their places, one 
of the women, called the smoker chief, lit a pipe which she 
handed to the chief, exchanging terms of relationship. The 
chief puffed whiffs of smoke to the six cardinal points, then 
handed the pipe to her nearest neighbor. After all had smoked, 
and the pipe had been returned to the lighter, all present prayed 
in sequence, beginning with the chief. These prayers finished, 
the songs began, and during the first song several butterfly wings 
were dropped in the bowl with pinches of pollen — one for each of 
the six directions — a prescribed (sinistral) circuit. As the person 
added the object he raised his hand to the cardinal point for which 
the offering was intended. Later, near the end of the song, the 
fragments of herbs on the heads of the wooden efifigies of birds and 
butterflies were dropped into the medicine-bowl, the images being 
raised in sequence for that purpose. 

During the second song, water was poured into the medicine- 
bowl from each of its four sides and the two opposite corners, be- 
ginning with the northern side ; at each addition the gourd 
receptacle containing the liquid was raised to its respective car- 
dinal point. 

During the third song the six ears of corn which lay on the 
floor, radiating from the medicine-bowl, were gathered into a 
bundle and placed in a vertical position in the bowl, so that 
one end was submerged. One of the men then leaned forward 
and grasped this bundle, swaying it back and forth in time with 
the song. At the close of the singing he carefully took each ear 
of corn separately from the bundle, asperged with it to the six 
points in sequence, and laid it in its former position on the line of 
meal radiating from the medicine-bowl. At the fourth song a 
man knelt by the bowl and whistled several times through a 
turkey-bone whistle into the liquid. This act was performed six 


times, each time the performer prefacing his act by sprinkling a 
pinch of corn-pollen along an ear of corn corresponding in posi- 
tion to a cardinal point. 

The same man then stirred the medicine with an ear of corn, 
while the others sang a new song, at the close of which the pipe- 
lighter lit the pipe, and the chief, kneeling over the bowl, puffed 
great clouds of smoke into the medicine, after which he returned 
the pipe to the smoker chief.' 

All the men and women then drew together, forming a close 
ring about the bowl, each taking a bird effigy or butterfly image 
in his hands. As the song continued, each person moved the 
effigy he carried in a zigzag course toward the bowl, and finally 
plunged its head into the liquid. This was repeated several 
times, after which the pedestals that supported the effigies were 
returned to their former positions. One of the women added a 
little sand to the liquid, and the trilobite, or " ancient butterfly," 
was dropped into the bowl ; a man taking meal from a tray 
daubed a little on the cheek of the idol of Oivakiil-mana lying on 
the floor, and, passing to each person in the kiva, rubbed meal on 
his face. Before the meal was used, a ray of sunlight was re- 
flected into it from a quartz crystal. This is also done with 
pollen, the male prayer emblem. 

The songs then ceased ; the pipe was lighted, every person 
smoked in sequence, and later prayed, which was a final act in 
making the medicine. This ceremony was repeated several times 
with minor variations during the following days of the festival, 
and was followed by a feast. 

Such in brief are the main episodes in the making of the 
Oivaki'ilti medicine. A few characteristic points in it may be 
emphasized : 

(i) Butterfly symbols are prominent throughout. The effigies 
of butterflies, wings of the same insect, even a trilobite, — called 
the "ancient butterfly," — are introduced in this ceremony, and, it 

' This is probably the episode figured in Major Powell's painting, above referred to. 

222 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3. 1901 

may be added, in no other. Several chiefs who perform the rites 
are members of the Butterfly clan. Here, then, we have all the 
elements of butterfly totemic worship. But what does it mean ? 
Can we not find an explanation by comparisons with the aspect 
of totemism brought to light by Spencer and Gillen's epoch- 
making work on the ethnology of the Central Australian tribes? 

Theoretically we may suppose that the Butterfly clan has 
certain powers increasing their totem animal, not for food 
but by sympathetic magic to hasten the advent of that sea- 
son of the year longed for by agriculturists. Cause and 
effect are confused in the mind of primitive man. With but- 
terflies come summer time, with the frog comes water, — and these 
associations are confounded into cause and effect. The priest 
with power to bring the animal brings also the climatic condition 
accompanying its advent. The Butterfly clan has special power 
over the butterfly, which it uses for the good of the tribe. The 
use of these butterfly symbols thus becomes a form of gesture- 
prayer or sympathetic magic of great potency in hastening the 
advent of summer. 

(2) Whistling into the medicine is in the same way a means 
of bringing summer birds, and originated in the same psychologic 
process as the use of the butterfly totem symbols. The puffs of 
smoke blown into the liquid represent the rain-clouds which the 
Hopi farmers desire, and the asperging to the cardinal points is 
prayer for much-desired rain, the act being a kind of magic for 
that purpose. 


The public dance is performed by many women bearing basket- 
trays in their hands, and consists of a series of posturings of the 
body in raising and depressing the baskets in rhythm with their 
songs. During the dance these women form a ring, facing each 
other, from which they do not move until they file back to the 


Two girls, dressed to personate the Oxvakiil maids, enter the 
plaza after the others have begun their songs. On the ground be- 
fore them they roll netted hoops at which they throw objects 
made of corncobs with attached feathers. These girls also 
carry bundles of basket-trays which they cast among the spec- 
tators who struggle for their possession.' The Oivakiilti dance 
closely resembles that of the Lalakohti, the only striking differ- 
ences being in the acts of the basket-throwers, their clothing, 
paraphernalia, method of posturing, and acts as they enter the 
plaza. The actions of the basket-bearers of the two ceremonies 
are practically identical. 


The theory that the Hopi tribe has been formed by the drifting 
together of several clans or groups of clans differing in language, 
religion, and secular customs has been discussed in former 
papers, and an acceptance of this theory would imply that each 
of these component clans, when it inhabited its own pueblo, 
practised a worship of its clan-ancients. These incoming clans 
having been merged into the tribe, they bequeathed to the latter 
its distinct cult, which still survives in modified form, imparting 
great complexity to the Hopi ritual. The study of the clan zvimi 
naturally leads the ethnologist to the migrations of the clans 
which introduced them. Two questions suggest themselves re- 
garding this consideration : What clans now own the Ozvakiil 
whni, and where did these clans live before they came to Sichom- 
ovi? An answer to the former is not difficult, and in the latter 
we can hardly hope to go farther back than a few centuries. We 
have, however, archeological as well as legendary evidence to 
guide us in both cases. 

The wi7ni of the Oivakiilti altar are owned by the Pakab (Reed), 
Biili (Butterfly), and Kokop (Firewood) clans. The chiefs of 

' Basket dances among the Hopi have elsewhere been described and fi<^ured, hence 
it is unnecessary to repeat the accounts. 

224 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

these clans claim this ownership, and those of other clans assent 
to this claim. We are specially concerned with the second ques- 
tion — Where did these clans live before they became incor- 
porated in the Hopi pueblos ? The old pueblo of Awatobi 
is commonly regarded as a former home of the first two ; but 
none of them went directly from that place to Sichomovi for 
the simple reason that the latter pueblo was not founded before the 
middle of the eighteenth century, whereas Awatobi fell in the 
opening years of that century, A brief reference to traditions of 
these clans may be of interest. 

The Pakab (Reed, Arrow ?) clan is intimately associated with 
the Awata (Bow), from which Awatobi took its name. After 
the overthrow of their home, the women were carried to the 
Middle mesa where a pueblo was built near the spring on its 
eastern side. Later this site was abandoned, some of the 
population going to Walpi. Tcosro, the woman chief of the 
Owakulti, belongs to the Eagle clan, associated with the Pakab, 
and she owns most of the altar wimi, especially the chief fetish 
— the society's tiponi. Traditions are all in accord that her clan 
lived in ancient times at Awatobi. Other wimi of the Owakiilti 
altar are owned by the Biili or Butterfly clan, also said to have 
formerly lived at Awatobi. The history of this clan after the 
destruction of its former home is obscure, but this fact seems 
clearly made out from traditions as well as from archeological 
evidence : those members who survived the massacre joined a 
settlement of Honaniox Badger clans near Oraibi, and in the course 
of time the composite Buli-Honani people moved to Oraibi, from 
which pueblo a Honani or Buli woman later went to Sichomovi, 
introducing the clan into that pueblo. 

A third clan prominent in the Owakiilti, also owning some of 
the wimi, is the Kokop, which formerly lived at Sikyatki, one of 
the oldest pueblos in the Hopi territory. An early home of this 
clan was Jemez, New Mexico ; and possibly one reason why it 
affiliates with the Pakab and Buli clans in the Owakiilti ceremony 


is the fact that all three were of the same eastern origin and 
possibly at one time spoke a cognate language.' 

The reason Owakillti is celebrated at Sichomovi and not at 
Walpi, the most populous pueblo on the East mesa, is that most 
of the members of the Buli clans live in that village. There are 
no women of these clans at Walpi or Hano, and the first Houani- 
Buli woman to settle on the East mesa came from Oraibi and 
lived in Sichomovi. 

Legendary evidence thus indicates that the village of Awatobi 
was the former home of the clans whose descendants now own 
the zvlnii and control the celebration of the Oivakiilti ; or, as 
otherwise stated, the festival was introduced into the present 
Hopi pueblos by descendants of those who survived the de- 
struction of Awatobi. 

There is archeological evidence in support of the statement 
that the Ozvakiilti was known to the Awatobians. In early times 
the uprights of the altars were flat stones upon which symbols 
j were depicted. Some of these still survive in modern altars, and 
others have been excavated from ancient ruins. Some two years 
ago several stone altar-slabs were exhumed from Awatobi by 
Mr T. V. Keam, and the designs upon them have been identified 
by several old Hopi as (9rc'rt/C'//7// symbols. Thus archeology adds 
evidence to that derived from tradition and sociology that the altar 
with its characteristic symbolism came from Awatobi. 

There is also evidence which leads to the conclusion that the 
Awatobians observed the following festivals: i, A New-fire cere- 
mony with accompanying worship o,{ a Germ-god called Alosaka. 
2, A woman's dance called Mamzrauii. 3, A warrior celebration 
called Mointcifa. 4, A tablita dance like that of Acoma. 5, 
The woman's Basket dance called Ozoakiilti. 

The evidences that a New-fire ceremony, similar to that an- 
nually observed at Walpi, was once performed at Awatobi are 

'It is not intended to state that all originally came fromjeuiez, but there is little 
doubt that the nucleus of the Awatobi population came from the Rio Grande country. 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 3 — 15 



both traditional and archeological. The most prominent god 
worshipped at this time was Alosaka, a Germ-god generally 
called Muyinzvil. The shrine of Alosaka at Awatobi still exists, 
and the two Alosaka figurines from that shrine are still used by 
the Middle-mesa priests in their worship. 

One of the principal societies participating in the New-fire 
rites is called Tataukyamil , and legends directly state that this 
fraternity existed at Awatobi. Hani, chief of that society in 
Walpi, claims descent from Tapolo, the Awatobi chief of this so- 
ciety. A food-bowl from an Awatobi grave found by Mr Keam 
apparently represents a phallic dance of this society. 

The Mamzrau society is traditionally said to have had its 
origin at Awatobi, and the story of the descent of the tiponi to 
Saliko has been mentioned elsewhere. There is archeological 
evidence supporting the claim that the Awatobians had a form 
of this ceremony. One of the main objects on the altar of this 
society at Walpi is a stick with spiral ridge called the " heart-twis- 
ter." In excavations made near Awatobi, Mr Keam unearthed a 
spirally coiled stone which the Hopi identify as a Mavizrau 
" heart-twister." In connection with these coiled stones attention 
is called to an object, which is probably a similar fetish in a shrine 
at the gap on the trail to Hano.' 

Certain clan ancients or katcinas are known as Awatobi- 
katcinas, and are reasonably said to have been derived from the 
pueblo from which they take their name. The symbolism of 
personations of these beings appears in certain pictures made for 
me by a Hopi artist, among which may be mentioned Sozvinu- 
katcina and two monsters, Soyok (Keres, Skoyo, " monster ") taka 
(male) and Soyok wiiqti (female)." 

' These coiled stones are regarded as efficacious in the treatment of certain maladies 
in which the muscles are contorted on one side of the face, arms, or body. 

■' These are called Awatobi soyoks, and their symbolism is very different from that 
of Walpi. 


The chronicle of Tezozoinoc relates that when Ahuitzotl, the 
ruler of Mexico, extended his conquests southward, his forces had 
a decisive encounter (in A. D. 1497) with the united coast tribes, 
near Tehuantepec, and vanquished them. " The victors penetrated 
into the camp of the fugitives and sacked it. The elders and 
women came forth as supplicants and said : ' Valiant lords of 
Mexico, cease your fury, soften your hearts and pity these poor 
coast people and those of Tecuantepec, of Tutztecatl, and of 
Amaxtlan.' " 

Upon this Ahuitzotl gave orders to cease the slaughter, and 
all sat on the ground in order to listen. Then Ahuitzotl said, 
" What are you saying ? I shall bring it to pass that there shall be 
no more inhabitants on these coasts and that no one will be left 
alive." Then those from the coast answered : " Our lords, let us 
speak. We will pay you tribute of all that is produced and yielded 
on these coasts, which will be chalcJiilmitl of all kinds and shades, 
other small precious stones named teoxihiiitl [lit.," the divine 
turquoise "] for inlaying in precious objects, and much gold, be- 
sides the most exquisite plumage to be found in the whole world, 
prepared skins of the ocelot, puma, and large coyotes, and various 
kinds of stones streaked with veins of different colors." (Chap. 

The above passage reveals how highly the Mexicans valued 
the chalchihuitl, since it figures foremost among the tempting 
prizes offered by the coast tribes. It also definitely proves that 
the stone was a product of the Pacific coast region. 

' Read before the Anthropological Society of Washington, April 23, 1901. 


228 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, igoi 

Historical investigation shows that from the time of Ahuitzotl 
to that of Montezuma, a period of twenty-two years, the coast 
tribes actually paid all of the promised tribute and periodically 
sent " strings of chalchihuitl beads," besides gold and turquoises, 
to their conquerors. The famous Tribute Roll of Montezuma, a 
copy of which was sent by Cortes to Charles V, records not only 
the names of towns situated along the Pacific coast which con- 
tributed chalchihuitl with other products, but shows us that the 
same stone was also sent to the capital from other parts of the 

The following extracts from Book XI, chap, viii, of the work of 
Friar Bernardino de Sahagun, in which the learned monk dis- 
cusses the properties of the native fauna and flora, metals and 
stones, further demonstrate that chalchihuitl was a recognized 
natural product of Mexico : 

Precious stones are not found in the beautiful polished and brilliant 
condition in which they are sold by venders. They are originally rough, 
without appearance of beauty, and are carried from the fields and vil- 
lages. There are persons who know where precious stones grow because, 
wherever the latter are, they exhale, at dawn, a va|:)or like delicate smoke. 
Another sign indicates the place where precious stones are hidden, 
especially in the case of those called chalchihuitls. Wherever these are 
the grass which grows above is always green, for the reason that these 
stones continually send forth a cool and moist exhalation. Wherever 
this is the stones are to be found in which the chalchihuitls are formed. 
. . . There is a kind of stone called quetzal-chalchihuitl which is named 
thus because it is like the chalchihuitl and is very green. The good 
stones of this kind are without any spots and are transparent [trans- 
lucent?] and very green. There are other stones named chalchihuitl 
which are not transparent and are green mixed with white. This kind 
is much used by the chieftains who string them and wear them around 
their wrists. They constitute a sign that the wearer is a nobleman. It 
is illicit for vassals to wear them. 

There is another stone belonging to the species of chalchihuitl, 
which is called tlilaiottc, and is a mixture of black and green. 

Besides the above mentioned stones there are other jasper stones of 
many kinds and colors. . . . Some of these are white as well as 
green and are therefore called izta exhale hi hiiitl [lit., " white chalchi- 


huitl "] ; others have green veins with h'ght blue or other colors mixed 
in with the white. 

The fact that, in the Nahuatl language, the current name for 
lapidary in general was cJialcJihih iximatqui (lit., " he who works 
the chalchihuitl ") proves that there existed a native caste of skilled 
lapidaries whose highest attainment was the conversion of crude 
bits of the stone into the highly-prized beads and carved orna- 
ments worn by the Mexican chieftains. It is interesting to find, 
in Sahagun, mention of the wearing of labrets and earrings of 
" false chalchihuitl " by ordinary people among the Otomis, a 
Mexican tribe. 

Having gathered the above curious details concerning the 
knowledge and use of the stone amongst the ancient Mexicans, 
I was tempted to undertake the somewhat tedious and time- 
consuming task of localizing the various towns associated, in 
Montezuma's Tribute Roll, with the tributes of chalchihuitl. 
Many of these towns proved to have been situated in the ancient 
Mixtecapan, which comprised portions of the present states of 
Puebla, Guerrero, and Oaxaca, whilst others were situated in the 
state of Vera Cruz or in distant Chiapas, near the boundary of 
Guatemala. The accompanying outline map (figure 41) indicates 
the modern Mexican states which confine the localities associated 
with chalchihuitl in the Tribute Roll. 

It was interesting to find how many of the ancient Mexican 
local names had remained unaltered to the present day, and it was 
easy to identify these and others, in the form of which slight altera- 
tions or abbreviations had taken place. Some names, however, 
have entirely disappeared, having doubtless been superseded by 
the names of saints which were bestowed upon all parishes by the 
Spanish missionaries. Local investigation would, in all likelihood, 
lead to the identification of a number of the places which I have 
not been able to trace on the modern maps consulted. I shall 
rely on my colleagues in Mexico, who have opportunities for 
doing so, to supply the missing information in course of time. 



[n. s., 3, 1901 

There is serious difficulty in the identification of a few of the 
ancient localities, due to the fact that the same names are fre- 
quently found applied to more than one place in the same or in a 
different state. In some cases the appearance, in the Tribute Roll, 
of a name, in a series of local names, affords a clue to its geo- 
graphical situation, as towns are usually enumerated by districts. 
Rather than to make an identification which might prove to be 

Fig. 41 — Map defining the portions of ancient Mexico from which chalchihuitl was sent as 
tribute to Montezuma. 

misleading, I have preferred either to omit entirely, or to so des- 
ignate, all that appeared in the least doubtful. It should here be 
stated that, in making investigations, I referred to the various 
series of maps published by the Mexican government as well as to 
others published in the United States by the Bureau of American 
Republics and by Messrs Rand, McNally & Co. The index to 
the last mentioned proved a valuable aid in some cases. 

I shall now present the list of towns enumerated in Monte- 




zLima's Tribute Roll, with their names as they appear on modern 
maps and their localization in the actual states of Mexico. We 
shall begin with the localities situated in Chiapas, on the Pacific 
coast, near the frontier of Guatemala. Their inhabitants con- 





Fig. 42— Map of the southern part of Chiapas, in which are indicated six of the nine towns enu- 
merated in Montezuma's Tribute Roll as contributing chalchihuitl. 

tinued the struggle against the Mexicans after the conquest of 
Tehuantepec, and Ahuitzotl was obliged to send another expedi- 
tion to subdue them. On yielding submission they too promised 
to supply their conquerors " forever with gold, emeralds, all kinds 

232 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

of precious chalchihuitl, etc." (Tezozomoc, chap, Ixxix.) At 
the time of Montezuma only two strings of chalchihuitl' were 
exacted from them. 

Tribute : Two striii^:!;s of chalchihuitl beads. 

Tribute Roll Modern maps 

Xoconochco Soconusco, State of Chiapas. 

Ayotlan (?) ' 

Coyoacan (?) 

Mapachtepec Mapastepec, 

Magatlan Mazatan, " 

Huitztlan Huiztan, 

Acapetlatlan Acapetahua, 

Huehuetlan Huehuetan, " 

Ochpaniztli (?) 

The exact geographical position of six of the above towns is 
shown on the map (figure 42), on which I have also indicated a 
small town, situated between Tuxtla and Simojovel, which bears 
the significant appellation of Chalchihuitan, lit., "The Land of 

Proceeding northward, we next examine the following lists of 
towns (figure 43) designated in the document as "situated in the 
hot lands." 

Tribute : Four strings of chalchihuitl beads, three large pieces of chal- 
chihuitl, three strings of chalchihuitl beads every six months. 

Tribute Roll Modern maps 

Tochtepcc Tuxtepec, Oaxaca. 

Xayaco Xayacatlan, Oaxaca. 

Otlatitlan Otatitlan, near frontier of Oaxaca 

and Vera Cruz. 

Co9amaloai)an Cosamaloapan, Vera Cruz. 

Mixtlan Mixtla, Vera Cruz. 

Michapan Michi-apan, Oaxaca. 

Ayotzintepec (?) 

Michatlan (?) 

Teotitlan Teotitlan, Oaxaca. 

' This term appears to be identical with Ayotecatl, which was destroyed by the 
Mexican conquerors and is described in the chronicle as being situated a day's march 
from Macpatlan in the above list. 




Tribute Roll Modern maps 

Xicaltepec Jicaltepec, Vera Cruz (?). 

Oxitalan (?) 

Tzinacaoztoc (?) 

Tototepec Tututepec, Oa.xaca. 

Chinantlan Chinantilla, Oaxaca. 

Ayoginatepec (?) 

Mexico % 

.■ <» , "vj^ Tepedoacurli 

U Teloloapan ^ ° o^^lt^naogo ^_. . oK 

/v C hilpancing o \ ^ Matatran ° T°j.teftec (j 

~ ^d • . , , 

-, Mixtla v.* 

Fig. 43— Map exhibiting the towns situated in Oaxaca, Guerrero, and Vera Cruz, which are asso- 
ciated with chnlchihuitl in Montezuma's Tribute Roll. 

Cuezcomatitlan (?) 

Puctlan Pochutla, Oaxaca. 

Teteutlan Teteutlan, near Atlixco, Puebla (?). 

Tlacotlal Tlacolula, Oaxaca (?). 

Toztlan (?) 

Yautlan Yauhtepec, Oaxaca (?). 

Ixmatlatlan Matlatlan, Oaxaca. 

Tribute : One string of chalc/iihiiifl beads every six months. 

Tribute Roll Modern maps 

Tuchpan Tuxpan, State of Vera Cruz. 

234 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

Tribute Roll Modern maps 

Tlatigapan (?) 

Cihuanteopan Zihuateutia, State of Vera Cruz. 

Papantia Papantla, 

Ocelotepec Teocelo (?), 

Miahuapa Miahuapa, " " " " 

Tribute : Five strings of chalchihuitl beads evety six months. 

Tribute Roll Modern maps 

Tepecuacuilco Tepecoacuili, Guerrero. 

Chilapan Chilapa " 

Ohuapa (?) 

Huitzoco Huitzuco, on border of Guerrero 

and Morelos. 

Tlachmalacac (?) 

Yoalan (?) 

Cocolan Cocula, Guerrero. 

Atenango Altenango, " 

Chilcachapa (?). 

Teloloapan Teloloapan, " 

It is interesting to note how near to one another the above 
towns are situated. 

Tribute : Two stt'ifigs of chalchihuitl beads every six months. 

Tribute Roll Modern maps 

Cuetlaxtlan ... Cotastla,' State of Vera Cruz. 

Mictlanquauhtli (?) 

Tlalpanicyllan (?) 

Oxichan (?) 

Acozpa (?) 

Teociocan (?) 

The largest number of identified localities in any single state is 

in that of Puebla, of which an enlarged map is given (figure 44). 

The tribute included only two strings of chalchihuitl beads; yet 

if one of these strings constituted a necklace, the number of beads 

may have been over one hundred, as in the necklaces described in 

the lists of presents sent by Cortes to Charles V. 

' Cotastla is now surrounded by towns bearing Spanish names, such as Mala Ca- 
terina, Obispo, San Francisco, Aurora, San Juan, etc. An examination of old docu- 
ments might lead to the discovery of the ancient names of some of these towns. 










Fig. 44— Map of the state of Puebla, exhibiting the names of twentj^-thrce towns associated with 
chalchihuitl in Montezuma's Tribute Roll. 

236 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

Tribute Roll Modern maps 

Tepeacac Tepeaca, Puebla. 

Quechulac Quecholac, " 

Tecania Chalco Tecama Chalco, " 

Acatzinco' Acatzinco, " 

Tecalco Tecali, " 

Icgochinanco (?) 

Quauhtinchan Huauhtinchan, '' 

Chictlan (?) 

Quatlatlauh Huatlatlauca, " 

Tepexic Tepeji, 

ItzLican Izucar, 

Quauhquecholan (?) 

Teonochtitlan (?) 

Teopantlan Teopantlan, 

Huehuetla Huehuetlan, 

Atezcahuacan Atexcal, 

Oztotlapechco (?) 

Chiltepintla (?) 

Nacochtlan (?) 

Epatlan Epatlan, 

Coatzinco (?) 

Tetenango Tenango, 

Tlaxcaltecatl Tlaxcala, 

Cholulteca Cholula, 

Huexotzincatl Huejotzinco, 

The question naturally presents itself here whether, by follow- 
ing the indications conveyed by the foregoing documentary evi- 
dence, geologists may not be able, in course of time, to find in 
Mexico the chalchihuitl in situ. With a view to furthering so 
desirable an end, I subjoin a list of Mexican localities the names 
of which incorporate the word chalchihuitl. 

Chalchiuhcuecan Ancient name given to that por- 
tion of the coast adjoining Vera 
Cruz where the Spanish landed. 

Chalchicomulan Town in the state of Puebla. 

' The town of Chalchicomula is situated near Acatzinco, thus the word chalchihuitl 
is found to occur twice within the region around Tecama Chalco and Acatzinco. 


Techachalco Locality southwest of Chalchi- 

comulan, district of Tehuacan. 

Tecama Chalco Town in the state of Puebla. 

Chalco Name of lagoon and town of same 

name. According to Ramirez the 
name was formed from "Chal- 

Tlaca Chalco and Coatepec-Chalco. . Two localities situated between 

Chalco and Texcoco, state of 

Chalchiuhapan Town in southwest part of the 

state of Puebla.' 

Chalcatongo Locality south of Tlaxiaco, state 

of Oaxaca. 

Chalchiguitan Town south of Simojovel, state of 


Chalmita and Chalma Localities, state of Mexico, dis- 
trict of Tenancingo. 

Chalchijapa Name of a river a tributary of 

which flows from the south into 
Rio Coatzacoalco, south of the 
state of Vera Cruz. This name 
may have reference to the color 
of its water only (?). 

Sierra de Chalchihuites Name of a small range of moun- 
tains running north and south ; 
district of Sombrerete, state of 

Chalchihuites Name of a mining town at the 

northern extremity of the above 
range. Contains silver and zinc 
The name Chalchihuites given to a whole range of mountains and to 

a mining town in Zacatecas claims attention. 

The actual existence of towns in regions which anciently paid 
tribute of chalchihuitl beads to Montezuma, and of districts whose 
names incorporate the word chalchihiutl, undoubtedly constitutes 

' Sahagun (Book c, chap, xxix) describes the house or oratory of Quetzalcoatl 
which was named Chalachiuhapan. This edifice was situated in the middle of a great 
river which flowed toward the town of Tula and there " the god had his bath-houses." 

238 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 3, igoi 

a most valuable indication which deserves serious consideration 
by those interested in the possibility of finding jadeite in place. At 
■the same time it must be admitted that, on the whole, the collec- 
tive indications are vague and unsatisfactory, especially when it is 
remembered that, in the Tribute Roll, the towns which sent chal- 
chihuitl beads also sent other and varied tribute ; that they are 
recorded collectively, and extend over a vast area of territory. 

In two particular cases, however, the indications seem clear and 
are concentrated upon comparatively restricted districts. One 
of these comprises the compact group of six towns situated in the 
northern part of the state of Guerrero ; the second consists of that 
portion of Chiapas in which I have located seven of the nine towns 
mentioned in the Tribute Roll. As documentary evidence, more- 
over, establishes the fact that chalchihuitl was a recognized pro- 
duct of the hot lands along the Pacific coast, and as Chiapas actually 
contains a locality designated as " The Land of Chalchihuitl," it 
seems but reasonable to regard the latter as the most promising 
field of investigation, not only for jadeite but also for gold and 
turquoise mines. 

It is with the hope that they may be an aid and guide to future 
geological and mineralogical research that I submit the present 
communication and the foregoing notes collected during a pro- 
longed study of documents relating to ancient Mexico. 



Of the many tribes which make up the population of the 

Siletz reservation in Oregon, one of the smallest and at the same 

time most interesting is the Alsea. . Never strong in numbers, 

it has now shrunk to a few families and will doubtless soon be 

extinct. It is interesting particularly for the reason that it lies 

at about the southern limit of a particular type of culture where 

the more northern beliefs and characteristics begin to feel the 

influence of Californian tendencies. Unfortunately the tribe 

has remained up to the present time comparatively unknown to 

the anthropological world. Based on scanty observations by 

I Hale and other early observers, their language, together with 

I that of their neighbors and undoubted relatives, the Yaquina 

and Siuslaw, has been classed under the Yakonan linguistic stock. 

Two visits to the Siletz reservation were made by the late 

J. Owen Dorsey in the early eighties, at which times he collected 

information and linguistic material from many of the tribes on 

the reservation, and among others a small vocabulary from the 

Alsea, but even this, necessarily limited from lack of time, he 

i was unable to publish before his death. One article by him on 

' the local distribution of the Siletz tribes appeared in 1890."^ 

In 1890 Prof. Franz Boas visited the reservation, and among 
the physical measurements which he made at that time are a few 
of the Alsea,' but he had no opportunity of making an ethnological 

' Published by authority of the Trustees of the American Xuseum of Natural 

I - " The Gentile System of the Siletz Tribes," Jcur. Am, Iclk-Lci (, iSgo, ui, 227. 

I ^ Seventh Report on the Northwestern Tribes of Canada, Free. British Ass'n 

Adv. Sci., i8gr. 


240 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

In the summer of 1900 the writer visited the Siletz in the 
interests of the Villard expedition from the American Museum 
of Natural Histfiry, with the particular object of collecting texts 
and general linguistic information from the Alsea with a view of 
determining the characteristics of the Yakonan stock if it should 
prove to be independent, or its afiflliations should it appear to 
be connected with other recognized linguistic divisions. Pe- 
culiarly good fortune in the way of an Alsea informant pro- 
duced a series of connected texts and translations, as well as a 
fairly extensive vocabulary and a mass of general grammatical 
material which will afford a basis for the desired investigation. 
Until this can be completed it may be well to offer a few notes 
of general interest. 

Habitat. — The main seat of the tribe was at the mouth of Alsea 
river on the coast of Oregon, between latitude 44° and 45°, being 
flanked on either side by the related and friendly tribes of the 
Yaquina on the north and the Siuslaw on the south. When the 
Siletz reservation was formed immediately north of Yaquina bay, 
the Alsea, together with the other tribes of the western part of 
the state, were removed to the reservation and there are now no 
Indians left at the original tribal seat. 

Physical Traits. — Physically the Alsea and Siuslaw are in- 
teresting as being the most southerly tribes which practised 
deformation of the head, this being done by the usual fronto- 
occipital pressure. The peoples to the south are distinguished 
by facial tattooing, which was practically unknown among the 
Alsea. In general physical characteristics the stock conforms to 
the type of the coast tribes to the north. 

General Beliefs. — The Alsea believed that the earth is flat, the 
land floating in the water. They also believed in a sky country, 
resembling the earth, which was peopled by men and women in 
form like themselves, who went up and lived there at the time of 
the great transformation which will be mentioned later. There 
was also an underworld about which little definite information 

farrand] notes on THE ALSEA INDIANS OF OREGON 24 1 

could be obtained. It was peopled entirely by spirits or shades 
of the dead and only by those apparently who had lived " bad " 
lives in this world. The entrance to the lower world was over 
the edge of this one, the shades of those doomed to go there 
passing through the air and dropping over the edge. When a 
bad chief died his shade could be heard flying through the air 
and dropping into the lower world with a loud "boom." In 
some of their stories there were allusions to other entrances; but 
no tradition of a regular visit to the underworld, such as is 
common to the tribes immediately to the north, could be ob- 
tained. There was also an abode for the good spirits of the 
dead, where the conditions of life were all favorable — no wind 
nor rain, where the water was level with the land, salmon and 
game were abundant, and life happy. This place was conceived 
of as being somewhere on this earth, but just where was not 
known. There is a possibility, of course, of missionary modi- 
fication in these conceptions, but the impression given was that 
they are of native origin. 

The Alsea practised surface burial in small huts, canoes, etc., 
and goods of all kinds were placed with the corpse ; the ex- 
planation given of this custom was that the bodies were animated 
and moved about at night if they so willed, so easy exit from 
the graves was afforded and the things deposited were for their 
use under such circumstances. The dead sometimes gave ma- 
terial aid to the living ; for example, a canoe made in the woods 
was sometimes found moved some distance toward the shore, and 
this could have been done only by friendly dead. 

With regard to the earlier conditions in this world, the Alsea 
believe that it was formerly peopled by the present animals and 
birds in human shape, but who even then had the peculiar char- 
acteristics which distinguish them today ; and besides these, 
there were a great number of monsters (dnk'i) which occupied all 
the most favorable spots and were constantly preying upon the 
people. At this time appeared Shio'k, the Transformer, who, in 

AM. ANTH. N.S., 3— 16. 

242 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

his journey about the world, killed the dnkl' and at the same time 
changed most of the people into their present animal forms. 
During this period ShTo'k exhibited all the characteristics of a 
trickster which have come to be so well known in the culture 
hero stories of other parts of the world. Having completed his 
journey and work, Shio'k went up to the sky country, taking 
with him many of the people of this world, and there they live to 
the present day. After his ascent to the sky ShTo'k is spoken of 
only by the term Dlevvi't (" the Maker "), and always with rever- 
ence. No direct account could be obtained of Diewi't's interfer- 
ence in human affairs, but it seems probable that such a belief is 

Social Organization, Marriage, ^/^. — The ordinary northwest- 
coast system of social orders, viz., " nobility," common people, 
and slaves, prevailed among the Alsea. It was possible, however, 
for a common man, by reason of extraordinary power or wealth, 
to rise to the dignity of a chief and thus to raise his family in 
rank. A slave could never improve his position, an inability 
which may have been due to the fact that slaves were constantly 
changing hands and constantly deprived of a favorable oppor- 
tunity for demonstrating their value. Slaves were obtained usu- 
ally by purchase, occasionally by capture. Children of very poor 
parents were sometimes taken and sold to pay debts. 

With regard to marriage, there was said to have been a de- 
cided preference for marriage with women from another tribe. 
This was explicitly stated of the nobility. At the same time 
there is evidence that the men did not care to go too far afield 
for their wives, for in such specific cases as could be cited, the 
favored tribes were the Yaquina and Siuslaw, whose languages 
are almost identical with the Alsea and who regarded each other 
as closely akin. It is more likely that the exogamous tendency 
was local and extended to villages rather than to tribes. The 
expressly forbidden degrees extended to any recognized relation- 
ship. Marriage was by purchase, the family of the man assisting 

farrand] notes on the ALSEA INDIANS OF OREGON 243 

him in procuring the purchase-money for the bride. The money 
thus paid was later refunded by the bride's family, apparently 
chiefly in the form of gifts and feasts, though the exact method 
is not clear. It suggests in certain ways the potlatch system of 
Vancouver island, for there was an apparent effort on the side of 
each family party to the contract to keep the other family in debt 
to it. Should separation of the couple occur for any reason what- 
ever and there be debt on either side, the deficit had to be made 
good immediately. Should a child die, the mother's family was 
obliged to pay the father's family ; this was apparently true 
even when the purchase-money for the bride had been entirely 
refunded, though the information may be inexact on this point. 
Should the wife be unfaithful, the wife's family had to pay 

When a child was born he was given a nickname. This he re- 
tained until puberty, when he received his regular name, which 
was ordinarily that of one of his ancestors on either side, no 
preference being given to either line so far as could be learned. 
He might take the name of a living man, but in that case the 
giver must assume another. The same name was never used by 
two living people, nor did the giving of a name carry with it any 
privileges of position or rank. The giving was permanent, names 
never being lent nor pawned, as is sometimes the case farther 
north. The same rules held in the case of females as of males. 

With regard to inheritance, any property left by the deceased 
was divided among recognized relations without distinction of 

There was a marked tendency to local segregation of groups 
related by blood in every village. These consanguineous divi- 
sions often attained considerable size and were known either by 
some local name with the suffix -hi'tsLEm (people), or by the 
name of the recognized chief of the group with the same sufifix. 
Definite information on the economic and political organization 
of these groups was not forthcoming, though it was evident that 



[n. s., 3, lyoi 

they possessed a considerable amount of independence, which 
probably depended largely on the size and strength of the par- 
ticular ward. There was no sign of any totemic clan system. 

The more important degrees of relationship will appear from 
the following partial list of terms. 

In the list, the sign ' following a consonant indicates that it 
is slightly explosive ; the sign ', that the letter is aspirated ; 
superior vowels indicate suppressed sounds, otherwise the vowels 
have their continental values. 

Uncle (father's brother), s'^ipJi. 

" (mother's " ), tdtc. 

Aunt (father's sister), tdtc. 

" (mother's " ), kwiUL 

Cousin (father's brother's child). 

Same terms as for own brother's 


Cousin (father's sister's child), hid. 

" (mother's brother's " ), hid. 

( " sister's " ). 

Same terms as for own brothers 

and sisters. 

Nephew (brother's son), tEtndnfs. 

" (sister's son), sipjcdn. 

Niece (brother's daughter), tk'ddtc. 

" (sister's " ), sipxdn. 

The terms for other degrees need not be presented here. A 
glance at the list suggests at once some interesting questions. It 
would appear that the paternal uncle and the maternal aunt 
stand in a more intimate degree of relationship to the individual 
than the maternal uncle and the paternal aunt. This seems evi- 
dent since the children of the former are known by the same 
terms as own brothers and sisters, while the cousins who are 
children of the latter are known by the single term hla and ap- 
parently are not distinguished as regards sex. But the problem 
becomes complicated again by advancing to the next generation, 
for we find that cousins' children bear the same term as nephews 









Brother (elder), 


" (younger), 


Sister (elder), 


" (younger). 










farrand] notes on THE ALSEA INDIANS OF OREGON 245 

and nieces whether their parents be in the degree known as hid' 
or are regarded as own brothers and sisters. 

Shamanism. — The customs connected with shamanism did 
not differ essentially among the Alsea from those of the other 
northwestern tribes which have been described so often. Any 
person was eligible to become a shaman and in the usual way by 
" training " and fasting. If the candidate wished to acquire 
supernatural skill or strength in any particular line, such as gam- 
bling or hunting, it was necessary for him to work on the appro- 
priate instruments during the period of solitary fasting. This 
is interesting as an unconscious method of keeping the attention 
concentrated on a particular set of ideas and thus markedly 
furthering the appearance of the appropriate suggestive dream 
or vision. When a candidate returned from his fasting and an- 
nounced that he had become a " doctor," the news was greeted 
with loud wailing on the part of his family, the explanation 
being that he would probably live but a short time owing to the 
hostility he was sure to arouse among rival shamans or in indi- 
viduals against whom he might operate and who would not hesi- 
tate to take extreme measures of revenge. There was evident a 
curious half-contemptuous fear of the shamanistic powers which 
may betoken the beginning of a breakdown in the belief. 

The methods of treating disease by the shaman were the 
usual ones of incantation and sucking, thus withdrawing the 
spirit of the sickness which had been cast into the body of 
the patient by some hostile shaman. The "doctor" usually 
exhibited in his hand after the treatment some object which 
embodied the extracted disease and which was taken away and 
diposed of with appropriate ceremony. 

Traditions. — The tribal stories of the Alsea are grouped about 
the account of the Transformer and Wanderer, Shio'k, mentioned 
above. A curious fact in connection with the traditions is that 
they were told only during one month of the year, which appar- 
ently corresponded to January. Every evening of this month the 

246 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

members of each household gathered and the tales were related 
until late at night, being continued the next evening from the 
point where they broke off the night before. They began with 
the story of Shlo'k, and branching off from that are said to have 
formed a connected series which consumed the entire month in 
the telling. After the month was past and the series ended, the 
tales were not told for another year. In the meantime the chil- 
dren were forbidden to discuss them among themselves and were 
punished severely if they disobeyed. This custom, the origin of 
which is not clear, probably accounts for the comparatively scanty 
knowledge of the traditions possessed by the younger Indians. 
Unfortunately no individual could be found who remembered the 
series, for under the influence of reservation life the custom has 
been discontinued for many years, and as the two or three old 
members of the tribe who yet survive were mentally incompetent 
and the younger members were unfamiliar with the stories, only 
a fragmentary collection could be made. 

As has been stated, the central figure of the traditions is the 
Transformer, Shio'k. The story of Shlo'k opens, as is the case in 
most of the northwest Transformer legends, with an introduction 
having little bearing on the hero's future wanderings and achieve- 
ments. The Alsea version, however, gives no account of Shlo'k's 
ancestry, birth, or childhood, but presents him at the opening as 
full grown and not nearly so powerful as he appears later. A 
number of puerile incidents are given in which Shio'k plays the 
part of a petty trickster, not always even successful ; this is fol- 
lowed by a long voyage in a whaleskin, and, after his successful 
arrival on land, the typical journey along the coast northward as 
far as the Columbia river takes place, in the course of which he 
destroys the monsters who are harrying the country, fills the rivers 
with their particular kinds of salmon and other fish, and finally 
places at the mouth of each stream a man and a woman who 
become the ancestors of the people resident at each place. 

Of the other stories which were heard, the majority were of the 

farrand] notes on the ALSEA INDIANS of OREGON 247 

adventures of five brothers, — a different group in each case, — of 
whom the youngest brother was always the clever one who led 
the band and devised means for escape from dangers and dififi- 

While the character of the traditions is distinctly that of the 
Washington coast tribes of whose mythology we have accounts, 
it will be interesting to trace the influences in details which the 
neighboring Athapascan tribes on the south may have exerted. 
It is sincerely to be hoped that the information regarding these 
Athapascan as well as the other stocks of the Siletz reservation 
can be procured without delay, for the appalling death-rate in the 
group, due particularly to the ravages of tuberculosis, makes their 
early disappearance inevitable. 


The Kootenay of southeastern British Columbia and northern 
Idaho, by virtue of their language, rank as one of the distinct stocks 
of the Amerinds of North America. Their comparatively simple 
social organization also marks them as a people distinct from 
their neighbors. From the time of the missionary De Smet, 
early in the nineteenth century, they have been noted as a kindly 
dispositioned people, strong enough in mind and heart to resist 
much better than many other tribes the evil influences of white 
contact. Practically the only scientific studies of these interest- 
ing people have been made by Dr Franz Boas and the present 
writer' (who visited them in the summer and autumn of 1891). 
A mass of linguistic and ethnologic data was then accumulated, 
which has since been submitted to careful consideration and is 
now being prepared for publication. 

In spite of the apparent rarity of picture-writings and certain 
other artistic phenomena in the Kootenay area, these Amerinds 
possess artistic ability of no mean order, as the three hundred or 
more drawings the writer has been able to obtain amply testify. 
From these the four large group-pictures considered in this 
article have been selected as exhibiting Kootenay art in some of 
its striking aspects. The subjects are: i, Gambling game; 2, 
War dance ; 3, Dance ; 4, Buffalo-hunt. The last three are by 
an old Indian, the first by a young man of twenty-two years. 

Gambling Game (figure 45). — This drawing represents the great 

gambling game of the Kootenay, which survives at present only 

among the Lower Kootenay tribe, the efforts of the missionaries 

' See Hep. Brit. Assoc. Adv. Set., 1SS9 and i8g2. 





=- (Q 



250 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 3, 1901 

having been sufficient to suppress it among the Upper Koo- 
tenay, who have come more under the better influences of the 
whites. The game is the one famous among the Indians of the 
northwest, with which is associated what Paul Kane, the artist- 
traveler, called " the eternal gambling song Jie hah ha ! " The 
essence of the game is as follows: ' 

" The gambling consists in guessing in which hand one (on 
which a ring of bark is left) of two sticks of wood is hidden. 
The players sit in two rows facing each other, and a number of 
them keep beating on a log in front of them with sticks, while the 
sticks are passed from hand to hand. From time to time some 
of the players sing or contort their limbs in various ways." The 
yells and chants with which the gambling is interspersed are : 
Hai yd ! Jiai yd ! hai yd he ! repeated indefinitely ; ho ho ! hd Jid ! 
he he ! hai hai ! hu hu ! III! ydeee, etc. The game and its ac- 
companiments have been known to last more than twenty-four 
hours, beginning with the evening of one day. 

The drawing here reproduced was made by an Upper Koo- 
tenay Indian named AmElu, one of the best and most reliable 
men of his tribe. So far as the writer was able to discover, he 
had never received any instruction in writing or in drawing of any 
sort, but was naturally intelligent and a rather skilful draftsman, 
as other specimens of his art procured by the writer abundantly 
prove. AmElu presented this drawing (the writer had him under 
his eye during the making) as a token of regard, so that both the 
idea of drawing the gambling game and the mode of its execu- 
tion belong to him without interference or suggestion of any sort 
by another. 

The word for "gambling" xs, gdthlwd'tsEndm. The details of 
the drawing are as follows : 

A, Place for the fire {a qkink k 6) in the center. B, Ten 
sticks (called dqko) deposited in two parallel series of five not far 
from the fire, and just beyond them two sticks crossed, C, 

' Rep. Brit. Assoc. Adv. Set.. 1892. 

chamberlain] KOOTENAY GROUP-DRAWINGS 25 1 

Articles gambled for ; here are deposited blankets, knives, etc. 
D 1-5, Players. E i-ii, Players. 

The man Di has up to his eyes his left hand, which holds a 
stick {kitakdpQp'mdtl, literally " beating instrument," from 
ki . . . motl, instrumental prefix-sufitix, and the radical tdkopQo, 
"beat") with which he beats the log in front of him. 

The posture of the man D2 is curious. He stretches out his 
right arm somewhat downward and claps his left hand to his 
right shoulder. The term applied to this action is kikund'me. 

The man D3 is rubbing his hands together and blowing upon 
them. The term for this is gitlkfipQo dgkc'is, which seems to 
mean " wiping or rubbing the back of the hand." 

The man D4 has his arms folded. 

The man D5 is smoking a pipe {tii' kinek'o' k'onc) and beating 
with a stick. 

The man Ei has the gambling-sticks {wfi'jic) between his 
palms and thumbs, and is crying long and loud : // ! yd c, c\ c ! 

The man E2 is beating the log with a stick, as are also E3 and 
E4. E5 to Eio are conventionalized forms of E3, E4. All these 
have sticks with which to beat. 

It will be noticed that the men D2 and E2 wear hats. The 
artist seems not to have indicated the hair, while in one or two of 
the figures the mouth or nose is faintly, or not at all, shown. The 
attitude of figures E2-E4 is interesting, while the method of con- 
ventional representation from E5 to EiO is remarkable. The 
minute details of some of the figures have not yet been explained. 
As a sketch of a rather complicated group-game this picture, it 
must be admitted, is rather good work for a member of an 
Amerindian stock with no large basis of a pictographic nature 
on which to build. 

War Dance (figure 46). — This drawing was made in twenty- 
five minutes by Bla'swa (z. c. Francois), an Upper Kootenay 
Indian, one of the oldest members of the tribe, and more re- 
calcitrant than most of them to the influences of the settlers and 



[n. s., 3, ic 


missionaries. While executing this drawing the old Indian's 
countenance evinced time and again the pleasurability of the recol- 
lections it called up. After he had completed his work, Bla'swa, 
who had been a famous warrior in his day, was so affected by the old 
associations recalled by it that, starting up with the paper in his 
hand, he danced and yelled for a few minutes to his heart's delight. 

The details of the drawing, which represents a war dance 
against the Blackfeet, once the hereditary enemies of the Koote- 
nay, are as follows : 

A, Line of Kootenay dancers. B, Line of dead Blackfeet, " to 
show that the Kootenay have reason to celebrate " ; the perpen- 
dicular long stroke in each case indicates that the individual is 
dead, perhaps originally the " count " of the slain. 

The second and last figures in the line of Kootenay dancers 
are noticeable on account of the " horns " of weasel-fur with which 
their heads are ornamented. The third figure also has some par- 
ticular headdress or arrangement of the hair. etc. 

Some of the minutiae of the figures are quite interesting. Not 
all of them have eyebrows, while the artist has omitted the ears 
altogether. The fact that the two lines of figures do not face each 
other is probably due to the Indian artist drawing toward and not 
j away from himself where there is considerable to execute. The 
j same Indian, however, drew the picture of the dance next con- 
sidered, and there the heads, which alone represent the dancers, 
face one another. 
I Dance (figure 47).— The Indian Bla'swa, who made this draw- 
ing, described the scene it represents as Kttdndqd ndkowUlne 
yunoka Enc, or " many Kootenay are dancing." There are two 
rows of Indians facing each other in one of the common dances of 
the tribe. An interesting peculiarity of this picture is that the 
artist has chosen to let the heads stand for the individuals taking 
part in the dance, a conventionalization which may be contrasted 
with that employed by the artist of the gambling game. What 
significance lies in the fact that one of the lines has eicrht dancers 



[n. s., 3, 1901 



256 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

and the other only six is unknown ; perhaps it is due to the 

Buffalo Hunt, (figure 48). — Bla'swa called this drawing of his 
Kd'pe a! qktsEmd! kinek initQane nitlsik dqkl tlil'k'pu, or " all the In- 
dians are shooting buffalo bulls {nitlsik) and cows [till' Izpfi)'' 
Though much ruder (as indeed most of Bla'swa's work is) than 
many of the less elaborate drawings by other Indians, this picture 
may be looked upon as a Kootenay magnum opus. The Indian 
who drew it had not for many long years participated in such a 
scene as it depicts. It is thus a drawing from memory, and goes 
back to the days when several tribes of Indians (Kootenay, Black- 
feet, etc.) used to join forces for the great chase of the buffalo on 
the plains east of the Rocky mountains. The predominance of 
the older order of things in the mind of the artist is seen in the 
fact that although the five Indians all have horses, not one of them 
has a gun, but all bows and arrows {aqko' kEmdtlc' etf a' wo). The 
smaller animals seem to be cows, the larger ones bulls. That 
which Indian No. 5 is engaged in shooting is certainly a cow. 
Different Indian tribes (Kootenay, Blackfeet, Sarcee, etc.) are 
represented in the drawing; but, the key having been unfortu- 
nately mislaid or lost, the exact indications cannot now be given, 
since tribal differences do not seem to be emphasized in the 
various figures. 

The four group-drawings considered in this brief paper are suf- 
ficient to show the capacity of these Amerinds for pictures involv- 
ing more than a single object or incident, and their uniqueness 
may make them of service to students of Amerindian art. They 
suggest also the large possibilities of an untrained race. 



The recent publication of the Jesiiit Relations and Allied 
Documents is the accomplishment of a most important undertak- 
ing. The work is in seventy-three volumes, the text being in 
French, Latin, or Italian, with a page-for-page English transla- 
tion. The period covered by these records is that from 1610 to 
1791, and the editor, Mr Reuben Gold Thwaites, of the Wiscon- 
sin Historical Society, should be congratulated on his work and 
that of the translators. While the documents relate chiefly to 
religious matters, in the many thousands of pages comprised in 
this work there are numerous references to the daily life of the 
natives which are of extreme interest to ethnologists. Many 
references to the manners and habits of the aborigines are con- 
tained in these records of the daily lives which the priests passed 
with them ; they are simply told and there is no reason to ques- 
tion their accuracy. 

The story begins with the first occupancy of a permanent 
nature by the French in Acadia and on the St Lawrence, and 
continues without break to the period of English supremacy. 

It should be remembered that these relations involve no 
special theory, and their great ethnologic value is due to the fact 
that they are a collection of all the references made by a large 
number of intelligent men who lived for years among the people 
of whom they wrote. The priest lived in the village with the 
native, hunted and fished with him, tracked game and netted 
fish, and accompanied him not only on long tramps from point to 
point but on the often trying journeys on snow-shoes, and took 
his place at the paddle in the birch-bark canoe or in the dugout. 

No one had described the people among whom the Jesuits 


258 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, igoi 

settled, because no one had been brought in contact with them. 
When the Jesuits first visited them, they were living the life that 
had been for ages past the life of the country. When the first 
mission on the St Lawrence was established, the upper river was 
but little known ; there were rumors of many rapids, of great 
bodies of water, and of vast settlements of people beyond. As 
the courreiir du bois spread out in search of skins for the Euro- 
pean market, the adjacent tribes became better known, and when 
trading stations were established the Indian came from long 
distances with the articles he had to barter. The priest was on 
the frontier, and he advanced up the rivers and across the 
numerous portages until the region of the Great Lakes became 
well known. We first read of the existence of a great river, the 
Mississippi, with many people living on its banks, and gradually 
this river is approached, and in 1673 Marquette made a long 
voyage down it, encountering new tribes and a difTerent vegeta- 
tion from that of Canada. As the river was descended the people 
appeared to be more enlightened than were those of the north; 
their villages were of more substantial character, and tribal 
government and worship were better organized. 

The natives on a part of the Mississippi had heard of the 
Europeans at the east, and they possessed articles of European 
manufacture obtained by traffic with other tribes ; they knew of 
the Spaniards in the southwest, and doubtless had not forgotten 1 
De Soto's expedition of 1540; but up to this period neither j 
Spaniards nor English appear to have penetrated to the river as 
Marquette did. The Jesuit was the first to record the condition j 
of the natives over a vast region in North America, each priest j 
being required to make an annual report to his superior, and ' 
these reports, after being edited, were published for the benefit ; 
and information of those in France who contributed to the main- 1 
tenance of the missions in Canada. The data appear to have ; 
been carefully selected, for throughout the publication there is j 
scarcely a duplication of any ethnologic matter of interest. j 


The Indian of the St Lawrence, of the region of the Great 
Lakes, and of the Mississippi, when first visited by the priests, was 
Hving in a state of savagery and in an age of stone. He made, as 
man had made for thousands of years before him in a similar 
period in Europe, Asia, and Africa, implements of wood, bone, 
stone, and shell ; he made pottery in the same manner as was 
done in the earliest period of which we have any knowledge ; his 
possessions were similar to those excavated from the most 
ancient ruins known. These records, therefore, furnish material 
for a study of American primitive life which is calculated to 
be of great value in elucidating much of what is now obscure 
in the general condition of the human race during the stone 

The use of metal, so far as these relations develop, does not 
appear to have been known, unless it was as a malleable stone or 
to serve the purpose of a fetish. Canada, at the time of the first 
missionary settlement, was covered with a dense and almost im- 
penetrable forest growth, and was peopled by savages who lived 
by hunting and fishing and from the spontaneous productions of 
the soil. Their knowledge of agriculture was of the most primi- 
tive character. They had no fixed place of residence, but wan- 
dered from point to point in search of food according to the 
seasonal migration of game and fish, or the ripening of roots, 
nuts, and fruit ; their surroundings were those of the stone age; 
their artifacts were such as are today found in the caves of 
Europe associated with the bones of extinct fauna. 

The priest does not appear ever to have comprehended the 
religious beliefs of the natives, but saw in their ceremonies only 
an intimate association with the devil, while in their songs and 
dances he could observe only so many evidences of idle habits ; 
nor do the natives appear for years to have grasped the purpose 
of the priests to convert them to the belief in one God instead of 
their hundreds. 

Coming as they did from the centers of civilization, with 

26o AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

established rules of life, the priests naturally witnessed many- 
revolting scenes in their association with the aborigines. The 
savage saw life in all things, animate and inanimate alike; even 
the elements were endowed with life. Everything also had its 
special deity which was entitled to particular consideration — but 
to the priest all this was so much idolatry. In the prayers of the 
medicine-man the priest saw only impiety ; the invocations to 
the numerous savage gods or supernatural beings were but so 
many blasphemies. The native doctor saw in disease an evil 
being which, to be eradicated, must be exorcised by prayer, or a 
being needing fire to drive it out, or something needing merely 
local treatment. Dancing was a function more than a pastime, 
for, rather than being an evidence of frivolity and idleness, it 
entered extensively into ceremonies of a religious nature, of 
thanksgiving or petition. 

The bearing of the Indian was always serious and dignified. 
Many errors have been made in attempting to translate native 
expressions without intimate knowledge of the language spoken. 
Ridiculous stories were taken seriously and myths were asserted 
to be facts. 

Whether or not the story is true that the words articu- 
lated in the far north became frozen as spoken, as the natives 
asserted they did, the priest does certify that all the sins com- 
mitted in the woods during the winter's hunt were publicly 
confessed the day after their return. The myth that the only 
" wood " burned in the cold country was that consisting of deer 
horns annually shed, appears to have been a play upon words. 
The story of the immense depth to which feathers accumulated 
in the south — being sufificient to suffocate men and animals going 
through them — was received with some credence. Yet these 
relations are mild when compared with some of those of the 
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, although told by many of 
the most trustworthy writers of the period. 

The birch-bark canoe and its manufacture are described in 

mcguire] ethnology in the JESUIT relations 26 1 

detail, as well it might have been, for it was the principal vehicle 
of transportation of the people of a large section of the continent. 
By its means they not only navigated the interior streams, 
rivers, and lakes, but crossed arms of the sea and at times went 
quite far from shore in pursuit of game or fish. We find that the 
native shaped his canoe in accordance with the size of the body 
of water on which it was intended to be used. The boat had a 
high bow if heavy waves were likely to be encountered, as would 
be the case on the sea or on the Great Lakes, but a low bow was 
essential to safe passage under trees fallen across streams or 
under low-growing branches. The reference to obstructions or 
places around or over which canoes were carried, familiarizes one 
with aboriginal systems of water transportation. Reference is 
made to the construction of the skin boat of Hudson bay with 
its ribs of wood, to the sewing with root strings of the sheets of 
bark throughout that section where the birch flourishes, and to the 
burning and scraping into shape of the dugout of the southern 
countries. Each of these classes of boats appears to have been 
particularly well adapted to the locality in which it was employed ; 
the capacity of the boats varied from a single passenger to fifty or 
more ; all were paddled, there being no allusion to rowing. It 
appears singular nowadays to read of the Sioux as the most 
skilful of all Indians with the canoe. As was natural, reference is 
made to the fact that certain people did not use the canoe at all. 
One would expect to find the Indian, living as he did under 
such primitive conditions, to be deficient in intelligence, but the 
most critical scrutiny, not only of the accounts of the Jesuits, 
but of those of Spaniards, Englishmen, and Dutchmen as well, 
shows that none of them failed to pay tribute to the Indian's 
knowledge of the woods and his skill in handling his canoe ; to 
his quickness in making a shelter or house; and to the delicacy 
of finish of much of his handiwork. Indian children who were 
instructed in the schools are referred to as equal to white ones in 
mental development. 

262 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [\. s.. 3, iqoi 

Much is written of war and forays and of the bloody customs 
which prevailed ; but they difTered in nothing from those of our 
own ancestors a few centuries back. When, however, the data 
are all collected, war (whether intertribal or between the whites 
and the aborigines) appears to have been for some purpose other 
than mere love of carnage ; it has been brought about in almost 
every case by trade differences, the diversion of trade routes, or 
because of encroachment upon well-defined hunting boundaries. 
Baton Rouge received its name from the red trunk of a tree 
which divided the hunting limits of two tribes. The appreciation 
of the value of hunting grounds naturally increased as the supply 
of game diminished, especially after the gun had played such 
havoc among animals whose skins were sought for the European 

The natives were found to vary greatly in both color and size, 
though they are usually referred to as a race of well-developed 
men and women, skilful hunters and expert fishermen. The dis- 
tance which these people are said to have traveled in quest of 
trade or on predatory raids seems almost incredible. 

The habits and customs of the natives at widely separated 
points appear similar — their clothes, or want of clothes, and their 
ornaments and implements differed only so far as the differing 
products of a region caused modification. Tattooing appears to 1 
have been general throughout the continents, as was also face and i 
body painting. Much of the cooking was done by causing the i 
water in the cooking vessels to boil by means of heated stones. 
Pottery was made, after universal primitive methods, with J 
crushed shells or quartz sand mixed with clay ; beads were made j 
of many things, and their value was determined largely by their 1 
color ; trinkets giving out sounds were common to all tribes, as 
was the native practice of medicine; nor do there appear to have 
been great differences in the general system of religious belief 
and practice. Implements were everywhere alike, and everywhere 
made as such things were made in Europe, Asia, and Africa when 


the people of those countries lived under stone-age conditions. 
Clothing was made of skin, and some references would suggest 
that feathers also were worked, as was done in Mexico and else- 
where, though nakedness was quite general. 

The many references to mats and baskets throughout these 
regions suggest skill in plaiting; that such was the case is evi- 
denced by the designs impressed on sherds of pottery found on 
every village site. Among the natives there appear to have been 
isolated tribes whose average intelligence was less than that of 
their neighbors, although it does not by any means prove that 
such was due to other than local causes and environment. We 
find that with stone and shell implements and by the aid of fire 
the Indians made the same tools which the earliest races pos- 
sessed, and made them presumably in the same way. 

The worth of an individual to the community was measured 
by his skill in hunting and fishing or by his bravery in war. 

I From earliest youth boys were familiar with the movements of 

! wild animals and knew when, where, and how to look for them. 

I Everywhere the native knew how to make traps and nets in 
which various kinds of game and fish were caught to supply food 
for the family and, upon occasion, feasts for the community. 
The art of preserving food was everywhere practised ; this was 
accomplished by drying in the air or sun or over a fire, and the 
food was also stored for consumption between seasons or for 
barter with neighboring tribes. 

From one end of America to the other the native was re- 
ported to have eaten all living creatures — man not excepted, — 

, barring the fact, however, that one dare not eat the flesh of the 
animal selected as his guardian or which was the totem of his clan, 
I lest its shade should resent the action. In certain sections, how- 
i ever, one was allowed to consume even his totem animal, pro- 
vided certain prayers and invocations were addressed to the shade 
I of the dead animal, to which explanation was made of the neces- 
\ sity under which the individual labored through hunger. 

264 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 3, 1901 

Corn appears to have been raised throughout the continent, 
but it was probably confined to locaUties which had been burned 
over or flooded. Holes were made in the ground and a few 
grains of corn were thrown in ; over these a little soil was cast, 
and the crop was left to mature without further attention, there 
being no early reference to systematic cultivation. 

Fish ascended the streams at certain seasons, and along the 
shores and on the islands in Lake Superior many tribes met in 
friendly intercourse during the run of fish. It is singular that 
little, if any, reference is made to the shell-fish supply of the 
coast, for shells still remain in places several feet deep over many 
acres, and throughout these piles charcoal, potsherds, and broken 
bones show them to have been the kitchen-heaps of former resi- 
dents. Berries grew in places in great abundance, and acorns and 
nuts were gathered as regular crops. There were vast herds of 
deer and buffalo, and the seasonal flocks of pigeons came in such 
vast numbers that they were often hours in passing a given point. 

Notwithstanding these periods of plenty, hunger and disease 
were constant visitors, and it is difficult to say which caused the 
greater mortality. When the snow was deep the moose was 
easily tracked by means of snow-shoes ; but when the ground 
was bare or the snow was light, starvation was common, and after 
eating their skin clothing, and even the lacings of their shoes, 
the natives ate one another. 

The localities and special seasons for food were thoroughly 
understood by the Indians, who availed themselves of their knowl- 
edge and often caused resentment among other tribes who looked 
upon any intrusion as a trespass. 

Everywhere distinction was drawn between the men's and the 
women's work. The man's work pertained to warfare, and to 
hunting and fishing with all that those occupations implied — 
the making of arms, the preparation of paints for personal cere- 
monial adornment, and boat making. The women attended to j 
domestic affairs, cooked the food, sewed the skins together for 

mcguire] ethnology in THE JESUIT RELATION S 265 

coverings, plaited mats, and brought home the game killed, often 
staggering under the loads carried for enormous distances, and 
later adorning belts and clothing with colored porcupine quills 
and beautiful beadwork. Many instances, however, are recorded 
of men who, because of the illness of their wives, did the work 
of the latter, although it was commonly considered unmanly to 
do so. 

From the many descriptions of the villages and of home- 
life generally, a fair picture may be drawn of the structure of the 
dwellings. According to locality, they were made of skin, birch 
or other bark, or of poles with rushes or reeds or even grass. In 
all settlements there appears to have been one structure larger 
than the others, answering the purposes of a town-house, where 
councils were held and the more serious affairs of the commu- 
nity were deliberated upon and decided with ceremony. 

The individual, or rather the family, dwelling-house became 
more pretentious as one traveled southward. In its construction 
the women assumed the principal work, being aided by the men 
only in those things in which their own strength was insufficient. 
In the hunting field and on the journey an overturned canoe or 
a few branches thrown up as a windbreak served as a shelter. 

Without law, as the whites understand the term, there were 
certain unwritten rules which all observed ; everyone did as he 
wished, apparently, but these wishes always conformed with 
tribal custom. In affairs affecting the community, all who had 
attained the dignity of manhood were entitled to be heard ; all 
opinions were considered, and the good of the community alone 
governed in the decision. There are not wanting references in- 
dicating that at times the women were allowed a hearing. All 
such deliberations were accompanied with ceremonies of a befit- 
ting character. There are many references to councils being 
held between hostile tribes and to messengers presenting them- 
selves for the purpose of bringing about peace ; they were 
I always received with ceremony, and were fed and allowed to rest 

266 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, igoi 

ere they were brought before the elders to state their mission. 
The function of smoking tobacco or other plants appears to 
have opened assemblies of every character. The speeches on 
these occasions were accompanied with offerings and exchanges 
of collars and belts of wampum, on or into which certain rude 
designs were worked in shell beads or porcupine quills. These 
pictographs were but a reminder to the messenger of his message, 
which, should he forget or misstate, would be corrected by his 
companions who had also rehearsed the speech. 

The color for war with the Indians appears to have been 
black, though between them and the whites red and white were 
the relative signs for war and peace. In the earlier periods, after 
communication had been regularly established on the Mississippi, 
the French used the catlinite pipe as an emblem of amity in 
deliberations with the Indians, while Englishmen employed the 
wampum belt — the first peculiarly associated with the Sioux, 
the latter a product of the Iroquois. As Indian assaults were in- 
variably in the nature of surprises, it may well be doubted 
whether the proposed attack was ever heralded in other than a 
general way. A planted arrow in the path leaning toward the 
people to be attacked would be a safer way to convey a hostile 
message than to send it by an individual, for delicate instincts 
would scarcely have protected one who declared war to exist. 

At all serious deliberations medicine suitable to the occasion 
had to be made, and the medicine-man was an important factor 
to a proper consideration of the pending matter. 

Dreams were regarded as real occurrences in the mystery or 
"spirit" world, and therefore were of greater importance than 
any ordinary daily occurrence. Misfortune seen in a dream would 
be sufficient to turn one back from a hunting or war expedition, 
and should such occur to a chief it would be sufficient cause for 
turning back a war party although it may have gone far on its 
journey. Prior to every deliberation the particular deity govern- 
ing the subject was consulted and besought for success. These 


functions were accompanied with dances to the music of drums 
and rattles, which were common to all the tribes. 

War having been determined, the war-chief began his prepara- 
tions for the campaign. A war-dance was held in which all war- 
riors who were to participate joined ; in this dance, which was 
characterized by much savage splendor, the warriors in turn, in 
the presence of the assembled multitude sometimes consisting of 
many tribes, related their experiences in previous wars, and prom- 
ised yet more potent results in the approaching campaign. 

The difificulty of successfully carrying provisions sufficient for 
the war party when the seat of hostility was at a great distance, 
forced the members to send out hunting parties to replenish the 
food supply. On the march careful scouting parties were sent in 
advance, and special care was taken during the evening meal, 
while the fire was lighted, to guard against surprise. All fires 
were extinguished before dark, and the war party slept without 
guards. Simultaneous attacks were often made at different 
points, and all who resisted were mercilessly despatched. But 
with singular tribal unanimity the women and children were 
spared. Those too old or too feeble to keep apace while on the 
march were killed, and the scalps of all dead persons were pre- 
served as trophies. Captive women and children were absorbed 
into the tribe taking them. 

On the return of a war party the scalp-dance appears to have 
been a general occurrence, though the great spectacle was the re- 
ception of the prisoners taken. At times they came by water 
and were made to stand in the canoes and chant their death-songs 
while the captors beat time with their paddles ; at other times the 
population of a village received them drawn up in double rows 
and often added violence to their jeers. The final act in the 
drama was when the prisoner was required to stand tied to a 
stake, often on a platform where he was in view of all, then was 
slowly tortured and finally burned to death. During this 
supreme trial the prisoner chanted his death-song and recounted 

268 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

the suffering which, in former raids, he had caused his tormentors, 
hoping thereby so to enrage his enemies that they would promptly 
end his torment. 

Nowhere on the northern continent was the art of writing 
known, or even a pictography developed beyond the rudest fig- 
ure painting. The art of signaling with columns of smoke (fire 
being produced by rubbing two sticks together) was well de- 
veloped. A bunch of grass in the path, a colored stick stuck in a 
prominent place, and other simple contrivances conveyed well- 
known meaning to those encountering them ; chips thrown out of 
a canoe were sufficient to give the direction when a fog shut in 
the landscape. 

There were well-known "signs" familiar to the woodsman or 
boatman that conveyed messages to friends and enemies. The 
creaking of a cricket, the croaking of a frog, the hooting of an 
owl, the barking of a fox, and other animal sounds had special 
meanings ; other cries signified good or bad news, or gave notice 
of the approach of a messenger. 

The gun of the white man drove off the immense herds of 
game — of moose, of buffalo, and other animals, — and as the fields 
furnishing valuable skins were exhausted, these same weapons 
were employed to enforce claims to new hunting grounds; and 
finally were supplied to French and English allies to enforce trade 

The French early tried to lead the Indian to appreciate the 
benefits of sedentary life and a knowledge of agriculture ; to do so 
they had, as Father Mercier said, to lead a savage life with sav- 
ages. This is proven by the fact that nine missionaries of the 
first forty enumerated died violent deaths, almost all at the hands 
of the natives, and several of these underwent torture. The 
priest lived with the natives, and to do so, whether in the canoe, 
on snow-shoes, or in the field, if he would have a man's ration he 
was required to furnish a man's strength. Of all the discomforts 
endured, that which seemed to be greatest was from the dense 


smoke in the houses, which at times caused the inmates to lie for 
hours with their mouths to the ground to get breath or to lessen 
the pain of their eyes. 

Alcohol was sold to the Indian in deiiance of law and often 
through collusion of the traders with government of^cers. Liquor 
caused greater and more widespread suffering than did the many 
ravages of smallpox and cholera. 

Rivalries in trade between tribe and tribe, between English 
and French, and between those among the French having conces- 
sions and those prohibited to trade with the natives, caused con- 
tinual broils and too often entailed the horrors of war. 

There grew up a currency in peltries which were exchanged 
or guns and powder, looking-glasses, porcelaine beads, ocher, ver- 
milion, and woolen clothing in addition to foodstuffs in increasing 
quantities as game became scarcer. 

Everywhere the native venerated his dead and furnished cer- 
tain supplies for use in the great beyond— not that the article- 
themselves accompanied the dead, but that the " spirits " of those 
things which were buried accompanied the body's shade, while 
the reality remained in the grave. 

The child-like spirit exhibited by the missionary was sublime. 
There was little complaint, though terrible suffering. The bap- 
tism of a dying child was considered sufificient recompense for 
every hardship undergone. 



I have been asked to contribute some facts and comments 
regarding rare books that relate to the American Indians. The 
" Red man " of our country has been very copiously written, 
about by the White man ; and this Society may well continue 
its researches — already so abundant — into the history, the remains, 
the characteristics, and the literature of a fast vanishing race. 

The books and pamphlets relating to the aborigines of both 
Americas and their islands amount to many thousands of volumes, 
in many languages — Latin, Spanish, French, English, German, 
Dutch, Italian, Portuguese, Swedish, Russian, and native Indian of 
any varying dialects. In so wide a field, as well trodden as it 
has been by the published researches of so many investigators, I 
can only touch, by rigorous selection, upon a very few salient 
points, my remarks being restricted by the brevity which befits 
the occasion. 

The writings upon the subject divide themselves into several 
theses, more or less distinct, namely — 

1. Early discoverers and explorers, who have written about 
the Indians. 

2. Histories of the Indians, whether general, or relating to 
some one race or group of races. 

3. Narratives by or concerning missionaries among the 
Indians, in whatever period. 

4. Narratives of captivity among the Indians. 

5. Works of fiction and poetry founded on Indian life. 

' Read before the Anthropological Society of Washington, May 7, 1901. 


spokford] rare books RE LA TING TO INDIANS 27 I 

6. Books in or upon any of the native Indian languages. 

7. Treatises of any kind or variety of subject relating to the 

In each of these groups are to be found books which have be- 
come rare : and the examples which I shall cite in any of them may 
illustrate both the early indifference and the later enthusiastic zeal 
of the collectors of libraries, both public and private. In the few 
examples given I shall not adhere to the classification which a 
larger essay would invite, but shall preserve the chronological order. 

We have to regret the lack of any Indian bibliography which 
is at all comprehensive in its scope or its materials. The vast- 
ness of the field, as well as the unremunerative character of such 
labor, readily accounts for this. Of all the productions of men 
of letters, that which is most signally useful to the world — I mean 
the supply of keys to knowledge, or bibliographies — is the least 
honored with pecuniary reward. The author of a flimsy work of 
fiction, full of trifling conceits and morbid unrealities, makes 
thousands of dollars out of books that are forgotten as soon as 
read ; while the careful student, who gives his days and his nights 
to unlocking the widely-scattered stores of learning on any sub- 
ject, that all men may find what they want without search or 
delay, finds no publisher for work for which there is no popular 
demand. Hence the compiler of any bibliography engages in a 
labor of love, for which his sole reward is the love of the dis- 
cerning, who profit by his labors, if they ever reach the happy 
consummation of print. 

We have, however, several catalogues representing portions of 
the great wilderness of Indian bibliography. The first of these 
in point of time was Hermann E. Ludewig's Literature of 
American Aboriginal Languages, published by Triibner & Co., 
London, in 1858. This gives a list of such vocabularies and 
grammars of Indian languages as had appeared up to its date, 
now near half a century ago. Dr Ludewig was a German- 
American lawyer {b. 1809, ^- i85^) of wide learning, and addicted 

2/2 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

specially to literature, as shown in his treatise on Biblioihckoiioinic, 
his Livres des Ana, and his Literature of American Local History 
(1846). His bibliography of the aboriginal languages was com- 
pleted after his death by the aid of Prof. W. W. Turner, of the 
Smithsonian Institution, a learned Indianologist, Dr E. G. Squier, 
and N. Triibner, its publisher. 

Thomas W. Field published in 1873, at New York, what he 
modestly named An Essay toivards an Lndian Bibliography, in an 
octavo volume of 434 pages. Mr Field was a school superin- 
tendent in Brooklyn, where he died in 1881. He was from early 
life an eager student and book collector, and became so earnestly 
interested in the literature relating to the American aborigines, 
that he compiled and printed at his own expense this work, 
which forms, although very incomplete in its range (being con- 
fined almost wholly to works in Mr Field's own collection), 
the most comprehensive book yet devoted to Indian bibliography. 
It gives collations (not always correct) as to number of pages, 
dates, and places of publication, but frequently omits publishers' 
names; and it abounds in typographical errors, arising from 
faulty correction. 

Much more valuable as examples of thorough and accurate 
bibliographic work, are the various publications of the late James 
C. Pilling, prepared for the Bureau of American Ethnology, and 
published at intervals between 1885 and 1894, inclusive, by the 
government press. These cover nine distinct volumes or mono- 
graphs, each devoted to books or other publications in or upon 
an Indian language, or group of languages. These are the 
Eskimo, Siouan, Iroquoian, Muskhogean, Algonquian, Athapas- 
can, Chinookan, Salishan, and Wakashan tongues. Pilling pref- 
aced these most elaborate works by editing a large quarto volume 
of titles, styled Proof-sheets of a BibliograpJiy of the Languages of 
the North American /;/^zrt;/i', containing 1175 pages, with fac- 
similes of titles. The edition was limited to iio copies, dis- 
tributed only to collaborators, including several public libraries 

spofford] rare books relating to INDIANS 273 

whose officers had cooperated in the work by furnishing collations 
or information. 

The great value of Filling's contributions to Indian bibliog- 
raphy is fully recognized by scholars and librarians at home and 
abroad. Those who know most of the subject and its difficulties 
are most earnest in praise of the careful labor which has illus- 
trated this branch of bibliographic science by models of finished 
work of permanent value. Every book or pamphlet named has 
been analyzed to its innermost minutiae, by critical acumen and 
vigilance untiring, until it may fairly be affirmed that any work 
once described by Pilling leaves nothing for future bibliographers 
to do. Our only regret must be that a life so full of usefulness 
to the science of sciences, bibliography, which includes in its 
sweeping survey all the products of the human mind, was not 
prolonged until other and broader worlds of bibliography were 
conquered. It is strange that one who worked so rapidly should 
have made so few errors. Never satisfied with title-pages or 
indexes, he pursued his search through thousands of volumes, if 
haply he might find some Indian information, however fragmen- 

In his ardent quest for completeness. Pilling visited in person 
most American and foreign libraries, both public and private, 
which were notable for their possessions in Americana; and he 
undertook a wide correspondence with missionaries, Indian 
agents, publishers, librarians, etc. in the west and in Europe, to 
procure titles or information not found elsewhere. His pains- 
taking method was rigorous and complete; he continually kept 
the commandment, vital to the salvation of every scholar, never 
to take anything for granted. His catalogues were arranged on 
the dictionary plan — authors and subjects in one and the same 
alphabet — the only time-saving method of catalogue-making. 
Every title-page recorded by him was divided into lines by 
vertical marks, a device which is most important in identifying 
editions. The paging, maps, and plates were all indicated with 

AM. A.S-TH. .N-. S. 3 18. 

274 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

scrupulous accuracy, and he aided the reader by inserting in 
Arabic figures the years of publication, bracketing them just after 
the cumbrous Roman numerals — those time-consuming old hum- 
bugs which would have been long since abolished in books, but 
for the chronic human reverence for antiquity and precedent. 
Every edition of each work seen or heard of was chronicled with 
as much care as the first edition, and the libraries in which the 
copies described were seen were specifically named. I may note, 
in passing, that Pilling records that "the best collections of 
Siouan literature" found by him were in the Library of Congress 
and in the British Museum ; also, that the second best collection 
of Arctic literature was in our National Library, and that " the 
largest collection of Iroquoian texts" he had seen was that in the 
Library of Congress. 

All of Filling's volumes are illustrated by facsimile title- 
pages of the rarer books described, taken by photographic pro- 
cess, and these lend great interest to the work, as most readers 
cannot see the originals. These life-like facsimiles number no 
fewer than eighty-two in the Algonquian volume of the series. 

One of the marked features of these bibliographies is the : 
numerous biographic notices of writers of books about the In- ^ 
dians. Very many of these are original, and embody personal [ 
information not found in any printed work. In the Library of 
Congress, where a manuscript index is kept of the biographic \ 
sketches of Americans found scattered through periodicals, these I 
references are added to the list. 


I now come to some examples of the rarer and more precious j 
books involved in this brief inquiry. Passing by the excessively j 
scarce and in some cases unique tracts containing one or more 
letters of Columbus, printed in the year of America's discovery, 
or the year following (one of which, dated 1493, was sold twelve i 
years ago for $2900 at a New York auction), I come to what \ 
is said to be the very earliest systematic and detailed account of ; 

spofford] rare books RELA TING TO INDIANS 2/5 

the character and habits of the American Indian. This ap- 
peared in 1 516, in the Latin treatise of Peter Martyr, of Anghi- 
era. He was an Italian of noble family, and an accomplished 
scholar. He knew Columbus, Cortes, Americus Vespucius, and 
Cabot, and his work has all the credit of intelligent personal ob- 
servation by one who was for years a member of the Spanish 
Council for the Indies. The original is entitled De Orbenotio de- 
cades, and was printed at Alcala. 

The first three decades of Peter Martyr's work (which was 
completed in eight decades in 1530) were translated into English 
by Richard Eden, and published at London in 1555 ; to these 
were added the narratives of several other early voyagers. 

The earliest recorded exploration giving an account of the 
Indians of Canada (preceding by nearly a century the settlement 
of Virginia and New England) was that of Jacques Cartier, in 
1533. The first edition of his Relation was printed at Paris in 
1545, with the title Brief Recit, & succinctc narration, de la naui- 
gation fdicte es ysles de Canada, etc. Only one copy of this 
book, it is said, is known to exist. An English translation ap- 
peared at London in 1580, containing a vocabulary of the Cana- 
dian Indians' language. 

The earliest account of the Indians of Florida was in the 
Relation of Cabeza de Vaca, which appeared in 1542 from a Span- 
ish press at Sevilla. It bears the title La relacion que dio Aluar 
Nunez Catena de Vaca en las Indias, etc., with a second part 
(1555) called Comentarios, and relates the long wanderings of its 
author among the Indians. He traversed the continent, across 
from the coast of Florida to the Pacific ocean, during nine long 
years of hardship and privation. One hundred copies of Buck- 
ingham Smith's translation of Cabeza de Vaca were printed at 
the cost of G. W. Riggs, Washington, 185 1, in quarto, now 
rarely found. The Spanish original has been sold at New York 
and London book auctions at $52.50 to $185 during the last ten 

2/6 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [>«. s., 3 1901 

The Mexican books printed prior to 1600 are among the rarer 
nuggets sought by philologists and amateurs. Molina's Vocabv- 
lario en la Icngva Castellana y Mexicana, first printed in 1555, in 
quarto, is one of the almost unfindable books at any price. The 
second edition, in folio, Mexico, 1571, is more common, but copies 
have brought $170 in 1884, $90 in 1890 (Barlow sale), and $61 (poor 
copy) in 1899 (Philadelphia sale). Both editions are in the Library 
of Congress. 

Although not among the rarest of books relating to our sub- 
ject, I cannot pass without notice the writings of so famous and 
devoted a friend and champion of the Indians as Bartolome de 
Las Casas, the good Bishop of Chiapas. His early tracts, printed 
in 1552 at Sevilla, number nine or ten volumes in small quarto, in 
gothic type. The first in point of composition, the Brevissima 
Relacion de la Destruccion de las Indias, has been translated into 
more languages and reprinted in more numerous editions than 
any book relating to the American Indian. Written by one of 
the companions of Columbus, and an eye-witness of many of the 
cruelties and atrocities which he relates, the works of this great 
scholar bear the authentic seal of truth. They are the more im- 
pressive as embodying the stern judgment upon Spanish mis- 
deeds in America of a churchman and a contemporary. With a 
vigor of denunciation rarely equalled and an eloquence never sur- 
passed, he describes the inhuman tortures and wholesale murders 
of the Indians by their Spanish oppressors, whose career of con- 
quest and of tyranny in America (as in the Netherlands) was 1 
literally written in blood. Severe and scorching as was the 
powerful indictment of Las Casas, it is hardly strong enough to i 
express the emotions felt by every generous mind in thecontem- \ 
plation of crimes so foul and damnable. In his vivid pages we , 

see the Spanish conquerors of America pilloried by one of their \ 

own race to everlasting shame. j 

The original editions of these tracts are found in the Library I 

of Congress, which possesses also manuscript copies of three ex- } 

spofford] rake books relating to INDIANS 277 

tensive histories of the Indies (as Spanish America was then 
called) from his pen, hitherto unpublished, except in part. Sets 
of the early-printed tracts have sold from $45 to $100 during 
the last few years. 

The Cronica de la Nneiia Espana, by Lopez de Gomara, ap- 
peared at Caragoca in 1554. It contains a detailed account of 
the Aztec people, their customs, religion, wars, and government. 
The Historia de Mexico of Gomara, printed at Anvers, 1554, is in 
the Library of Congress. 

An English translation of Gomara appeared at London in 
1578, under the title, Tlic Pleasant Historie of the Conquest of 
the West India, noiv called Nezv Spayne, and this is also in the 
Congressional Library. Its auction value in the last ten years 
has been from $18 to $57.50. 

In 1558 appeared, at Paris, Andre Thevet's Singvlarite'z de la 
France antarctigue, avtrement nomme'e Amerique. The copy in the 
Library of Congress bears the date 1557, and abounds in quaint 
and curious woodcuts of the Canadian Indians and their employ- 
ments. Thevet was translated or paraphrased in English, Lon- 
don, 1568, under the title TJlc neiv found zuorlde, or ant ar dike. 

In 1565 appeared at Venice Girolamo Benzoni's Historia del 
Mondo Nvovo, the narrative of an Italian traveler, who devotes 
much space to the aborigines of Spanish America and the West 
Indies. It is regarded as a work of fidelity, and gives some of 
the earliest pictures of savage life which have come down to us. 
Its price, owing to the large number printed, rarely exceeds $15. 

In 1590 appeared the first part of the famous Grands Voyages 
of De Bry, containing Harlot's Virginia, in Latin, entitled Adini- 
randa narratio fida tamen ; de commodis et incolarvrn ritibvs Vtr- 
ginice ; Francoforti ad Moenvm, 1590. This work is full of quaint 
and graphic descriptions of Indian life and manners in the six- 
teenth century. The twenty-eight large plates represent the 
savages as they appeared in their councils, hunting, games, 
religious ceremonies, etc., and are engraved in the highest style 

278 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

of copper-plate illustration. So striking and beautiful are they, 
that they have been reproduced in very many later books, in 
reduced form. It brought $220 in 1875 at Menzies' sale; Bar- 
low, 1890, $300; Ives, i89i,$275 — indicating its extreme scarcity. 
The other volumes of De Bry, all of which are rich in descrip- 
tion and illustration of the natives of various parts of America, 
are so rare that no complete set of the eleven volumes has been 
offered for many years, and would command thousands of dollars. 

Lescarbot's Histoirc de la novvelle France appeared in its first 
edition in 1609, followed by re-issues, all in French, in 161 1, 
1612, and 1618, evincing the great interest in stories of life in the 
New World. Copies of the first edition sold at 1200 francs in 
1878, and at the Murphy Library sale (New York, 1884) at $175. 
Ouaritch of London priced it at ^^40. The later editions have 
brought from $80 to $200 each. The English translation, Nova 
Francia : or the description of that part of New France which is 
one continent with Virginia, London, 1609, has sold from $75 to 

Captain John Smith's Map of Virginia, which is the title not 
of a map, but of a book illustrated with a map, appeared at Ox- 
ford, England, in 1612. This small quarto of 161 pages is full 
of matter relating to the Indian tribes inhabiting Virginia. It 
has no mention of the melodramatic story of Smith's rescue by 
Pocahontas from a bloody death. This tale first appeared twelve 
years later in Smith's Generall Historic of Virginia, 1624, 
and is discredited by most careful historians. Complete copies j 
of the work are excessively rare ; it was priced by Quaritch at } 
^^30, and sold at the Murphy sale (New York, 1884) for $i8o. j 

Smith's Generall Historic of Virginia, New-England, and the \ 
Summer Isles (Bermudas), London, 1624, was priced by Henry 
Stevens in 1862 at ten guineas; at the Field sale (New York, 
1875) it sold for $147.50. The second edition, 1627, has sold 
from $120 to $210, and the third edition, 1632, at $230, in the j 
Brinley sale, 1879. ' 

spofford] rare books RELA TING TO INDIANS 279 

But large-paper copies of the first issue of 1624 have brought 
much higher prices : Henry Stevens sold one in 1874 to George 
Brinley at $1275, and the same copy at the Brinley sale (1878) was 
sold to C. Vanderbilt for $i8oo. A still more extravagant price 
was realized in 1893 at a London book-sale, namely £60^, or 
about $3000. These figures afTord a comparative study in book- 
buying economics, where very much depends upon condition and 
completeness. Copies of this same book, with text perfect, but 
wanting one or two of the plates or maps, have sold from $70 to 
$150. And by way of contrast, I may note that in 1686, at the 
sale of Dr Bernard's library in London, a good copy of Smith's 
Virginia brought only 4s. 2d. 

One of the most nota'ole of French accounts of the Indians 
is the Sieur de Champlain's Voyages de la novvelle France occidcn- 
tale dicte Canada, the first edition of which appeared in 161 3, and 
the only complete one in 1632. It gives the earliest full accounts 
that we have of the Indians of New York state, one of whose 
notable lakes will perpetuate Champlain's name. A still earlier 
booklet by him, entitled Des Savvages ; contenant les vioeurs^faqon 
de vivre, mariages, guerres et habitations des Sanuages de Canada, 
appeared in 1604, and is the rarest of all his works. The edition 
of Voyages, 1632, valued by Stevens in 1862 at seven guineas, 
and by Ouaritch in 180 at ^^"695, was sold at the Brinley sale in 
1880 for $280. Paris catalogues price copies at 2000 francs. 

Raphe H amor's True Discourse of the Present Estate of Vir- 
ginia: zvith the christening of Powhatan s daughter and her mar- 
riage with an EnglisJima7i, appeared at London in 161 5. Although 
a little tract of only 78 pages, this excessively scarce book, of 
which the sale of only three copies in this country is recorded, 
brought $150 at auction in 1870, and $270 in 1875. In 1890 a 
copy in the Barlow sale realized $300. The book contains very 
minute and trustworthy accounts of the Virginia tribes, by one 
of the earliest observers, and is much prized. 

Father Sagard Theodat, a Recollect missionary among the 

28o AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, igoi 

Hurons of Canada, published at Paris in 1632. an elaborate work 
on the Indians, with a dictionary of the Huron language. Its 
title is thus translated : TJie Great Journey to the country of the 
Hurons in America, 7ipon the fresJi water sea ; of the manners of 
the native savages, of their governtnent and their habits of life, 
their faith and belief, their councils and zvars, their marriages and 
rearing their children ; of their dances and songs ; of hunting and 
fishing ; of their mourning, tears and lamentations, and hozv they 
shroud and bury their dead. Auction prices for this book have 
ranged from $57.50 in 1879 to $170 in 1884. 

Another work of Sagard Theodat, Histoire dv Canada, et 
voyages que les freres Mineurs Recollects y ont faicts pour la con- 
uersion des Infidelles, appeared in 1636. This much rarer work 
brought $225 in 1884, and $450 (or just double) at a Boston 
auction in 1899. 

The famous Relations of the Jesuits, issued annually from 
1632 to 1673, from the press of Cramoisy in Paris, constitute by 
far the most extensive and valuable of early records relating to 
the Indians. All of these forty volumes are rare, and the dingy 
little sixteen-mos bring from $50 to $150 each when they occur 
for sale. Complete sets are extremely few, and it took forty 1 
years to gather them all for the Lenox Library, which is said 
to have the only full collection in America. The Congressional j 
Library has thirty-one of the forty, but will doubtless possess them j 
all in time, as Congress is beginning to take larger views of what 
a national library which truly represents America should be. Our | 
rule of selection at prices deemed reasonable has become, "We 
want everything in Americana which we have not got," and with 
continual searching of all catalogues of auctions and of books 
offered in America and Europe, very little that comes into the 
market escapes the vigilant scrutiny that is exercised. 

Regarding the Jesuit Relations, while there are paramount 
reasons why the originals should be possessed by such a library, 
the world is now supplied, by American bibliographic and pub- 

spofford] rake books RELATING TO INDIANS 28 1 

lishing enterprise, with a complete and annotatered production 
of the Jesuit Relations, with many allied documents added, and 
an English translation of all, printed side by side with the original 
French or Latin texts. This great boon to students of the liter- 
ature relating to the Indians is now complete in 73 octavo vol- 
umes, edited by librarian R. G. Thwaites, of the Wisconsin State 
Historical Society, aided by competent translators, and published 
by the Burrows Brothers Company, at Cleveland, Ohio, between 
1896 and 1901. Such a truly monumental work merits the grati- 
tude and the patronage of all library collectors. 

A very scarce book in Indian linguistics is the 1643 edition of 
Roger Williams' Key into the Language of America : or. An help 
to the Language of the Natives in Neiu England: ivith brief e ob- 
servations of the Custonies, Manners and Worships, drc. of the 
aforesaid Natives, in Peace and Warre, in Life and Death. The 
Congressional Library's copy cost $55 at the Brinley sale in 1881 ; 
other copies. Field sale (1875), $79, Murphy sale (1889), %77, and 
Barlow sale (1890), $160; priced by Ouaritch, £4^- This is be- 
lieved to be the first work ever printed relating to the Indians of 
New England, or to their language. 

What are known as the " Eliot Tracts," because about half of 
them were written by the Reverend John Eliot, are eleven small 
quarto volumes, with quaint title-pages, setting forth the progress 
made in the conversion of the New England savages to the 
Christian faith. They began with Neiv Englands First Fruits, 
in 1643, and ended with A brief narrative of the progress of the 
gospel amongst the Indians, in 1671. Complete sets are very diffi- 
cult to find, though the Library of Congress and two or three 
other libraries have all. Copies sell at from $30 to $150 for 
each tract, when reaching the auction room, according to relative 
scarcity and condition. 

The long-vexed question of the actual origin of the Indians 
of America has given birth to many treatises, among which the 
earliest in our language is Thomas Thorowgood's, entitled leives 

282 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, igor 

in America ; or probabilities that the Americans are of that race. 
This appeared in 1650, and was answered in 1652 by Hamon 
L' Estrange, in a tract entitled Americans no Jews. The little 
work of Thorowgood has sold at $22.50 to $32 in recent years. 

A quite rare book, and a very early one, descriptive of New 
York under the Dutch domination, is A. van der Donck's Be- 
schryvinge van Nieuvv-Nederlant , published at Amsterdam in 
1655. This book of one hundred pages has much about the In- 
dians and the inhabitants of New Netherlands, as New York was 
then called. Most copies lack the map, or have it only in fac- 
simile. Perfect copies have brought from $55 to $190 during 
the last twenty-five years. 

I now come to the rarest of all rare Americana connected with 
the Indians — the Holy Bible translated by John Eliot into the 
Indian language, printed at Cambridge, Massachusetts, dur- 
ing the years 1661 to 1663. This early typographical monu- 
ment was an achievement which, in view of the age in which it 
appeared, in the infant Massachusetts colony, may fitly be called 
marvelous. Mr Pilling devotes thirty-two closely printed double 
columns to it in his Bibliography of the Algonquian Languages, 
and his account (in which he was aided largely by Mr Wilber- 
force Eames of the Lenox Library) is the fullest and most accu- 
rate that is anywhere to be found. The labors of this devoted 
missionary, who was fitly called "the Apostle to the Indians," 
are worthy to be held in everlasting remembrance. He dedicated 
the years of his long life, dying at eighty-six, to the service of 
evangelizing the Indians. Not only the Bible, but Indian cate- 
chisms, Indian primers, Indian grammars, and translations of Eng- 
lish works of piety and devotion came from his prolific pen, and 
were disseminated through the Cambridge press, in numerous edi- 
tions, among the dusky children of the forest. Of his Indian Bible, 
no fewer than 1040 copies were printed of the 1663 edition ; and 
when it grew scarce after twenty years (many copies being destroyed 
in the Indian wars, or worn to pieces in the hands of readers), the 

spofford] rare books RELATI.VG to INDIANS 283 

second edition (2000 copies) was put to press in 1682, and appeared 
in 1685. Eliot had only three co-laborers in getting the work into 
print, one of whom, James Printer, was a native Indian, who, he 
says, was " the only man able to compose the sheets and correct 
the press with understanding." The book was dedicated to " the 
Company for the propagation of the Gospel to the Indians in 
New England and parts adjacent in America," which had fur- 
nished sums amounting to ^9000 toward the cost of publication. 
The venerable translator wrote to them : " The last gift of ;^400 
for the reimpression of the Indian Bible doth set a diadem of 
beauty upon all your former acts of pious charity. . . As for the 
sending any numbers of Moses's Pentateuch, I beseech your hon- 
ours to spare us in that ; because so many as we send, so many 
Bibles are maimed, and made incomplete, because they want the 
five books of Moses." 

Of this precious bibliographical rarity only thirty copies of the 
first edition and only forty-two of the second are known to exist 
in America, and a large share even of these are imperfect copies. 
Only nine copies of the first edition and twelve of the second 
have been traced in the public and private libraries of England 
and the continent. Among the American owners are the Library 
of Congress, New York Public Library, Boston Public and Athe- 
naeum Libraries, Harvard University, American Philosophical 
Society and the Library Company of Philadelphia, Dartmouth Col- 
lege, New York Historical Society, New York State Library, 
Pennsylvania Historical Society, C. Vanderbilt and J. P. Morgan 
of New York, L. Z. Leiter and Bishop Hurst of Washington, and 
Edward E. Ayer of Chicago. There is no room to enumerate 
the many varying prices at which copies have been sold, which 
have depended more upon condition and completeness than upon 
any other standard. Mr Astor paid ^^225, in 1884, for one now 
in the New York Public Library. In 1864 a copy brought $825 
at the Allan library sale. In 1868, $1130 was paid at the Bruce 
library sale, $1050 at the Rice in 1870, $900 in 1875 at the 

284 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

Menzies, $900 at the Brinley sale in 1881, and $1050 at the 
Cooke sale in 1883. The Library of Congress copy, which is per- 
fect and in the original binding of 1663, cost $700. The highest 
price yet realized was ;^58o, for an unusually fine copy, bought 
from Quaritch in 1888 by C. H. Kalbfleisch, of New York. All 
these prices were for copies of the earliest edition. The second 
(1685) brought $500 in 1879, i^HO in 1882 (wanting six leaves, 
supplied in facsimile), and $590 in 1881. 

The second edition in the Library of Congress came with the 
Peter Force collection, purchased in 1867, and lacks ten leaves at 
the end. It is marked $30 on a fly-leaf, and is probably the 
copy sold at that price in a Boston sale of G. F. Guild's library, 
as far back as 1853. 

No copy of Eliot's Indian Bible has been sold at auction for 
about twenty years — another evidence of its extreme scarcity. 
A copy of the New Testament, bound separately, sold for $610 
at the Barlow sale in 1890. 

George Alsop's A Character of the Province of Maryland ; 
also a small treatise on the wild and naked Indians {or Snsq2cehan- 
okes) of Maryland, their cnstouis, manners, absurdities, and religion, 
which saw the light in 1666, at London, is a highly curious work, 
classed among the books most difBcult to procure. 

One of the most curious of the early books having an account 
of the Indians is John Josselyn's New England's Rarities discov- 
ered ; also a perfect description of an Indian Squa, in all her brav- 
ery ; tvith a poem not improperly conferred upon her. This came 
out in London in 1672. It has brought at American auctions 
from $35 to $50, if in good preservation. 

Daniel Denton's Brief Description of Nezv York, formerly 
called New Netherlands : likeivise a brief relation of the customs of 
the Indians there, appeared in 1670, and is to be classed among 
the rarissimi of Americana. I can trace the sale of fewer than 
half a dozen copies in a century past, though it has been sought 

spofford] rare books RELATING TO INDIANS 28$ 

by hundreds of book collectors, and sought in vain. The two re- 
prints of the book, both in 1845, one by William Gowans, in his 
BibliotJieca Anuricana (limited to 100 copies), and the other by 
the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, have become rare. Al- 
though Henry Stevens, in 1862, priced a copy (probably imper- 
fect) at ten guineas, this little tract of only 21 pages, plus two 
leaves, brought $220 at the Menzies library sale, 1875. It was 
sold at the Brinley sale at $385 in 1880, again in 1889 for $520, 
and for $615 at the Brayton Ives sale in 1891 ; and^400 was paid 
for it by some hungry and enthusiastic American at a London 
auction in 1900. This was the high-water mark for Denton's curi- 
ous volume, and a copy has been sold the present year in London 
for;^75. It is a curious fact that nearly all the copies found have 
the date of publication cut ofT in trimming the book, and an 
uncut copy is, I believe, unknown. The copy in the Library of 
Congress has the text perfect, but the title-page and the following 
leaf are partly in facsimile. 

William Hubbard's Naj-rativc of t lie Troubles witJi the Indians 
in Nezv England, from the first planting thereof to the year i6yy, 
appeared from John Foster's Boston press in 1677. With the 
genuine map (very rare), copies have brought from $180 in 1870 
to $550 in 1896, sliowing the increasing rarity of perfect copies. 
Reprints of Hubbard are quite abundant. 

One of the rarities of the French press is Le Clcrcq's Premier 
Etablissement de la Foy dans la nonvelle France, in two volumes, 
Paris, 1691. This work, by a Recollect missionary, is replete with 
descriptions by an eye-witness of the life and character of the In- 
dians. It has sold at auction from $160 to $2[0. 

Gabriel Thomas's Historical and Geographical Account of Penn- 
sylvania and West New Jersey in America appeared at London in 
1698, and will close my notices of early books having to do with 
the Indians, published before 1700. Copies with the original map 
are so scarce as to have brouglit from $100 to $200 at auctions oc- 
curring between 1875 and 1891. 




Saginaw valley, including the entire area draining into Saginaw 
bay, occupies the east central region of the southern peninsula of 
Michigan. It is a well-watered, level, timber country, formerly 
covered by dense forests of pine, oak, elm, ash, maple, hickory, 
and other trees. The low-lands are occupied by swamps which in 
places are largely grown up with wild rice {Zizania aquaticd), a 
staple produced by nature in such abundance that it was of great 
importance to the primitive people of the region when they were 
first met by the whites.' 

The streams which most concerned the prehistoric inhabitants 
of the valley were Saginaw river and its main tributaries including 
the Shiawassee, Flint, Bad, Cass, Tittabawassee, and their 
branches ; while the Pigeon, Sebewaing, Kawkawlin, and Rifle 
were also important. Bordering the lower courses of the river, 
are numerous bayous ; interspersed over the intervening country 
are low sand ridges. At the headwaters the streams flow more 
swiftly and undercut their banks because their beds have greater 
fall, consequently large bayous and swamps are less frequent. 

Rocks of the subcarboniferous series, bearing chert nodules, 
outcrop in a nearly circular line cut by the headwaters of the Cass, 
Shiawassee, and Tittabawassee, and intersecting Saginaw bay near 
Point Lookout and Bay Port. This chert was extensively quarried 

' Stickney (Gardner I'.), " Indian Use of Wild Rice," American Authropolosiist, 
Washington, vol. ix, No. 4, April, 1S96, pp. 115-121, pi. 2. Copies: University at 
Ann Arbor. 


smith] archeology of SAGINAW valley, MICHIGAN 287 

and chipped into implements by the prehistoric occupants of the 

When the whites first visited this region it was inhabited by 
the Ojibwa Indians, whose descendants preserve traditions of its 
occupancy by the Sauk.' One of these traditions' states that the 
latter were expelled by the Ojibwa and their allies. 

The Indians were found to subsist on a variety of natural pro- 
ducts, chief among which were wild rice, maple sugar, squash, corn, 
wild fruits, and game. The villages were located along the streams, 
probably because of the importance of water, wild rice, fish, and the 
animals which frequented the river banks for food or visited them 
for water. The canoe was an easier means of transportation than 
the trail, and even trails were more easily formed along the ridges 
parallel to the rivers or along the banks than elsewhere. The 
outcrops of chert and pipestone are exposed by the rivers cut- 
ting through them, while in other places they are covered with 
soil. From them the canoes could easily descend to villages along 
the rivers, while to carry the material by trail to inland settle- 
ments would be difficult. 

The evidences on the extensive village sites and in the burial 

' In a personal letter, dated Frederick, Md., Dec. 26, iS<_)6, Prof. Cyrus Thomas 
writes : " The people of this tribe have been designated by such terms as Asaukees, 
Jakis (misprint for Sakis), Osagi, Osak, Osankies, Osaugeeg, Osaukies, Osaukee, 
Ousaki, Ousakiouek, Ozaukie, Sagaeeys, etc. Tradition points to the east or north of 
Lake Huron as their former home. They stopped for a time, on their westward jour- 
ney, near Saginaw bay, which received its name (Saukee-nong, ' Sac-place ' ) from this 
circumstance. According to Bela Hubbard {Memorials of a Half-Century, p. 159) 
Champlain [1611-12] ' visited the country of the Sacs near Saginaw bay.' See also 
Schoolcraft, Ind. Nats.,\\ p. 145." Hubbard (Bela), Memorials of a Half-Century, New 
York, c. 1887 ; Schoolcraft (Henry R.), Historical and Statistical Information Re- 
specting the History, Conditions, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United 
States, Phila., 1851-57, pts. i-vi, 4. Copies: University, Hoyt, Saginaw. 

''■ The tradition is recorded, as related by William McCormick, on pp. 11 7-1 20, of 
History of Saginaw County, Michigan, Chicago, Chas. C. Chapman & Co., i88r. See 
also Smith (Harlan I.), " Legendary Invasion of the Saginaw Valley," American Anti- 
quarian, C\i\c?igo, vol. xiii, No. 6, Nov., i8gi, pp. 339-340; reprinted under title 
" The Invasion of Saginaw Valley: A Legend of Northern Michigan as Told by an In- 
dian," Detroit Free Press, Sunday, January 3, 1892, p. 11 ; also in Saginaw Courier- 
Herald, ]9,\-\nzry 7 and 14, 1892. 

288 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, igoi 

places, mounds, and other remains along the streams suggest that 
the conditions of life in prehistoric times were similar to those 
which existed when the Indians were first met by the whites. 

This paper aims primarily to summarize all the available data, 
with references to every source of information ; to publish orig- 
inal manuscript and other material not generally accessible ; to 
include all clues and rumors, however vague, which might lead to 
further knowledge, and to classify all in order that the summary 
may serve the purpose of a field library for ready reference in ac- 
quiring and recording further data on the subject, not only by 
field workers but also by local students far from the sources of 
information. It is hoped that those having any item, however 
brief, which may be added to this summary, will publish or report it. 

The writer's personal contribution is based on observations and 
a collection begun in 1883. Most of the latter resulted from per- 
sonally conducted explorations which during the time noted neces- 
sarily dealt chiefly with surface evidence. With the exception of a 
few objects and certain specimens presented to the Peabody 
Museum of Harvard University, the University of Pennsylvania, 
the Smithsonian Institution, and the American Museum of Natural 
History, this collection is deposited in the museum of the High 
School of Saginaw, Michigan. Specimens and field assistance 
were received from many, to whom, in each case, credit is given 
in the text describing the particular specimen or locality. 


Huron County 

Coast Mounds. — Professor Thomas ' states that there are 
" mounds along the northern coast, especially between Port Austin 
and Pointe Aux Barques, also between Grindstone City and Huron 
City. Reported by Gerard Fowke." ' 

' Thomas (Cyrus), Catalogue of Prehistoric Works East of the Rocky Mountains, 
Washington, 1891, p. no. Copies: University. 

''■ Mr Gerard Fowke, of Chillicothe, Ohio, made a reconnoissance of Michigan for 
the Bureau of American Ethnology. 

smith] archeology of SAGINAW valley, MICHIGAN 289 

Mr Fowke ' credits this information as from Dr G, A. Stock- 
well " and states that " there are mounds around the entire coast- 
line of the county ; many between Port Austin and Pointe Aux 
Barques and also between Grindstone City and Huron City." 
He also states that " oval or oblong, low, flat mounds " are 

Cascville Mounds. — Professor Thomas ^ states that there is a 
" large circular work in Caseville township on a small stream 
emptying into Wild Fowl bay, 5 miles southwest of Caseville. 
Reported by Gerard Fowke." 

Mr Fowke ^ credits this information as from Dr G. A. Stock- 
well and as relating to " large circular mounds." The stream is 
probably Mud creek. The region near the eastern shore of Wild 
Fowl bay is low, with an occasional sand ridge, and is less than 
eight miles north of extensive outcrops bearing chert nodules. 

North Island Workshops.^ — At the western limit of Wild Fowl 
bay is North island, on the northern side or highest part of 
which are traces of workshops where chert implements may be 
found in all stages of manufacture — from the nodular masses 
occurring in the substratum of the entire island to the finished 
chipped points for spears, arrows, knives, and similar objects. 
Chipped implements of other material have not been obtained at 
this place. 

Heisterman Island Village Site. — Lying next south of North 
island, at a distance of about a mile, is Heisterman island, where are 
many traces of an ancient village site in addition to evidences 

' Copy of Fowke's Report on Michigan. A carefully compared copy made with |3er- 
mission of Professor Thomas from a copy made by Rev. \Vm. M. Beaucliamp, of Syra- 
cuse, N. Y., for his use while assisting in preparing the Thomas Catalogue. 

'^ Dr G. Archie Stockwell, then of Port Huron, Michigan, while hunting exten- 
sively in various parts of the state, had been watchful for mounds or other remains. 
He desired to make a systematic survey of Huron county and had collected many data 
regarding Michigan archeology which he freely offered to place at the disposal of 
students. In 1894 Dr Stockwell removed to Detroit, Michigan. 

"* Thomas, Catalogue, p. 109. 

■* Fowke, Report on Michigan. 

^ Frac. sees. 21, 22, 27, and 28, T. 17 N., R. 9 E. 

AM. ANTH, N. S., 3 — 14 

290 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, igoi 

similar to those on North island. These are on the sand ridges 
— the highest land — and on the northeastern side of the island ' 
where it slopes to the marsh lands known as the Middle 
Grounds. These swamps are especially frequented by fish, and 
wild fowl assemble there in great numbers to feed on the wild 
rice. The rice alone, which does not grow off other portions of 
Heisterman island, may have determined the site of the prehis- 
toric village. The subcarboniferous series underlying the island 
outcrops on its western shore, within easy access of this site. 
Hammerstones, chipped points for arrows, knives, spears, drills, 
etc., and chipped implements resembling flint hoes in shape, have 
been gathered here. Fragments of pottery, many of which are 
neatly ornamented (some by incised designs, others by cord impres- 
sions) and a fragment of a pottery pipe have also been found at 
this site. Assistance was rendered in collecting at this place by 
Miss Edith Newton of Saginaw. 

Mai-sou Island Mounds? — Professor Thomas,^ referring to 
his preceding note on the Caseville mounds, states that there are 
" several similar mounds on Mason island southwest of Wild Fowl 
bay. Reported by Gerard Fowke." 

Mr Fowke ' credits this information as from Dr G. A. Stockwell 
and as referring to " large circular mounds." 

Bay Port Village Site." — A village or camp was located on the 
mainland and lay along the sand ridge which runs parallel to the 
beach of Wild Fowl bay at a distance of a few hundred feet ; it 
extended at least half a mile to the east from the wharf at Bay 
Port. Chipped implements of chert in all stages of manufacture 
are frequent on the ridge. Potsherds, a gorget, one grooved 
maul, and a paint grinder were also found here. Assistance was 

' Frac. Sees. 28 and 29, T. 17 N., R. 9 E. 

"^ Mai-sou or Kate Cliai island, about half a mile southwest of Heisterman island, 
Frac. vSecs. 5, 7, 8. 17, and 18, T. 16 N., R. 9 E. 
' Thomas, Catalogue, p. no. 
'' Fowke, Report on Michigan. 
" Frac. S. E. of N. W. and S. W. of N. E. Sec. 36, T. 17 N., R. 9 E. 

smith] archeology of SAGINAW valley, MICHIGAN 29 1 

rendered in collecting from this site by Mr Ralph C. Smith of 
Saginaw, and by Mrs P. G. Smith and Miss Anna Smith of Bay 

Bay Port Cache.' — A cache consisting of one cross-section of 
a chert nodule and forty-seven " turtle-back " blanks, was found 
two feet below the surface in the muck jungle about 100 feet 
from the shore of Wild Fowl bay and a quarter of a mile east of 
the wharf at Bay Port/ The specimens in the cache were found 
in a row, overlapping one another somewhat like shingles on a roof. 
It is probable that the material of which they were made was ob- 
tained near the spot, as the outcrop of subcarboniferous rock, 
which occurs for some distance along the beach westward from 
the wharf, bears concretions the material of which is similar to 
that of the cache specimens. There are several outcroppings of 
this rock within a mile. In this cache were blades of peculiar 
form, having a straight, beveled edge on one side. It seems 
probable that this was caused by flaking the pieces for " turtle- 
backs " from a round concretion. The first flake removed would 
be perfect, but after that, if the material were used without waste, 
each flake would have one side beveled where the immediately 
preceding flake had been removed from the nodule. They had 
not all been subjected to sufficient secondary chipping to remove 
the signs of this bevel. ^ The specimens were found by Mr Frank 
Lawrence, of Bay Port, on the land of Hon. William L. Webber, 
of Saginaw, who preserved and presented them to the writer. 

Sharpsteen Village Sitc.^ — A camp or small village was located 
on Sharpsteen point, about half a mile west-southwest of the Bay 
Port village site. It was on a wide sand ridge of slight eleva- 
tion. Potsherds, hammerstones, and chipped implements were 

' Smith (Harlan I.), " Caches of the Saginaw Valley, Michigan," Proc. Am. 
Ass'n. Adv. Sci., vol. XLII (1893), 1894, pp. 300-303 ; also reprint, 4 pp. Copies: 
University, Hoyt. See also the same article revised and extended in T/w Antiquarian, 
Columbus, Ohio, vol. i, pt. 2, Feb. 1897, pp. 30-33. 

^ Frac. S. E. of N. W. Sec. 36, T. 17 N., R. 9 E. 

^ See also Cass cache No. 2. 

^ N. W. of S. E. Sec. 35, T. 17 N., R. 9 E. 

292 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

numerous on the surface. A celt in process of manufacture was 
also found here. 

Sebewaing Village Site.^ — A camp or small village was sit- 
uated on the south side of Sebewaing river and back from the 
flood-land which here extends along the shore of Saginaw bay. 
It lay upon a low sand ridge near the first shaft of the Sebewaing 
Coal Company. Chipped points of chert, potsherds, and burned 
and crackled pebbles have been found in sufficient numbers to in- 
dicate the site. In a reconnoissance of this place assistance was 
rendered by Prof. Israel C. Russell, geologist of the University of 
Michigan at Ann Arbor. 

Pigeon River Mounds. — Professor Thomas ^ states that " large 
circular mounds at the head of Pigeon river, near the middle of 
the southern boundary of the county " are " reported by Gerard 
Fowke." Mr Fowke^ credits this information as from Dr G. A. 

Bad Axe Earthwork. — Professor Thomas* states that " Bad 
Axe post-ofifice is on a circular mound or earthwork in a swamp," 
as " reported by Gerard Fowke." Mr Fowke ^ credits this in- 
formation as from Dr G. A. Stockwell and as relating to " a spot 
of dry land twenty or thirty feet above the level of the swamp, 
with a wall of earth extending around it." 

For further references to the archeology of Huron county, 
see under Cass River Valley, to follow. 

Tuscola County 

Unio7iville Mounds. — Professor Thomas ' states that there are 
" mounds in Geneva township, on Saginaw bay, 3 miles north of 
Unionville. Reported by Gerard Fowke." Mr Fowke' credits 

>S. W. Sec. 8, T. 15 N., R. 9 E. 
^ Thomas. Catalogue, p. no. 
^ Fowke, Report on Michigan. 
^ Thomas, Catalogue, p. no. 

* Fowke, Report on Michigan. 

* Thomas, Catalogue, p. 115. 

' Fowke, Report on Michigan. 

smith] archeology of SAGINAW valley, MICHIGAN 293 

this information as from Dr G. A. Stockwell and states that 
" oval or oblong, low, flat mounds " are meant. 

Squatv Creek Earthworks. — Professor Thomas' states that 
there are " earthworks (explored) on Square creek, in Akron 
township. Reported by Gerard Fowke." Mr Fowke^ gives the 
name as Squaw creek and credits this information as from Dr G. 
A. Stockwell who reported the earthworks but had not seen 
them himself. 

Quanicassce Earthzvorks. — Professor Thomas ^ states that there 
are " mounds and earthworks on Quanicassee creek. Reported by 
Gerard Fowke." Mr Fowke ^ credits this information as from 
DrG. A. Stockwell who reported to him but who had not person- 
ally seen the remains. He also states that " oval or oblong, low, 
flat mounds " are meant. 

For further references to the archeology of Tuscola county, 
see under Cass River Valley, to follow. 

' Thomas, Catalogue, p. 115. 
^ Fowke, Report on Michigan. 
^ Thomas, Catalogue, p. 115. 
* Fowke, Report on Michigan. 

By D. S. lamb 

Egyptian and Peruvian cemeteries have supplied our museums 
with the mummified remains of those who died hundreds and even 
thousands of years ago. The motive for this mummification was 
mainly a religious one — a looking forward to a time when the 
body would need to be in actual evidence, lest in its absence dire 
disaster should befall the individual. 

The story of embalming as practised by the Egyptians has 
been told by Herodotus, Diodorus Siculus, and many other 
writers, who have also described the processes used. These latter 
varied with the financial, social, and political status of the 
deceased ; the circumstances of the death, including sometimes 
the necessity for haste in preparation for burial ; the conscien- 
tiousness of the funeral director and his assistants, which was of 
course a variable quantity then as now ; and for other reasons. 

The Egyptians practised embalming from about 4000 B.C. to 
about 700 A.D. Everybody was embalmed — old and young, male 
and female, strangers and criminals, — and also many of the lower 
animals. Herdman ' states that over 200,000 mummified animals 
were brought to Liverpool in 1890 and sold as fertilizer; these 
were mostly cats, from the great cat cemetery of central Egypt, 
Beni-Hasan, where formerly was a celebrated temple to Pasht, the 
Cat goddess. 

The substances used for embalming by the Egyptians need not 
be mentioned further than to say that all the aromatics of which 
they had knowledge were used, except frankincense, which for 
some reason was forbidden ; bitumen, which was comparatively 

' Proc. Liverpool Biolog. Soc, 18S9-90, iv, pp. 95-96. 


lamb] mummification, especially of the brain 295 

inexpensive, was used particularly for the poor, and we are told 
that these bitumen-preserved bodies have in later days been used 
largely for fuel. 

We are more interested in the methods employed. The brain 
was usually, but not always, removed. The operator first broke 
down the fragile bones of the roof of the nose or, exceptionally, 
at the back of the orbit, by means of an iron rod with a hooked 
end, and then withdrew the brain in fragments either with or with- 
out its membranes ; sometimes he used a stream of water to facil- 
itate the removal. He afterward introduced into the skull cavity 
a preservative, usually one of the aromatics, sometimes bitumen, 
(the so-called aspJialtum of the Egyptians). As much as two 
pounds of preservative have been found in one skull. 

Prof. Alexander Macalister,' an eminent English anatomist and 
anthropologist, who had a large collection of mummied heads, 
stated that in fifty-six percent of them the brain had been ex- 
tracted through the nose, and nearly twice as often through the 
left nostril as the right ; sometimes the nasal septum was broken ; 
twice the brain had been removed through the orbit ; in some 
cases the membranes had been removed, in others, not. In gen- 
eral the operation had been only imperfectly done. In a few cases 
not only preservative material but also bandages had been intro- 
duced into the skull-cavity; Professor Macalister drew four yards 
of bandage from one nose ; in another case the cavity was filled 
with rags. Twenty skulls had been filled with bitumen through 
the nose. Dr Garson ' stated that in a series of twenty-three 
, skulls of the fourth dynasty obtained by Flinders-Petrie from 
Medum, the brain had not been removed. Pettigrew,' mentioned 
j that in the mummy of Kannopis the brain was found lying, in a 
j cake-like mass, in the back part of the skull-cavity, having tlie im- 
press of the bony ridge at the back of the cavity, showing that the 

^Jour. Anlhrop. Institute, xxxni, 1S93-94, pp. 1 15-126. 


' History of Egyptian Mummies, London, 1S34, pp. xxi, 56. 

296 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

body had been placed in a horizontal position after embalming. 
He had another head from Thebes showing the same thing. 

Several authors have mentioned the possibility of removing 
the brain through the foramen magnum. Czermak suggested 
this, and what seemed to him to corroborate it was that the mum- 
mies from Thebes usually showed the ethmoid bone broken down, 
but those from Memphis only rarely. In a letter to Virchow, 
dated Cairo, February 21, 1897, Fouquet ' mentioned finding 
resinous material in a skull at El Omra, but as the skull had not 
been perforated, the only apparent way by which the brafn had 
been removed was by the occipital foramen. He thought, however, 
that this could not have been done without first cutting off the 
head. Virchow, commenting on Fouquet's letter, remarked that 
Fouquet had also unwrapped more than a hundred priest mummies 
of Deir-el-Bahari, (twenty-first dynasty,) in which the brain had been 
removed by perforating the ethmoid bone and washing out with a 
stream of water. Virchow had himself examined mummy skulls 
by coronal section which showed the destruction of the ethmoid 
and adjacent bones, the injury in some cases being quite ex- 
tensive. He doubted if in mummies the brain had ever been re- 
moved through the spinal canal or foramen magnum, because 
such an operation would be attended with the greatest technical 
difificulties and would hardly be attempted even at the present 
day. Whether the masses so often found in mummy skulls are or 
are not brain which has dried and become changed in some thou- 
sands of years, he considered to be an open question. 

There is also a letter to Virchow from Dr G. Schwein- 
furth,^ dated Assuan, February 18, 1897, in which he remarked 
that in Peru the bodies were never exposed to rain ; but in 
Abydos, Egypt, where burials were made without wrapping 
the body and without cofifin, rain certainly did occur at 
intervals of every eight or ten years, as shown by the incrusta- 

' Verhand. Berlin. Gesell. J. Anthrop., 1897, p. 134. 
* Ibid., p. 131 et seq. 

lamb] mummification, especially of the brain 297 

tions of salt on the skulls. Abydos was the location of the first 
dynasty ; it was six miles from the west bank of the Nile and a 
hundred miles below Thebes. The modern name of the village 
is Arabat-el-Madfoon, also called Madfuneh. 

Salkowski ' reported to the Berlin Anthropological Society 
the results of his most exhaustive examinations of the contents 
of some Egyptian mummy skulls, in which investigation he was 
assisted by Dr Georg Schrader. The masses were found to be 
usually dark brown, were somewhat friable, and broke with a 
shining fracture ; he obtained from them an alkaline ash, salts of 
phosphoric acid, resinous matter, fatty acids, and neutral fats 
which always gave a strong reaction of cholesterin. His con- 
clusions were that in some cases brain matter was probably 
present, in others its presence was doubtful ; from which Virchow 
was moved to question whether the material was actually brain 
or merely embalming material. 

Of the thousands of Egyptian mummies examined in modern 
times, there is, so far as I know, but a single record (that of Flinders- 
Petrie and QuibelP ) of the undoubted finding of a brain — ■ 
proved to be such by the preservation of its convolutions. The 
burial is classed by Petrie as a contracted burial of what he calls 
the " New Race " ; that is, the race which went into Egypt dur- 
ing the period between the sixth and twelfth dynasties. The 
cemetery was near Ballas, on the west bank of the Nile, about 
thirty miles north of Thebes. The period ' is estimated to have 
been between that of the Old and Middle Kingdoms, 3300 to 
3000 B.C. In the language of the observers, " the body was 
sharply contracted, the left arm especially being quite doubled. 
The brain remained in the skull, dried to a dark brown mass, 
rather smaller than a cricket ball, in which the convolutions were 
still clearly defined. Some fragments of wood were below the 

' Ibid., pp. 32-34, 138 et seq. 

'^ Naqada and Ballas, London, 1896. 

^'Ibid., p. 6r. 

298 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, igoi 

body. . . . None of the filling of the tomb had slipped under 
the cover," ' 

I would not be understood as saying that this is the only case 
of the kind recorded, but it is the only one I have been able to 
find. In view of the fact that it is estimated that about four 
hundred millions of persons were embalmed in the 4700 years in 
which the Egyptians practised embalming, it is curious, to say 
the least, that there would appear to be but one such case 

The most interesting question is, how this brain, an organ so 
very perishable under ordinary post-mortem conditions, was pre- 
served. The conditions in this case must therefore have been 
quite extraordinary : the environment must have been excep- 
tionally dry. 

The great perishability of the brain is due to the large quantity 
of water which enters into its composition. The usual attempts 
to preserve it have therefore been on one of two lines — either by 
rapid drying or by substituting another liquid for the natural 
moisture. These other liquids have the quality of chemical con- 
stancy under ordinary atmospheric conditions, and some of them 
cause chemical and physical changes in the brain itself which de- 
lay or prevent decay — they are therefore called preservatives. 
Aside from the religious motive which prompted persons or 
peoples to attempt the preservation of the brain, this is often 
desirable in modern times to enable satisfactory study of the dif- 
ferences in the brains of individuals and of races, between those 
of human beings and the lower animals, and for other purposes. 

The usual method by which the Egyptians preserved the re- 
mainder of the body was to make an incision in the left side of 
the abdomen and introduce a preservative into this cavity and 
the thorax, in most cases previously removing the organs con- 
tained in these cavities and treating them also with the preserva- 
tive, after which they were either replaced or kept in appropriate 
' Par. 23, left column of p 15 ; see also pi. v, p. 23. 

lamb] mummification, ESPECIALLY OF THE BRAIN 299 

vessels near the mummy. There is much evidence that the body 
was kept many days in a solution of bitter salt ; and there were 
many lakes of bitter water in the near-by Libyan desert. Tlie 
body was finally wrapped in bandages intermingled with pre- 
servative substances; twelve hundred yards of 3|-inch bandage 
have been unwrapped from a single mummy. The period covered 
by the entire process is said to have been seventy days, while the 
cost varied from a small sum to as much as twelve hundred 

In view, then, of the great care taken by the Egyptians to 
preserve the body, we need not be surprised that after hundreds 
and even thousands of years the features are still natural in many 
cases. In a discussion before the Anthropological Society of 
Paris,' in describing the face of the mummy of an Egyptian man 
twenty-four or twenty-five years of age, which was found in a 
royal sepulcher at Deir-el-Bahari, Fouquet said that the mouth 
was open, with the left corner raised and the right depressed, 
while the limbs, like all the rest of the body, were contorted — in- 
disputable evidences of the last convulsions of a terrible agony, 
even after thousands of years. Fouquet's conclusion was that 
the man had died in convulsions from poisoning. The brain had 
been removed through the nose, but no opening had been made 
in the side of the body ; the embalming had not been regular, 
and the bandaging evidently had been hurried. Here, then, was 
a case of medico-legal importance in which the evidence was still 
present after several thousand years. 

J. C. Warren^ described an Egyptian mummy in which there 
was a distortion of features from right to left, such as we see in 
facial paralysis. Other writers mention the natural appearance of 
mummies; especially Maspero "^ in his description of the mummy 
of Seti I, father of the great Rameses II, 1300 B.C. A similar 

^Bulletin, etc., 1886, ix, p. 582. 

Jour. Phil, and Arts, Boston, 1S23-24, I, pp. 164, 269, 2 pis. 
"^ Sanitary World, London, 18S6, vi, p. 5. 

300 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

statement is made in regard to Rameses himself ' ; and Maspero 
mentions also a mummy of the sixteenth dynasty, 4000 to 6000 
years old, in the great museum of Poulak, in which the features 
are still natural. 

The excellent preservation of the tissues of these mummies is 
also shown by microscopical examination. Thus, Czermak^ re- 
ported that the nails showed nuclei ; the connective tissue, 
spindle-cell nuclei; the muscle fibers, striation;- the cartilage 
showed cells ; nerve fibers showed the axis cylinder, and fat cells 
were recognizable. He gave illustrations of all these. Maddox' 
also was able to recognize, microscopically, muscle and nerve 
fiber in a mummy. 

The Guanches, the aboriginal people of the Canary islands, 
practised what was mainly a dry-air method of preservation. The 
bodies were sewn in skins and deposited in grottoes ; after 2000 
years they are in good preservation. Here may be mentioned 
Dalrymple's report* of two bodies preserved by resins in lead 
cof^ns in an abbey vault. 

Turning to the Western hemisphere we find that the Incas 
mummified their dead, and are said also to have embalmed the 
bodies of persons of high rank, although the process of embalming 
was apparently nothing more than drying by heat. The bodies 
were usually doubled up in a sitting posture and wrapped in a 
number of coverings, intermingled with various articles, as coca 
and other leaves, wheat and other stalks, and raw cotton ; and 
the entire mass was tied with cords. The preservation depended 
on the absence of rain, the consequent dryness of the earth, and 
the quantity of niter which the earth contained. The bodies 
were placed in graves from 2 to 15 feet deep; sometimes the 

' Uncovering of the Mu7niny of Ravieses II, folio, Boston, i8S6. 

"^ Beschreibutig und viikroskopische Untersnchung zweiter Aegyptischen Mumien. 
Reprinted from October number, 1852, of session of m. n. class, der Kais. Akademie 
der Wiss., ix Bd., p. 427. 

* Jour. Roy. Micros. Soc, London, 1887, pt. 4, pp. 537-544, pi. 

* Med. Quart. Rev., London, 1835, ni, pp. 169-171. 

lamb] mummification, especially of the brain 301 

grave was lined with a stone wall, at others with an adobe wall, 
but often it was simply a round or square opening made in the 
hard earth. Some graves had a roofing of reed cane, some of 
adobe, but oftener there was only a sand filling. The body was 
usually placed with the back to the east. It is stated by Parish ' 
that in many cases the eyes of cuttle fish were substituted for the 
natural eyes of the individual. 

When these mummies are unwrapped the flesh is found to be 
dry, brittle, and shrunken ; in quite young children it is sometimes 
reduced to a brown powder, and only portions of the hairy scalp 
and the cartilaginous coverings of the joints can be recognized, 
the joints being separated and the bones being in a heap. 

In adults the dura mater, i. e., the firmer covering of the brain, 
is generally recognizable as a dry, more or less tough and tena- 
cious membrane, and sometimes its blood-vessels are distinct. 
The brain itself is usually found either as a loose, shapeless, some- 
what flattened mass, or as smaller masses adherent to the several 
intracranial fossae, or both. The color varies from light brown to 
nearly black ; it has the consistence, toughness, and brittleness of 
ordinary resin ; in its center is sometimes found a whitish, wax- 
like substance. The mass usually burns with a dull, smoky flame, 
like resin, with a blackish residue. The actual weight of the brain 
in one case was two ounces, probably one-twentieth of its original 
weight. Professor Vogel, of the University of Giessen, examined 
many of these masses, and reported that chemical and micro- 
scopical analyses showed them to contain brain fat and dried 
blood cells, with no foreign substance." Dr W. M. Gray of the 
Army Medical Museum at Washington, has also examined these 
masses microscopically and reports that they dissolve readily in 
caustic potash solution and are composed of numerous cells vary- 
ing in shape and size, mixed with unrecognizable granular material, 
with an occasional small mass of blackish pigment; macroscopically 

' Trans. Etiuiolog. Sor., London, 1S66, n. s., IV, pp. 59-60. 
'■Comptes Retidus Acad. Sci., Paris, 1857, XLIV, p. 1204. 

302 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 3, 1901 

they break like wax and have a greasy feel. Salkowski ' also ex- 
amined the skull contents in one case ; they consisted of a soft, 
brownish, friable mass mixed with some sand, and burned with a 
bright flame and the odor of fat and burning horn. He obtained 
a fatty mass by extraction with alcohol and also a strong reaction 
of phosphoric acid, from which he concluded that it was un- 
doubtedly brain substance. 

In no case have I seen any appearance of convolutions, although 
Dr G. A. Dorsey of the Field Columbian Museum, Chicago, tells 
me that he has seen them. 

To what extent mummification was practised on this hemi- 
sphere I do not know, but I am told that the practice extended 
from one end to the other. In the Eastern hemisphere embalm- 
ing was practised by others than the Egyptians, but not to the same 
extent, and the art was in many cases learned from the latter. 

Many isolated instances of mummification are recorded, which, 
however, were accidental or at least unintentional. For instance, 
in arid regions the dead body, if not disturbed by predatory birds 
or beasts, simply mummifies ; a similar condition results in the case 
of those overwhelmed by sandstorms. Human beings and animals 
imbedded in avalanches of snow, in ice or frozen earth, are pre- 
served, but not necessarily mummified. On the top of the great St 
Bernard is a morgue in which are placed the bodies of unknown 
persons perished in the snow, and these bodies dry up. Mum- 
mified bodies have been found in the convents of the Capuchins 
near Palermo and at Rome, in the caves of St Michael at Bor- 
deaux, in the church of St Thomas, Strasburg, in the vault of the 
Kreuzberg church, near Bonn, on the Rhine. There is also the 
famous case of the murder of De la Visee and his servant in Paris ; 
the nineteen bodies of soldiers, perfectly preserved, reported by 
Konig,'' and the two bodies in lead cofifins, reported by Brebant.' 

Loc. cit. 
'Pest. Med. Chir. Presse, Budapest, 1890, xxvi, p. 691. 
'•Union med. and sciettt. dii nord, Reims, 1886, X, pp. 290-305. 

lamb] mummification, especially of the brain 303 

In some of these cases many years and even hundreds of years 
had elapsed between the time of death and the discovery of the 

In view of the multitude of Indian mounds in the United 
States, it might be supposed that there were many instances of 
mummification ; but they have been very rare indeed, compared 
with the immense number of simply dried bones which liave been 
found. The fact that the bodies were usually committed directly 
to the earth of course facilitated rapid disintegration as against 
preservation, and much less mummification. Two instances have 
been recorded in which the dried brain of an ancient Indian has 
been preserved with suf^cient distinctness to be recognized as such ; 
one by Prof. F. W. Putnam, of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, 
and the other by Prof. Warren K. Moorehead. With regard to the 
former, Professor Putnam ' says : 

Over the head was a broad piece of copper, extending from ear to 
ear, and over this a woven net of bark-fiber, outside of which was a 
braided mat of cedar bark. The action of the copper upon these fabrics 
and upon the scalp has preserved them, and also the hair and skin un- 
der the copper. The bones of the face and portions of the cranium are 
deeply stained by the copper. Even the interior of the cranium is 
stained green, and the action of the copper, with the favorable condi- 
tion of a dry soil, has preserved a portion of the brain mass with its 
membranes in the form of a hard dark ball. . . . There is little likeli- 
hood that the Indian whose head has been so well preserved by the ac- 
tion of the copper covering was buried less than 250 years ago, and the 
oxidized and decayed condition of the remaining portions of the copper 
shows that considerable time has elapsed since the burial took place. 
These interesting objects were found by the workmen on the Winthrop 
branch of the Revere Beach and Lynn Railroad, in the town of 
, Winthrop, Mass, 

I The raison d'etre of this paper is the brain found by Prof. 

I Warren K. Moorehead in a mound, the property of Charles Metz- 

ger, on Deer creek, about two miles southwest of Yellow Bud, a 

' 22d Report of the Trustees of Peabody Museum, vol. iv, Xo. 2, 18SS, p. 37 ; 
I also, 23d and 24th Reports, vol. iv, Nos. 3 and 4, 1891, p. 75. 

304 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 3, 1901 

post village of Union township, Ross county, Ohio. The mound 
was on a hill over 150 feet high, was nearly round, and was origi- 
nally 40 feet high with a base diameter of 200 feet ; it was of ordi- 
nary hill clay, and had been made entirely by manual labor. The 
ground on which it was erected had been leveled and burnt, so 
that it had an even floor. 

Some farmers had cut the mound down from 40 to 34 
feet and sunk in its center a circular shaft 8 feet in diameter to a 
log pen ; that is, a pen made of logs which supports the overlying 
earth and conceals a cavity in which are usually a skeleton and 
other things. There were several log pens in the mound. In one 
place, about four feet from the bottom of the mound, was a bed 
of ashes from one-fourth of an inch to 3 inches in thickness, 
extending over an area more than 10 by 6 feet ; the earth be- 
neath the ashes was burnt a bright brick red. Near the edge of 
this ash bed was the end of a cedar log, 18.5 feet long and 5.4 feet 
in circumference, that must have been brought from some distance, 
because there are no cedar trees within ten miles of the mound 
and no tradition of any. A circle of saplings had been placed 
about the log somewhat in the form of a tepee. Immediately be- 
neath the log, in an excavation two feet below the original ground 
surface, was a skeleton, with head to the north, arms at the sides, 
legs extended. Traces of hair were about the skull ; the brain 
was dried and shrunken within the skull. Cloth, buckskin, rude 
matting, and bark covered the skeleton, which was discovered 
September 4, 1894. Professor Moorehead said : " The dry ashes 
with which the remains were covered and the great depth, 36 ' 
feet, from the surface, aided in the preservation of such sub-j 
stances as usually decay." ' 

In reply to inquiries, Professor Moorehead, on November 24,! 
1900, stated that he personally discovered the " little dried roundj 
ball" and removed it from the skull; he did not notice anyj 

. ' 

' See account by Clarence B. Moore in Proceedings Academy of Natural Sciences\ 

Phila., for 1894, pp. 314-321. 

lamb] mummification, ESPECIALLY OF THE BRAIN 305 

membranes, and in fact never noticed any in any other skull ; but 
there was some soft, fine, sand-like dirt in this cranium. 

Mr Moore ' says that the Metzger mound contained nothing 
of European manufacture and may therefore have been many 
hundred years old ; in his opinion it antedated the coming of 
white men to that part of Ohio. As the French were the first 
whites to enter this territory (about the year 1670), it seems safe 
to estimate the age of this brain at not less and probably much 
more than two hundred years. 

I have been thus particular to give the details of the finding of 
this brain specimen, because Dr M. G. Miller, of Philadelphia, as- 
sistant to Mr Moore, in a letter asking if I would care to examine 
and report upon it, stated that he had written " to Virchow and 
other continental authorities, but they had never met with or 
heard of a human brain having been preserved by natural agencies 
and seemed to doubt the genuineness of the specimen." 

The matter seemed to me of enough importance to be 
referred to the Director of the Army Medical Museum and Library, 
Col. A. A. Woodhull, who accordingly replied to Dr Miller, 
offering to have a careful examination made of the specimen, to 
determine its nature, Dr Miller, in behalf of Mr Moore, formally 
I contributed it to the Museum. He also wrote that in certain 
crevices of the brain there were particles of a friable, whitish sub- 
stance ; and material apparently similar remained on certain pieces 
1 of bone, buckskin, etc., from the same burial. 

1 The specimen as received is in two parts, unequal in size, and 
with a few smaller fragments. Placed in what seemed their 
natural apposition, they measure together 4.3 cm. long, 4.5 cm. 
broad, and 2 cm. thick. The breadth of an average adult recent 
brain at a corresponding place is three times as great, and the dif- 
ference represents the extent of shrinkage. The weight is 12.54 
grams — less than half an ounce; an average adult's brain weighs 
about 48 oz. The two parts are rounded anteriorly ; the upper 

' Op. cit. 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 3 — 20. 

306 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

surfaces are much flattened, the lower surfaces irregularly flat- 
tened ; each shows posteriorly an irregular broken surface. Color, 
dark brown, approaching black externally ; a lighter brown or tan 
color where the outer part is chipped away ; the appearance is 
everywhere granular ; in one or two places where the outer part 
has been fractured, black, glistening surfaces appear beneath. 
Scattered in crevices in the general surface is a small quantity of 
a whitish powder. All the surfaces are convoluted and the general 
appearance is that of a brain ; the cerebellum, pons, and oblongata 
are absent. The above description is practically the same as that 
given by Colonel WoodhuU in his report. 

Portions of the specimen were examined by Dr Gray, who re- 
ported that they almost entirely dissolved in caustic potash, the 
soft residue not showing any fibrous character. Macerated por- 
tions showed cells of various shapes and sizes, consistent with 
tissue cells. These absorbed analine dyes, but showed no evidence 
of nuclei. Some cells contained a black or dark brown pigment, 
undistinguishable from blood pigment, and with these were many 
small round cells which resembled and may have been red blood 
cells. No fibrous element was demonstrable. He regarded the 
specimen as of animal origin and probably brain. 

Dr W. M. Mew, chemist, carefully examined the whitish sub- 
stance associated with the specimen and found it to be phosphatic, j 
indicating osseous or nervous tissue and excluding the possibility | 
of its being vegetable matter. ' 

The specimen, however, was further referred to Mr Albert F. | 
Woods of the Division of Vegetable Physiology and Pathology 1 
in the Department of Agriculture, who reported: "We madej 
careful micro-chemic tests as well as microscopic examination of 
the specimen and cannot find any evidence of the presence of 
vegetable tissue ; in fact it seems highly probable that it is only 
animal tissue." 

It will thus be seen that every effort was made to assure our- 
selves if the specimen is brain and nothing else. Some convo- 




lamb] mummification, ESPECIALLY OF THE BRAIN 307 

lutions and fissures are well marked ; others are obscure. Some 
distortion has occurred in the drying, so that an entirely satisfac- 
tory study of the fissural pattern cannot be made. This is much 
to be regretted, because the comparison of an average brain of to- 
day with a brain (presumably an average one) of an Indian of sev- 
eral hundred years ago would be instructive. 

The study which is now being given to the brain is disclosing 
very much of interest and value. It may not be generally known 
that at Cornell University a collection of brains of moral and 
educated persons is being made by Prof. B. G. Wilder for the pur- 
pose of thorough study ; and thus far he has published the results 
of some valuable observations. 


The Arapaho, a tribe of Plains Indians belonging to the Al- 
gonquian stock, practise a form of art very similar in material, 
technique, and appearance to that of the other Plains tribes, of 
whom the Sioux are the best known. This art is in appearance 
almost altogether unrealistic, unpictorial, purely decorative. For 
the greater part it consists now of beadwork, which has nearly sup- 
planted the older style of embroidery in porcupine quills, plant 
fibers, and perhaps beads of aboriginal manufacture. The other 
products of this art are objects of skin or hide which are painted 
with geometrical designs. On the whole the decorative, geomet- 
ric character of Arapaho art is very marked. Almost all the 
lines are straight. The figures in embroidery are lines, bands, 
rectangles, rhombi, isosceles and rectangular triangles, figures 
composed of combinations of these, and circles. The designs 
painted on hide are composed of triangles and rectangles indiffer- 
ent forms and combinations. 

On questioning the Indians it is found that many of these de- 
corative figures have a meaning. An equilateral triangle with the 
point downward may represent a heart; with its point upward, a 
mountain. A figure consisting of five squares or rectangles in 
quincunx, the four outer ones touching the central one at the 
corners, is a representation of a turtle. A long stripe crossed by 
two short ones is a dragon-fly. A row of small squares at inter- 
vals represents tracks. Crosses and diamonds often signify stars. 
All this is in beadwork. In painted designs a flat isosceles triangle 

•Published by permission of the Trustees of the American Museum of Natural 



N. S., VOL. 3, PL. V 



; ) 







N. S., VOL. 3, PL. VI 



kroeber] decorative symbolism of the arapaho 309 

often represents a hill ; an acute isosceles triangle, a tent. Many 
other objects are similarly represented. 

An ornamental feature is the symmetrical duplication of most 
designs. Bags, pouches, skins, moccasins, cases, and other objects 
are ornamented by being treated as a decorative field within 
which the designs are symmetrically doubled, or even more nu- 
merously repeated. Thus a moccasin, if decorated with the symbol 
of a mountain on the outer side of the heel, has the same symbol 
also on the opposite inner side of the heel. Another purely 
ornamental feature of this art is repetition of a single figure to 
form a pattern. A stripe is often the representation of a path. 
This symbol is sometimes used singly, standing alone ; sometimes 
it occurs double, owing to the tendency just mentioned, toward 
symmetry ; and sometimes it is found in a pattern that may be 
described as a many-colored, drawn-out (i.e., rectangular, not 
square) checker-board, in which each rectangle or short stripe, 
whatever its color, still represents a path. 

This strongly-marked decorative character of Arapaho art, 
however, is accompanied by a realistic tendency of such develop- 
ment as at first acquaintance would not be suspected by a civilized 
I person. Several figures connected in meaning may be put upon 
i one object and thus produce something approximating a picture 
j containing composition. When as many as ten or a dozen sym- 
bols having reference to each other are combined, a story can al- 
most be told by them. In this way the stifT embroideries on a 
I moccasin or the geometric paintings on a bag may represent the 
hunting of bufTalo, the acquisition of supernatural power by a 
shaman, a landscape or map, a dream, personal experiences, or a 

Arapaho art thus is at the same time imitative or significant, 
and decorative. Can the origin of this art be determined ? 

Since Arapaho art consists of the intimate fusion of symbolism 
and decoration, two theories as to its origin are possible. Either 
of its two elements may be the original. The Indians may have 

310 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

begun with realism, drawing or working lifelike forms in their 
art ; then, however, the obstacles inherent in the material as- 
serted themselves, or the well-established tendency toward sym- 
metry and repetition into a pattern came out, or perhaps other 
causes were influential, until the early imitative representations 
became abbreviated into the conventional decorations that have 
been described. Or it is possible that the Indians began with 
mere ornaments. Perhaps even these were not originally orna- 
ments but peculiarities of construction of purely useful articles, 
which technical peculiarities were later considered beautifying and 
developed into pure ornaments. At any rate, whatever their own 
origin, decorations may in the past have existed/^r se j later, some 
conventional ornament may have accidentally suggested a natural 
object, whereupon it was modified to resemble this object more 
closely ; the same process occurred with other ornaments ; until 
finally a whole system of symbolism was added to the older 
system of decoration. The first of these theories is that original 
pictures were conventionalized into decorative symbolism ; the 
other theory is that original ornament was expanded into symbolic 
decoration. These are the logically possible explanations of the ' 
origin of Arapaho art because we recognize in it two factors, the 
realistic-symbolic and the decorative-technical. 

Let us see if either of these theories can be rendered through 
the evidence of fact actually certain or at least probable. 

One of the most frequent embroidered designs on Arapaho I 
moccasins consists, in its simplest form, of a stripe or band which | 
runs from the instep to the toe. This decorative motive takes j 
varied forms, of more or less elaborateness. The following are \ 
a number of moccasins with this type of ornament. 

One moccasin' (PI. v, fig. i, catalogue number -^^^VTr) i^ ^^' 
broidered merely with a stripe from the instep to the toe. This' 
stripe of beadwork consists of a number of bars or lengthened! 

' The Arapaho objects described in the course of this article are in the American 
Museum of Natural History. Their catalogue numbers are given in parentheses. 

kroeber] decorative SYMBOLISM OF THE ARAPAHO 311 

rectangles of different colors. No information was obtained as to 
the meaning of the design on this specimen. 

Another specimen (PI. v, fig. 2, cat. no. ^^{.,) has a similar 
stripe, about an inch in width, running from instep to toe, and 
composed of bars or small stripes of six different colors. The dis- 
tribution of these colors is not like that in the last described speci- 
men, but the pattern and the idea of color arrangement are iden- 
tical. On this moccasin, however, there is one additional piece of 
embroidery, a narrow stripe across the instep, that is, transverse to 
the main stripe and touching it at its upper end. The large stripe 
as a whole, the smaller bars separately, and the transverse stripe 
all represent buffalo paths. 

A third specimen (PI. V, fig. 3, cat. no. -%o^) also has a 
stripe from instep to toe. This is white, except for a rectangular 
green portion in the middle. At the two ends of this green part 
of the stripe are two dark-blue (= black) marks, which are approxi- 
mately triangular. Across the instep we again find a narrow 
transverse stripe. This represents a bow. The main longitudi- 
nal stripe represents a buffalo path. Its green rectangular portion 
is a bufTalo. The black marks are arrowpoints shot into it. Small 
projections on these marks, which render them not really quite 
triangular, represent the barbs of the arrowheads. 

Another moccasin (PI. v, fig. 4, cat. no. y||x) ^^gain has the 
longitudinal stripe. This represents a path, probably with impli- 
cation of the path traveled by the wearer of the moccasin. The 
major part of this stripe is white, but portions are beaded in dark- 
blue (= black), red, and grayish-blue. These colors denote respec- 
tively night, day, and hazy atmosphere. On the white stripe are 
also two curious symbols, which are said to signify sunrise or going 
over a mountain. A narrow transverse stripe is found in this 
specimen also ; but instead of being contiguous to the end of the 
main stripe, as on the last two moccasins, it is cut in two by it, so 
that it exists only in two fragments, one on each side of the large 
stripe. These two small bars represent insects that are desired to 

312 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

be out of the path, beside it, instead of being where the moccasin 
will travel in the path. 

Another specimen (PI. v, fig. 5, cat. no. -^-^^^ has the main 
stripe down the foot slightly modified in that it tapers a little 
toward the toe. In arrangement of colors, this moccasin resem- 
bles closely the second one described. In all the specimens just 
discussed, except the last, the bars of which the main stripe con- 
sists are arranged in three groups. In this moccasin this triple 
division of the stripe also exists. Moreover, in the middle section 
of this stripe there is a green rectangle, and in contact with this a 
small dark-blue mark approximately triangular in shape. These 
two symbols are very like the representations of the buffalo and 
arrowpoints on the moccasin above described as symbolic of the 
buffalo hunt. Unfortunately it is not known whether the design 
on the present specimen had any meaning. So far, accordingly, 
this moccasin agrees closely with those previously examined. It 
is further like them in possessing a narrow, transverse stripe of 
beadwork at the instep. But a totally new feature is found in two 
small bars that start from the ends of the transverse stripe. They 
are parallel to the main central longitudinal stripe, but very much 

In all the preceding specimens but one (fig. 4), the large stripe 
consists of three sections. In the exceptional specimen the upper 
third or fourth of the stripe is of one ground color, the remainder 
all of another ground color. Such an arrangement is also found 
in another specimen (PI. v, fig. 6, cat. no. yyVy)- ^^^^ smaller 
portion of the stripe is white, the longer part is blue with a pattern 
imposed upon it. Nothing is known of the significance of any 
part of this design. The two small bars are present, as in the last 
specimen, and repeat the markings of the large stripe in simplified 
form. But the transverse stripe at the instep is missing. 

Still another moccasin has its stripe divided into a short upper 
and a long lower portion of different colors (PI. v, fig. 7, cat. no. 
-g^^'j). As in the last specimen, there are two small bars 

kroeber] decorative SYMBOLISM OF THE ARAPAHO 313 

parallel to the central stripe and repeating its design, and the 
transverse stripe is again absent. The stripes and bars all repre- 
sent buffalo paths. In certain parts of the stripes are small squares 
colored light blue ; these represent buffalo tracks. 

The last specimen of this series (PI. v, fig. 8, cat. no. -^^^) 
has the main central stripe, the transverse stripe at the instep, 
and the small bars repeating the markings of the large stripe. In 
addition to these three decorative devices that are found in pre- 
vious specimens, it possesses a fourth one that is new. The cen- 
tral longitudinal stripe (slightly constricted toward its middle) is 
bisected by a duplicate of itself running transversely. These two 
stripes thus form a cross. This cross represents the morning star, 
the variety of colors upon it denoting the variety of colors the 
star appears to assume. The transverse stripe at the instep rep- 
resents the sky or horizon. The two small bars are said to be the 
twinkling of the star as it rises, in other words its rays.' 

The symbolism of some of these designs is elaborate. The 
representation of the buffalo in his path shot by arrows from the 
hunter's bow is coherent and neatly compact. We do not know 
whether it is a commemoration of a particular event or the ex- 
pression of a wish for plenty of food, but in either case it has 
pictographic function. In fact, it is a pictograph, except for the 
fact that its geometric form renders it illegible for anyone but its 
writer. The star-moccasin is also a pictograph in an ornamental 

The conventionality of the decoration seems to have reached 
an equally strong development. It is apparent that the large 
stripe from instep to toe is the fundamental motive of this style 

Some of these moccasins, it will have been noticed, are without known symbolism. 
This is due merely to their having been collected without inquiry being made as to 
the significance of their designs. Consequently, to judge from analogy, it is more 
probable that they do have meaning than that they really lack it. 

Even in true pictographs free from decorative limitations and therefore drawn 
with the greatest realistic fidelity of which the Indian is capable, the symbols for the 
morning-star, the horizon, and rays of light are the same as those on this moccasin — a 
cross, a horizontal line, and vertical or sloping lines. 

314 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, igoi 

of ornamentation. All the other motives are also stripes, and 
even of these there are only two (the transverse stripe and the 
two short bars), except in the one morning-star moccasin where 
the basal element is introduced in a new position as a fourth 
decorative motive. 

In short, in these moccasins the tendency to realistic symbol- 
ism and the tendency to decorative conventionalism are clearly 
about in equilibrium. Hence we cannot fairly say that either of 
these tendencies is the older and original. If one concentrates 
his attention on the symbolism, or happens to be temperamentally 
more interested in it, he is very likely to see it more abundantly 
than the decoration, to be more impressed by it, to consider the 
entire present art as merely corrupted or abbreviated symbolism, 
and to advance as an explanation of the origin and development 
of these designs the theory of conventionalized realism. But if 
one thinks more of the decoration as such, or if one's mind runs 
naturally toward the ornamental and technical, he will probably 
notice mostly this side, regard the significations of markings as 
trivial and irrelevant additions that may be ignored, and finally 
champion the theory of expanded decoration. With the one bias 
we are so overwhelmingly aware of the almost pictographic coher- 
ence in the bufTalo-hunt moccasin, that we believe that pictures 
of such topics must have given rise to the present form. With 
the other bias the conventionality of the pattern that possesses 
this buffalo-hunt significance is so impressive that we come to , 
think that decorative motives of just such persistence as this must 1 
have been the origin of the present form. A first investigator is 
so struck with the enormous difference of meaning between the j 
ordinary path-stripe moccasins and the morning-star-cross mocca- } 
sin that he cannot believe they had a common source ; each must 
have sprung from a picture, which was as different from the other \ 
as the objects represented are different. A second observer is so ; 
impressed by the fact that the morning-star moccasin with four ; 
decorative elements differs less from some of the buffalo-path • 

kroeber] decorative SYMBOLISM OF THE ARAPAHO 315 

moccasins than many of these with from one to three decorative 
elements differ from each other, that he thinks that all these de- 
signs, however variable their superficial meanings, must have 
originated in one typical ornamental form. 

Both these explanations are thus, in the case of these moccasin- 
designs, not only logically possible, but they are very naturally 
believed and advanced as the result of certain mental predis- 
positions. But if we try to remain free from any such inclinations 
of mind, and if we remember how strongly developed and inti- 
mately fused are both the tendencies, we must come to the con- 
clusion that, because symbolism and decoration balance each 
other, the two theories of conventionalized realism and expanded 
ornament, though logically admissible, are actually untenable. 
Rather it seems likely, since the two tendencies are vigorous, and 
combined, that they are both well established, old, and long in 
close union ; so that formerly designs on Arapaho moccasins, 
though perhaps ruder than now, were of the same general 
character, both symbolically and decoratively, as those we know. 

Let us consider a second style of moccasin. Whereas in those 
just discussed the fundamental element of the embroidery was 
the longitudinal stripe, it now is a border running all around the 
foot just above the sole. In one particular specimen illustrated 
(PI. VI, fig. I, cat. no. j-yV^) there is besides this border of bead- 
work a series of lines of quillwork filling the large space on the 
front of the moccasin, but as this is embroidery of a different ma- 
terial and appearance, we can disregard it in the present considera- 
tion and confine our attention to the ornamentation consisting of 
the border. It should be added that in addition to the border 
there is the narrow stripe across the instep. 

In a second specimen (PI. vi, fig. 2, cat. no. -3%"^) there is 
besides the border and the transverse stripe, the large longitudinal 
stripe with which we have become familiar. As previously, this 
signifies paths. 

A third specimen (PI. VI, fig. 3, cat. no. syVo") ^'^'^ the border. 

3l6 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

the large longitudinal stripe, and the two small bars at its upper 
end, but lacks the transverse instep-stripe. On the central stripe 
are two representations of birds, but there is no information as to 
the meaning of the design. 

It is evident that in these last two moccasins there is a com- 
bination of the stripe motive v/ith the border motive. 

In another specimen (PI. VI, fig. 4, cat. no. ^^i^, of whose 
symbolism we are ignorant, the longitudinal stripe is continued 
farther than previously, so that it meets the border. The stripe 
is not solidly embroidered : its edges are beadwork, but its interior 
is left open and merely painted red. 

In any moccasin of this design there is left a blank space on 
each side of the foot. This is the area enclosed by the stripe, the 
border, and the transverse instep-stripe. It has the shape of a 
pointed right-angle triangle whose hypothenuse instead of being 
straight is convex. These two triangular or horn-shaped areas 
occur in another moccasin (PI. VI, fig. 5, cat. no. gW)- '^^'"^ 
border, stripe, and transverse stripe are all white. The two 
enclosed areas are half covered with a checker-board design in 
several colors, which is said to represent buffalo-gut. This check- 
er-board embroidery also extends around the heel. 

If, now, this half-open checker-board work were replaced by 
solid beading, we should have a moccasin completely covered 
with beadwork. Such specimens occur in abundance. In one 
(PI. VI, fig. 6, cat. no. yf Is), whose groundwork is white, the two 
triangular areas taken together represent buffalo horns. The buf- 
falo trample the ground ; this is represented by the coloring of the 
two areas. One is red, which denotes the soil, or bare earth ; the j 
other is green, which denotes vegetation or grass-covered earth, j 

A child's moccasin, also solidly beaded (cat. no. xilirij")' ^^'^ \ 
as usual a groundwork of white. The two triangular areas are j 
green, and represent horse ears — a symbol of good fortune and i 
future wealth. Between them, the central stripe, slightly modified, | 
represents a lizard. 

kroeeer] decorative SYMBOLISM OF THE ARAPAHO 317 

A last moccasin (cat. no. yl^-g-) is solidly beaded in white. 
The two triangular marks are banded dark-blue and white, and 
represent fish. 

In these last cases, in fact in most fully beaded moccasins, the 
decorative elements of border, stripe, transverse stripe, and 
triangular area are still visible in the embroidery ; even though 
they often become identical in color and are not distinguished in 
the design, they are used technically. 

If we follow the transition from the merely bordered moccasin 
to the solidly beaded one, and see the same technical or decora- 
tive features persisting in all parts of the series from the simplest 
to the most highly developed form, the ornamental nature of 
these productions is striking and their decorative origin seems 
probable. If we consider the realistic representation of, for in- 
stance, the buffalo horn, and the pretty symbolism of its coloring, 
the realistic origin of these decorations seems very hard to dis- 
believe. Of course there is no reason for leaping at either of these 
conclusions. Neither phase of this art must be ignored, but both 
recognized. It is necessary to be aware both of the strong orna- 
mental tendency influenced by symbolism and the symbolic 
tendency modified by ornamental system. 

So far as these moccasins are concerned, it accordingly seems 
impossible to determine with certainty how the symbolic decora- 
tion originated. 

Parfleches and bags of rawhide made by the Arapaho are 
painted on the front with designs that cover most of the surface. 
The back or bottom is sometimes left blank, or may have from 
six to ten straight lines (or narrow stripes) painted transversely 
across (fig. 49). These lines on the bottom usually represent 
roads or rivers. All parfleches are perforated in front to allow of 
being fastened with thongs. Occasionally, however, a cautious 
person winds a rope a number of times around his bag, in order to 
tie it up more securely. On one parfleche seen by the writer such 
transverse lines were painted across the bottom. The owner and 



[n. s., 3, igoi 

maker declared that they represented a rope passing over the sur- 
face of the back several times for fastening the bag. She showed 
another parfleche in her possession which was actually thus tied. 
In this case the markings may appear to be an instance of the 
survival, as a decoration, of an atrophied useful feature: first 
ropes were regularly wound around the parfleche to fasten it, 
then these were left off but were represented by painting. This 
technical-ornamental theory seems at first glance to offer the true 

explanation o f 
the origin of 
these lines on the 
back of all raw- 
hide bags. But 
a moment's con- 
sideration shows 
that it is also 
within reason to 
believe the oppo- 
site : we can de- 
clare that the lines originated from attempts at representing 
rivers or roads, but that in this case the maker of the bag was 
struck by the resemblance of the lines to a rope as it was oc- 
casionally used, and then gave the new signification of rope to 
what really were conventionalized representations of rivers or 

So here again we have two explanations (there may be still 
more) that are plausible, while neither can be proved conclusively. 
As soon as we go beyond the description of existing circumstances 
into the inquiry of origin, we enter the realm of uncertainty, of 
irrefutable doubts. 

A peculiar Arapaho medicine-case shows unusual symbolism. 
The design painted on this is shown, spread out flat, in fig. ^0 
(cat. no. -if^)- The ornamentation, which is less geometric than in 
most specimens of painting, represents the acquisition of super- 

3 — Marking on Arapaho bag 



Fig. 5c — Design on Arapaho medicine-case. 

natural power. Below, on the right side, is the sweat-house into 
which the owner and maker of the case went before beginning his 
fast to acquire supernatural power. This ornament also represents 
a small mound in front of 
the sweat-house, on which a 
buffalo skull is lying. The 
fish-tail ornament just above 
this is the mountain on which 
the man fasted, and hence 
also represents himself. To 
the right of this, the crescent- 
topped design is " the over- 
seer " (the sun), also called 
" the one that lights." The 
pedestal or stalk of this figure 
represents "information" 
I (supernatural power) flowing down from this being to the earth 
I (the horizontal line). At the extreme left, the same design is a 
representation of himself after he had acquired information and 
j power ; and to the right of this, the fish-tail ornament now repre- 
I sents this very medicine-case. But the case is made of buffalo- 
hide, and his supernatural power consisted largely in control of 
the buffalo ; therefore this same symbol also denotes buffalo. 
' Below, on the left, is the sweat-house into which he went after 
his fast. 

We have here an example of highly-developed symbolism. It 

I might seem that when so long a story is told and so much abstract 

I information is conveyed, the ideographic design must have arisen 

^ directly from the attempt of the artist to express his meaning, i. 

e., that the design is quasi-realistic in origin. But there is another 

medicine-case (fig. ^\a, cat. no. ^^^V) with similar ornamentation 

j (about whose signification we unfortunately have no information). 

The resemblance of the two designs is great. One consists of an 

alternating arrangement of two symbols, both forked, the other of 



[n. S., 3, igoi 

an alternating arrangement of these two symbols with a third, the 
semicircle, added. Some Arapaho say that this style of case was 
used by a powerful medicine-man and his followers or scholars ; but 

it is uncertain 

whether this man 
invented the de- 
sign or used an 
already existing 
one. It is doubt- 
ful whether even 
the symbolism 
was originated 
by this man or 
was similar to an 
earlier current of 
symbolism. The 
most usual orna- 
mentation on 
Arapaho medi- 
cine-cases is a 
pattern of tents 
(f^g. 51/;, cat. 

no- -iii) or a 
combination o f 
triangles and 

Fig. 51 — Arapaho medicine-cases. 

diamonds similar to that painted on parfleches. 

So here again there is pictographic symbolism fused with a ; 

more or less conventional decoration, and it is impossible to say j 

whether the symbolism or the decoration is the older and original, j 

Small paint-bags — buckskin pouches to hold body-paint — are i 

in general use among the Arapaho. Some of these represent half i 

of a double-ended fringed saddle-bag. The rest all represent ' 

small animals, such as the beaver, lizard, rat, fish, mussel, horned • 

toad, and frog. The opening represents the animal's mouth, two ' 

kroeber] decorative SYMBOLISM OF THE ARAPAHO 

Strings that serve to tie up the opening are its forelegs, a loose 
flap at the end may be the tail, the pouch itself is the body, and 
other parts are indicated, as there is need, by beadwork, strings, 
or attached ornaments. The resemblance to the animal repre- 
sented is often detailed, but never accurate, being ideographic 
rather than visual, in keeping with all the symbolism of this art. 
It is generally impossible to recognize what species of animal is 
meant, and only the maker knows this. 

One pouch represents both a beaver and a fish (fig. ^2a, cat. 
"o- sVt)' according to information given by its owner. When it 

Fig. 52 — Arapaho paint pouches. 

is regarded as a beaver, both pairs of strings are legs, and the 
scallops or notches at the opening are the prominent teeth. A 
design in beadwork on the pouch, which represents a stream with 
a dam and beaver-huts, also refers to this signification. When a 
fish is meant to be represented, the upper pair of strings are the 
barbels, the lower pair the pectoral fins. The fish-signification is 
strengthened by a rough line of beads at the edge of the pouch, 
which are interpreted as fish-scales. 

A very similar pouch represents a lizard (fig. ^2b, cat. no. -j^W). 
Mouth, body, legs, and tail are represented in the conventional 
manner by opening, pouch, strings, and attached flap. 

.VM. ANTH. N. S., 3 — 21 

322 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

A pouch that lacks the long flap represents a frog (fig. 52^, 
cat. no. 3^4 j)- Two long strings indicate the frog's hind legs. A 
fringe at the bottom represents the grass in which it is sitting. 
A design in beadwork on this pouch denotes the shoulder and 
hip joints of the frog, and the food in its stomach. 

Another pouch (fig. ^2d, cat. no. -y^^\) differs in shape from 
this one only in lacking the two longer strings. It represents half 
a saddle-bag. 

The realistic tendency manifested in the animal symbolism of 
these pouches is undeniable. A conventional, formal, decorative 
tendency is evident in the close similarity between the frog-pouch 
and the saddle-bag pouch, and between the beaver-pouch and the 
lizard-pouch. Both the tendencies come to light in the pouch 
with the curious double signification. 

Some of the Arapaho say that at the beginning of the world, 
when the first men, their ancestors, obtained paint, they had only 
the skins of small animals to use for paint-bags, and that this is the 
origin of the animal symbolism of the present-day paint-pouches. 

It is necessary not to be misled into a belief of this origin and 
development on the authority of the Indians. Their authority on 
such a point is absolutely valueless. They believe that the time 
when the first men obtained paint-bags was four hundred years 
ago, just after the formiation of the world by a solitary mythic 
being floating on the water, and after a female whirlwind enlarged 
the minute earth by circling about it. Like all American savages 
they are almost completely without historical sense or knowledge. 
Occasionally a striking event may be remembered in a distorted 
form for a century or two, but on the whole, whatever of actual 
occurrence is retained in their tales is inextricably blended with 
mythic and supernatural elements. We have no right to reject 
the greatest part of their creation myth as so absurdly impossible 
that it would enter no one's mind to accept it as true, and at the 
same time to select here and there a point that is within the 
limits of possibility and proclaim it as historical and reliable. 

kroeeer] decorative SYMBOLISM OF THE ARAPAHO 323 

The mythic and historical elements in primitive legends are not 
simply mixed together so that they can be distinguished and 
separated, but they are both equally wonderful and equally true 
for the savage. No myth can be intrepreted into history by mere 
elimination of its supernatural portions : it must be rejected in 
toto. Even though it may be founded on a basis of actuality — 
and this must often be the case — it is altogether myth. In law, 
and exact science, and wherever evidence is judged, an account 
that is in great part manifestly absurd or palpably impossible is 
not accepted as true after the impossibilities have been subtracted, 
but is disregarded as a whole. So, too, it is necessary to attach 
no importance to the statement of the Arapaho as to the origin 
of these paint-bags. 

We have considered several forms of Arapaho art — various ob- 
jects, various st^des, and various materials and techniques. In all 
cases we have found a well-developed symbolism and a conven- 
tional decoration. The symbolism and the decoration exist not 
side by side but in each other. It has been easy to manufacture 
explanations of the origin of this art that are plausible theories. 
But as soon as we are open to recognize all possibilities, such 
theories are seen to arise from our opinions and methods of inter- 
pretation, and to be unsubstantiable by fact. Therefore we can 
describe Arapaho art, we can characterize it, and distinguish its 
various coexisting tendencies. We can even, to a certain extent, 
enter into the spirit of the people who practise it, and understand 
(i. e., feel) their mental workings. We cannot in fairness lay claim 
to knowing the cause or origin of this art, nor can we hope to as- 
certain its cause and origin by studying its products. 

In the art of other primitive races conditions very much re- 
semble those just discussed. Everj-where art is conventionalized, 
under the influence of a definite style. Practically everywhere 
also it is decorative. This is obviously true of such high arts as 
those of the Japanese and Chinese. It is true also of Greek 
sculpture and of Renaissance paintings : though in our modern 

324 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

civilization we are in the habit of regarding the products of these 
arts detachedly, and enjoy them as if they were complete in them- 
selves, yet every one is aware that the intent to decorate always 
accompanied the conception and execution of the classic and 
Italian masterpieces. Even so strenuously realistic an art as 
modern impressionism is unable to free itself totally from the re- 
proach of being ornamental ; for whatever the purpose of the 
artist, the owner of such a picture has almost certainly secured it 
for the purpose, ostensible at least, of decorating a vacant wall. 
In primitive civilizations, the combination of the imitative and 
decorative tendencies is of course much greater. With very few 
exceptions, such as in some Eskimo tribes, the realistic, representa- 
tive impulse is thoroughly impressed and influenced by the highly 
conventional style ; and in all cases this conventional style is dec- 
orative. Correspondingly, most primitive decoration, no matter 
how geometric or simple, has significance and thus is, visually or 
ideographically, realistic. This is a fact that has not become known 
until recently, because until lately savages were rarely questioned 
thoroughly.' Accordingly the main characteristic of Arapaho 
art, its fusion (which is more truly an undifferentiation) of the 
realistic and decorative tendencies, is also the characteristic of all 
primitive art. 

In Brazil we know of tribes whose painted and incised de- 
signs, which are exceedingly simple and geometrical and usually 
in patterns, are all significant. Diamonds whose corners are 
slightly filled in are rhomboidally shaped fishes ; a pattern of flat 
isosceles triangles stood up on end is hanging bats, and so on. 
There are also other representations of the same animals that are 
slightly more realistic. The same tribes use pots of oval shape 
with half a dozen variously shaped projections at the rim. The 

' The scarcely suspected inherence of realistic significance in primitive ornament 
has been independently demonstrated from California, British Columbia, Central 
America, Brazil, Mississippi valley, Siberia, Indo China, Borneo, New Guinea, Aus- 
tralia, and Polynesia, in arts as diverse as pottery, weaving, carving, basketry, draw- 
ing, and painting. 

kkoeber] decorative symbolism of the arapaho 325 

whole vessel represents an animal, the projections being roughly 
modeled into head, tail, and limbs. Birds, bats, mammals, rep- 
tiles, and invertebrates are indicated by very slight modifications. 
A civilized person unacquainted with the mode of sight and 
thought of the Brazilian aborigines might very readily mistake a 
bird-pot for a mammal-pot, and so on. 

In Central Australia bullroarers and other objects are deco- 
rated with incised lines. These consist of concentric circles, bands 
of parallel lines, concentric arcs or curves, and rows of dots or 
small marks. The ornamentation is not symmetrical, nor even 
regular; it appears random and rude. Yet in general character 
these decorated bullroarers resemble each other closely. It has 
been found that the designs are all ideographic, though the total 
range of significance is apparently not very wide. Similar marks 
ma\' on different objects mean things as difTerent as trees, frogs, 
eggs, or intestines. It is interesting to note that while this art is 
remarkably crude and unformed both as regular ornamentation 
and as an attempt to represent objects accurately, it contains a 
system of realistic expression as well as a system of decoration, 
both of which are conventionalized— or rather, the union of which 
is a convention. 

The remarkable art of the North Pacific coast of America is 
certainly one of the most stylistic and conventionalized in the 
world, while its realistic character is sufficiently marked to give 
no one room to doubt its presence. Its decorative tendency is so 
strong that, in obedience to its demands, an animal that is being 
represented may be cut into parts which are then arranged as 
suits the requirements of the decoration and not as they are in 
nature. The chest of an animal may be put over its head, and 
the tail below ; two opposite sides of an animal, which are of 
course invisible at the same time, will be represented, in order to 
meet the strong demand for symmetry. The chief decorative 
motive of all this art is an oblong figure whose corners are 
rounded and whose sides are very slightly convex, the upper 

326 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

long edge generally curving the most. Almost everything that 
is represented is brought into this shape or some modification 
of it. Heads, eyes, mouths, ears, joints, tails, fins, are usually 
of this shape ; the whole decorative field itself often is the 
same ; and in such cases the remaining portions occupied by 
unenumerated parts, such as back, belly, and wings, are almost 
necessarily of the same shape. Eyes and faces appear every- 
where — on representations of joints, of the chest, of dorsal fins, 
of hands, in vacant spaces — and their shape is regularly the 
ornamental one described. Yet with this remarkably strong 
decorative tendency pervading and deeply influencing every repre- 
sentation, all examples of decorative art from this region are rec- 
ognizably realistic in intent and often in execution. There is no 
geometrical ornament that one might take to be meaningless. 
In short, on the North Pacific coast of America all decoration is 
realistic and all realism is decorative. 

It is of course impossible to prove by selected examples such as 
these that all primitive art consists of the combination of represen- 
tative realism and ornamental conventionalism. But that such is 
the fact, that this undifferentiation continues often into a higher , 
civilization, must be obvious to any one familiar with primitive art. 1 
This fusion of two differing tendencies is not merely a frequent 1 
or widely distributed occurrence, as are a great many special 
ethnic phenomena, such as circumcision or doctoring by sucking i 
or angularity of ornament, but this fusion is a rule practically 
without exceptions. It is universal because it is necessary. Both I 
the representative tendency and the decorative tendency are 
deep rooted in the human mind, so that it must be virtually im- j 
possible to suppress them for any length of time or among any j 
considerable number of men. At times, indeed, as in European • 
civilization, the two tendencies become more separated: our wall- ^ 
papers are chiefly ornamental, our oil paintings chiefly realistic. ' 
But a glance at the past and present races of the world shows 
that this condition is exceptional, just as a civilization of the 

kroeber] decorative SYMBOLISM OF THE A RAP A HO 327 

extremity of ours is exceptional. The more primitive a people 
is, we may say, the more intimately fused in its art will these two 
tendencies be, though, as there is no absolute or fixable scale of 
primitiveness and civilization, this rule cannot be applied to 
special cases but merely tends to be true. Other tendencies also 
are still combined with these two in a sufficiently early and rude 
condition of society. The symbolism of the Arapaho is as ideo- 
graphic as it is realistic, and is as much a primitive method of 
writing as it is of artistic representation. The Australian bull- 
roarers referred to are, in addition to other things, very primitive 
maps or charts; so that they are the products of diagrammatic, 
graphic, visually artistic, and decorative tendencies or activities 
still undifferentiated — all this in addition to their still more 
marked religious functions. Of course it is possible for a race to 
over-develop one of several related tendencies at the expense of 
others. To a certain degree this does happen in all races, and is 
what makes the difference between them. But every culture 
must contain among its motive forces more or less of every ten- 
dency, because the tendencies are in the human mind and hence 
ineradicable. These many tendencies are on the whole less dif- 
ferentiated in more primitive conditions of society. Hence all 
art, and especially primitive art, contains the combination at least 
of representative and decorative tendencies, perhaps of others.' 

' The differentiation here and previously spoken of as accompanying or constituting 
evolution in civilization is at once too important and universal a matter to be proved 
here in a few incidental words, and too obvious to require it. A striking example of 
this differentiation is found in the mythology of our more primitive forefathers, 
in place of which, and more or less developed from which, we have products as 
different as romantic novels, fundamental scientific theories, and the doctrinary 
beliefs of our religions. There is no intention, however, of implying here by dif- 
ferentiation a continuing separation. Where in a savage tribe every man, though 
in somewhat varying degree, is hunter, warrior, participant in government, sha- 
man, artist, and myth-maker, a higher nation has its separate politicians, soldiers, 
food-producers, physicians, poets, and so on ; but though the tendencies have in 
this transition differentiated, and have far more than formerly become specialized 
in individuals, yet they exist only in the culture as a whole : in this, the only 
true unit, i. e., the only organic entity, they are all combined. For instance, our 



The invariable method of explaining the origin of an art has 
been to select that one of its tendencies which was the most marked 
or appeared so to the investigator, to imagine the products of this 
tendency in its most isolated and pure form, and to pronounce 
these the original state of the art. An observer is struck by the 
fact that in a certain primitive art many ornamental features co- 
incide with technical ones that are present for practical reasons. 
He concludes that the technical-practical tendency which he has 
discovered among the decoration, is the original unmixed impulse 
that caused the art. Or he may become aware through inquiry 
or study of the fact that geometric ornament in an art has realis- 
tic significance. The realism impresses him ; true, it is now modi- 
fied and corrupt, but that only proves to him that originally it 
was pure. Ergo, this art began with representative pictures. 
Such has been the only method of explanation, however much 
the actual results in different cases differed. No other method of 
ascertaining or explaining the origin of a primitive art whose 
history we lack, is even possible. 

This method has the fundamental fault that it presupposes 
tendencies to have existed more unmixedly and separately at 
some former time than at present. In reality they must in all 
cases have been in the near past very much as now and in the 
very remote past more mixed or mutually undifferentiated. Thus 
we have seen that Arapaho art must some time ago have been 
very much as now. What it was still earlier we know even less 
definitely, but we cannot doubt that its spirit must have been 
similar. Different objects may then have been represented, other 

present-day science could not have arisen norcould it exist without modern industrialism, 
and this is equally dependent on science. Our literature is absolutely and intimately 
interwoven with our social conditions, not so much in that poets and novelists actually 
describe these, but in that the emotions and ideas which form the content of their writing 
are the typical emotions and ideas accompanying our social circumstances. In pro- 
portion with the differentiation of tendencies in evolution proceed their combination 
and recombination. Very analogously, a mammal is far more highly differentiated than 
a jellyfish, but none the less are its various organs interdependent and itself a distinct 
organic unity. 

kroeber] decorative SYMBOLISM OF THE ARAPAHQ 329 

ornamental motives employed in other materials, but even then 
there certainly was the combination of ideographic symbolism with 
crude, heavy decoration. As we go farther backward in time, we 
can be sure that the details of the art were more and more differ- 
ent from those of its present condition. Now perhaps one of its 
component tendencies was relatively stronger, then another. But 
whatever these temporary slight fluctuations, it is certain that if 
we only go back far enough we must arrive at a stage where the 
tendencies were even more numerously and more intimately 
combined than now. But if one should believe that Arapaho art 
can be explained, for instance, by the coventionalized realism 
theory, the realism being original and the conventionalization 
subsequent, he holds the view that at some time past this Arapaho 
art consisted of pictorial representations. This view is logically 
possible, but in reality it is absurd. This art could not have had 
so ideally simple a development that we could still trace its 
original condition, if it were very old. But if it, therefore, w ere 
comparatively recent in origin, there must until a certain time 
have been no art among the Arapaho, while at that moment it 
sprang up full-blown, not as a crude undifferentiated thing, but a 
highly-specialized pictorial art. Such an event would be ex- 
tremely remarkable, not to say marvelous, and more in need of 
an explanation than the phenomenon it explained. By isolating 
any tendency that we find in any art, we are led to imagine a 
purely ideal condition which not only could not have been the 
original state of the art, but is probably even more different from 
its original state than from its present known state. 

In short, it is impossible to determine the origin of any art 
whose history we do not know. 

Let us briefly consider the field of mythology. There have 
been numerous explanations of myths and several theories of the 
origin of all mythology. The principal of these theories are the 

What may be called the physical or science theory accounts 

330 AMERICAN AXTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, igoi 

for myths by making them the outcome of a desire to explain 
natural phenomena. The shapes or colors of animals, the 
motion of sun and moon, the existence of the stars, strange geo- 
logic formations, such phenomena are supposed to have stimu- 
lated the wonder of primitive man so much that he made myths 
to explain them. 

The personification theory supposes that deities and other 
mythic characters, together with their actions, — in a word, myth- 
ology — are personifications of natural phenomena. Phcebus, 
Indra, Agni, are said to have originated in personifications of the 
sun, heaven, and fire. The solar myth theories, and others of an 
analogous kind, belong here. 

The animistic theory says that there was originally a belief in 
soul, out of which arose the various systems of spirits and deities. 
It believes that myths originated from a state of the human mind to 
which all objects seemed equally endowed with human personality. 

These three theories are at bottom the same. 

What has been called the allegorical or ethical theory supposes 
myths to be allegorical inventions with a moral import. Miracu- 
lous stories of gods, men, and animals are thought to have been 
composed in order to teach, by illustration, ethical precepts. This 
view is not so much in favor now as formerly. 

The historical theory makes myths the distortion of actual 
events. A powerful king of Crete gave rise to the mythic 
character of Zeus. 

The etymological theory calls mj-thology a disease of language. 
Misinterpreted metaphors or false etymologies gave rise to myths. 
To use a familiar example, Zeus is thought to have been originally 
called Kronion, with the meaning " existing through all time." 
Later this epithet was misunderstood to mean son of Kronos, 
and thus gave rise to the conception of a god Kronos.' 

As explanations, all these theories are untrue. But the ten- 
dencies which they recognize exist. 

' This does not necessarily exhaust the number of tlieories. 

kroeber] decorative SYMBOLISM OF THE A RAP A HO 33 I 

There is undoubtedly a tendency to explain natural phenomena 
in myths. The Indians of British Columbia have this story : The 
bear and the chipmunk disputed whether there was to be dark- 
ness or light. The chipmunk triumphed, and for the first time it 
became light. The angry bear attacked the chipmunk and pur- 
sued it. The chipmunk escaped by tearing itself from under the 
claws of the bear. From this it is striped down its back. This 
little story, whatever its origin, clearly reflects the tendency to 
mythologize about such natural phenomena as day and night and 
the color-markings of animals. Hundreds of similar myths con- 
cerned with the spots on the moon, or the blackness of the crow, 
or a certain peculiar stone, or a similar fact, are known from all 
parts of the world. 

There is also a tendency to identify mythic personages with 
parts of nature ; Thor with thunder, for instance. And the ten- 
dency toward animism is so widespread and so deep-seated that it 
will be recognized without an example. 

It must also be admitted that there is something of an ethical 
tendency in mythologies. Among primitive races ceremonial and 
ritual partly take the place of our later morality. And very fre- 
quently myths deal with ceremonial. The American Indians, the 
Jews, the Australians, and the Greeks have such myths. 

The existence of a historical tendency in myths is demon- 
strated by the introduction of Attila into the Sigurd saga. 

The etymological tendency, finally, is revealed in the following 
extract from a Dakota myth ' : An old couple have adopted a 
foundling. When he grows up he is so successful in killing 
buffalo that he makes his parents very rich in dried meat. 
"Then the old man said: ' Old woman, I am glad we are well off. 
I will proclaim it abroad.' And so when the morning came he went 
up to the top of the house and sat, and said, ' I, I have abundance 
laid up. The fat of the big guts {tashiyaka) I chew.' And 
they say that was the origin of the meadow-lark [tashiyakapopd) 

' Riggs, Z^i7/Jv/rt Grammar, Texts, and Ethno-^)-aphy\ 1893. 

33^ AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 3, 1901 

It has a yellow breast, and black in the middle, which is the 
yellow of the morning, and they say the black stripe is made 
by a smooth buffalo horn worn for a necklace," — From this point 
the myth deals with the adventures of the boy. 

It is thus clear that for every one of these theories there really 
exists a tendency in primitive man which influences his myths. 

This multiplicity of tendencies or causative forces necessarily 
refutes any explanation that uses and allows only one of them. 
Such have been all explanations of myths. Such they must be, 
for when more than one tendency or cause is admitted, we can have 
several tentative suggestions but no longer one positive explana- 
tion. The case is analogous to that in art, and does not require de- 
tailed restatement. It may be said, in short, that all explanations 
of myths consist of the ignoring of all the eternal and indestructible 
tendencies in man with the exception of one which is isolated and 
elevated as the sole cause of the myth. That such explanations, 
however clear and impressive they are, cannot be true, is obvious. 

Thus we come to the conclusion that all search for origins in 
anthropology can lead to nothing but false results. The tenden- 
cies of which we have spoken are at the root of all anthropological 
phenomena. Therefore it is these general tendencies more 
properly than the supposed causes of detached phenomena that 
should be the aim of investigation. 

These tendencies, being inlierent in mind,' are everlasting. On 

' The tendencies spoken of throughout this essay must be understood to be the 
tendencies of social man. They are those tendencies which exist in indiviiluals being 
parts of a culture, not in isolated individuals as such. There are psychological causes 
or mental conditions — generally considered physiological — which might also be called 
tendencies. Such are the tendency to fatigue, the tendency to form habits, the ten- 
dency toward imitation by suggestion, and others. These exist nearly identically in 
all men, whatever their degree of civilization ; they seem even to occur with little 
modification in animals. It is evident that these physiological tendencies are totally 
independent of cultures. Our knowledge concerning them is due to a psychological 
study of individual men. On the other hand those tendencies which alone are referred 
to above are determinable only from a historical study of social groups. The mani- 
festations of these tendencies are activities such as mythology, writing, ceremonials 
decorative art, castes, commerce, and language. 

kroeber] decorative SYMBOLISM OF THE ARAPAHO 333 

the Other hand they are constantly changing and developing, and 
varying in their differentiations and combinations. The phe- 
nomena of activity have changed as these tendencies and their 
J relations to one another have become modified. Therefore the 
products of mind (the phenomena studied by anthropologists) 
are, like mind itself, beginningless (for us). They have no origin. 
1 All arts and all institutions are as old as man. Every word is as 
old as speech. The history of every myth is at least as long as 
! the history of mankind. Of course no myth was ever alike from 
one generation to the next ; no decorative style has ever remained 
unaltered. But no myth, no artistic convention, nor any other 
thing human, ever sprang up from nothing. It always grew from 
something previous that was similar. These principles are obvi- 
ous, but they are ignored and implicitly denied in every search 
for an origin. 

Every explanation of an origin in anthropology is based on 
three processes' of thought which are unobjectionable logically 
but are contrary to evolutionary principles and the countless 
I body of facts that support these principles. First is the assump- 
i tion, implied in the word origin, that before the beginning of the 
phenomenon explained, itself and its cause were absent ; second 
IS the belief that a suddenly arising cause singly produced the 
phenomenon ; and the third is the idea that this cause as sud- 
I denly and completely ceased as it had before sprung up, and that 
its product has remained, unaffected by other causes, unaltered 
but for wear and tear, to the present day. These three thought- 
processes are present in every explanation of the cause or origin 
of a human phenomenon, whether the explainer himself be con- 
1 scious or unconscious of them. Generally, indeed, the origin is 
' not stated unhesitatingly and clearly enough for these three steps 
• of thought to be visible in all their baldness. Often, perhaps, 
the investigator advancing a theory of origin would himself deny 
these processes to exist in his reasoning. Nevertheless, every de- 
termmation of an origin, whether origin means the beginning of 

334 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

a phenomenon or its cause, must imply the existence of, first, a 
previous different state, secondly, a change produced by an ex- 
ternal (non-inherent) cause, and, thirdly, the state that is being 

This three-step process of reasoning is not in itself wrong. 
When it is declared either that steam in a particular case was, 
or in general can be, produced from water by heat, this method of 
thought is employed. The early state is the water, the altering 
cause the heat, and the present state the steam. In all the phy- 
sical sciences thinking in this manner is not only permissible but 
necessary and is constantly done. It is when these thought-pro- 
cesses are used in anthropology * that their results become absurd. 
When we say that the origin of decoration is technique, or that the 
origin of marriage is promiscuity, or that the origin of the Polyne- 
sian Maui is personification of the sun, or that the origin of an al- 
phabet is pictorial art, or that the beginning or cause of anything 
in human culture is a certain other thing — we assert or imply a 
distinct and separate antecedent condition and an isolated, defin- 
itely limited efficient cause. That such a condition and such a 
cause really existed we have shown in the consideration of primi- 
tive art to be so highly improbable as to make the belief in their 
reality absurd ; and it must be obvious that in all other cases 
within the scope of anthropology the three suppositions made in 
every explanation of origin where direct historical knowledge is 
lacking, possess the same degree of improbability.'^ 1 

If, then, the specific causes or beginnings of specific phenomena ! 

' By the term anthropology there are meant here not those portions of the science 
which are clearly anatomical and physiological (i. e., resting upon mechanical science I 
and included in it), but those domains generally covered by the titles ethnology, arche- 
ology, and history. 

^ If it is true that origins cannot be determined, the supposed origins of words, 
namely roots, must be imaginary. Whoever gives adherence to the currently ac- 
cepted theory that language began with roots, deliberately or unconsciously commits 
himself to these beliefs : That previous to the making of roots, language in the 
proper sense, as something articulate and definite, was wanting. That with the 
roots, language began to be, essentially as it is now. That after the formation of 
the roots no new ones ever arose, but language remained unchanged except for mod- 

. kroeber] decorative symbolism of the ARAPAHO 335 

are a delusion in anthropology and may not be sought, what can 
be the subject of investigation ? The tendencies that have been 
referred to so much ? Like words and styles and myths and ideas 
and industrial processes and institutions, all of which are their 
products, tendencies are both eternally living and everlastingly 
changing. They flow into one another ; they transform them- 
selves ; they are indistinguishably combined where they coexist. 
So, if our view is wide enough, we cannot properly determine and 
separate and name and classify tendencies. They really exist 
only in the whole unity of living activity as parts in the endless 
organism. This great unity is the true study for the student of 
man. In it, as parts of it, cultures and civilization-movements, 
tendencies and individual phenomena, are comprehensible. In it 
we know their interrelations. Only by understanding its totality 
can we really understand its smaller parts, those productions that 
I have always a predecessor but never a beginning. 
j The fundamental error of the common anthropological 

I method of investigating origins is that it isolates phenomena and 
I seeks isolated specific causes for them. In reality, ethnic phenom- 
ena do not exist separately : they have their being only in a cul- 
ture. Much less can the causative forces of the human mind, the 
activities or tendencies, be truly isolated. Every distinction of 
them is not only arbitrai'y but untrue. Both phenomena and 

ifications of its roots or their combinations into new words and inflectional forms. 
The improbability of such a process having ever taken place must be clear to any one 
who believes that never-dying, ever-changing, interrelated tendencies have unceas- 
ingly and unitedly been operative in man. The belief in roots as the sources of lan- 
j guages is totally unevolutionary : it is contrary to the axiom that nothing living ever 
comes but from what is similar and that all change is gradual development and not a 
process of finished creation. The weakness of the theory of roots is most palpable in 
the absurdity of the various explanations that are frequently given of the origin of the 
primary roots. It is true that there is something that may be called roots. In every 
language there are groups of words similar in sound and related in meaning. The 
ideal, non-existent centers of these groups of words can well be named roots, and 
they must be recognized and used in philology. But roots that once existed as such, 
and gave rise to languages of words in which they can still be seen, — such there never 

33^ AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

causes can be properly apperceived only in the degree that we 
know their relations to the rest of the great unity that is called 
life. The more this is known and understood as a whole, the 
more do we comprehend its parts. This, the whole of life, is the 
only profitable subject of study for anthropology. 




In 1896 I contributed two articles on Australian class systems,' 
describing the social organization of the native tribes composing 
the Wiradj2iri community in New South Wales. They are 
divided into four groups, called Ippai, Oombi, Murri, and Kubbi, 
having the marriage laws and rules of descent as set forth in de- 
tail in the articles referred to. In other papers I have dealt with 
the inaugural ceremonies of certain tribes in the northern " and 
southern ^ parts of the Wiradjuri territory, but have never before 
had the opportunity of describing the ceremony as performed in 
the western portion. 

Early in the year 1898 a Bnrbung took place in the parish of 
Gunnabonna, county of Mossgiel, New South Wales. The native 
encampment was about half a mile from Blake's waterhole, on 
Canoble run, about 8 miles east by north from Canoble head- 
station, or about 33 miles easterly from the town of Ivanhoe. 
This ceremony, at which two novices were admitted to the privi- 
leges of manhood, was attended by the aborigines from Hillston, 
Keewong, Cobar, Ivanhoe, and Paddington. 

In connection with this gathering the manner of summoning 
the tribes to attend, the procedure in taking the novices away, 
the ceremonial performances in the bush, and subsequent ritual 
were substantially the same as described in my former articles on 
'i\\^ Biirbuno- o[ \\\Q tribes of Lachlan and Murrumbidgee rivers, 

' American Anthropologist, ix, 411-416 ; Ibid., x, 345-347. 
"^ Journ. Anthrop. Inst., Lond., XXV, 295-31S ; Ibid., XXVI, 272-2S5. 
^ Jotirn. Roy. Soc. N. S. Wales, xxxi, 111-153 ; Proc. Roy. Gcog. Soc. Aiist. 
Q. Bch., XI, 167-169. 




f^HM^fney^s dd. 

Fig. 53-Ground carvings at a Burbuug ceremony. 



hence they need not now be further dealt with. A description of 
the Burbung (gxowwd and its surroundings will, however, be of in- 
terest for purposes of comparison. 

The circular inclosure called the boorbiing was about 23 paces 
in diameter, and was formed by heaping the loose surface soil 
around its circumference, forming an embankment about a foot 
wide and six inches high, in which a narrow opening was left to 
afford access to the interior. From this opening a pathway led 
away northerly through a forest of myall and other trees 560 paces 
to the goonibo, consisting of the usual four elongated heaps of 
earth, ' not unlike graves ; and a few paces farther on was the 
gareel, or fence of boughs. There were no inverted stumps^ at 
the goombo, as they are not used by the natives of this district. 

The following were some of the carvings in the soil : Starting 
at the goombo, and going 5 paces toward the boorbung inclosure, 
was the representation of a serpent-like monster called the kurrea 
(figure 53, i), outlined in the soil by a groove cut with a sharp- 
edged wooden instrument. This was by far the longest native 
carving in the soil that I had ever seen, the distance from the 
head to the tail, following the sinuosities of the body, being 130 
feet, while the width, which was fairly uniform, was from 15 to 18 
inches. Within the outline of the posterior portion of this monster 
were two other incised lines, one on each side, but whether these 
were intended to represent the intestines, or for the purpose of 
ornamentation, or to denote a young animal within the larger 
one, I could not learn. 

Not far from the kurrea s head was an oval object representing 
an emu's egg (figure 53, 2), 2 feet 6 inches in length. Farther on 
was a kangaroo (3), a little over 6 feet high. In one of the bends 
of the monster's body, a man upward of 10 feet high was deline- 
ated, with an elongated body and short legs (4). There was also 
the drawing of a dog (5), about 4 feet long, and on the opposite 

' Journ. Anthrop. Ins!., Lond., XXV, 301. 
» Ibid. 

340 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

side of the serpent's body w^as a large boomerang (6), and a little 
way farther a nulla-nulla (7). Then there was an elongated depres- 
sion, nearly 3 feet long, 14 inches wide, and 6 inches deep (8), repre- 
senting the pudenda of a woman. Small leafy twigs and green 
grass were suggestively stuck in the loose soil around this de- 
pression. The drawings shown in the illustration are in their cor- 
rect relative positions as they appear on the side of the path. 

In several places along the pathway there were cut in the soil 
representations of the footprints of men, emus, and kangaroos; 
boomerangs, eggs of birds, and patches of the usual yowan pat- 
terns. At other places some small sticks, leaves, and rubbish 
were scraped into circular heaps, about 3 feet in diameter and 
2 feet 6 inches high, representing the mallee-hen's nest. There was 
also an imitation of a wombat's burrow. 

About a hundred yards from the great serpent was a drawing 
apparently representing some imaginary animal of the dog or 
opossum tribe (9). This was a little over 9 feet long, exclusive of 
the tail. Only a few trees were marked, because most of the tim- 
ber growing near the pathway was too small for the purpose. 
The few markings were not noteworthy. In one of the trees was 
the imitation of an eagle-hawk's nest. 

At the ceremonies connected with the arrivals of strange tribes, 
and during the daily performances while awaiting their arrival, an 
image of Dharamoolan was set up in the vicinity of the goombo. 
A sapling was found with two branches growing opposite each 
other, and these branches were cut off at about the length of a 
man's arms. The bole of the sapling was then cut through on one 
side of these " arms," sufificiently long for the head, and on the 
other side of the branches, or arms, it was again cut through at a 
distance of about five feet. On this framework, mud mixed with 
grass was plastered and fastened with string, so as to make a rude 
figure of a man with only one leg, since according to aboriginal 
mythology the maleficent being known as Dharamoolan has one,' 
leg only. This figure was cither propped up with forked sticks ori 


laid against a tree to support it in an erect position. Two of these 
images were used at the Burbling referred to, but sometinnes 
three or four are made, if the assemblage is a large one. They 
are carefully hidden away and covered with bushes when not in 
use, and at the conclusion of the ceremonies they are destroyed 
in a fire. 


Before the period of artificial illumination there were many 
manifestations of light in nature coming to the aid of the deni- 
zens of the earth during the hours of darkness. Of these were 
the so-called luciform appearances, including the aurora borealis 
and australis, which enliven the long nights at the polar zones ; 
the magellan clouds of the southern hemisphere ; the zodiacal 
light whose cause was long a subject of speculation ; and the 
diffused light of the milky way, known to the Chinese as the 
" River of the Sky." 

The light from the stars and planets is not inconsiderable. 
Under the clear night sky of the Arizona deserts the atmosphere 
seems charged with star mist ; eminences miles away may be 
outlined, the dial of a watch may be read, and a trail followed 
with little difficulty. These are the conditions under which 
night journeys are made to avoid the burning sun. The planet 
Venus, at inferior conjunction especially, sheds light sufficient for 
the traveler over open country. 

There are at times nights of remarkable luminescence. 
Clouds become phosphorescent, and often under certain states of 
electric stress, during high winds, glimmer with a faint light not 
amounting to a discharge of the electric fluid. Frequently suc- 
cessive flashes of "heat lightning" aid the traveler in finding his 
way. It is possible, also, that the soil over certain regions may 
become phosphorescent under the light of the sun and retain the 
property during the night, as certain gems are phosphorescent 

' Read at the Congres International d' Anthropologic et d'Archeologie Prehistoriques, 
XII Session, Paris, August, 1900. 


hough] the development of illumination 343 

after being submitted to sunlight. Snow has this property. 
Gaseous emanations of a phosphorescent character are occasion- 
ally abundant enough to produce temporary illumination. 

Next to the sun in value to man as a light producer is the 
moon. Though intermittent in the power and duration of its light, 
the moon has proven a valuable auxiliary on the night side of 
man's life, and its period has given a measurement of aggregates 
of time. 

In torrid climates, and at hot seasons of the year, work is 
often carried on by moonlight in order to escape the heat of the 
day. While moonlight is 450,000 times less bright than day- 
light, under certain favorable conditions the light seems intense 
and ample for many purposes. 

The well-known phosphorescence of lichens has been found to 
give considerable light during warm, moist nights in the summer. 
Certain flowers are phosphorescent, or emit flashes of light, as the 
tuberose and moonflower. In the vegetable world there are nu- 
merous sources of light whose faintness causes them to escape 
ordinary observation. As an aid to man, however, the light 
from the vegetable kingdom is far less useful than that yielded by 
the animal kingdom. 

When the animal kingdom is reached, numerous examples of 
light phenomena connected with vital processes are found. The 
familiar firefly of northern latitudes frequently renders summer 
nights luminous, while the tropical noctilucidse yield an actual 
and valuable illumination which has been utilized as light in sev- 
eral interesting ways by the inhabitants of regions in which the 
insects are found. 

The distinguished traveler Kaempfer described the fireflies of 
Siam as " settling upon the trees like a fiery cloud," and in Brazil 
Gardner compares them in brilliancy with " stars that have fallen 
from the firmament and are floating about without a resting 
place." Kidder says: " In the mountains of Tijuca I have read 
the finest print of Harper s Magazine by the light of one of these 

344 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

natural lamps placed under a common glass tumbler, and with 
distinctness I could tell the hour of the night, and discern the 
very small figures which marked the seconds of a little Swiss 
watch. The Indians formerly used them instead of flambeaux 
in their hunting and fishing excursions, and when traveling in 
the night they are accustomed to fasten them to their feet and 
hands. And they are used by seiioritas for adorning their 
tresses. Prescott narrates the terror they inspired in the Span- 
iards in 1520. 'The air was filled with " cocuyos," a species of 
large beetle which emits an intense phosphoric light from its 
body, strong enough to enable one to read by it. These wander- 
ing fires, seen in the darkness of the night, were converted by the 
besieged into an army of matchlocks.' So says Bernal Diaz." ' 

The bearing of the light of the firefly on the light of the future 
is very important, and the investigations carried on at the Smith- 
sonian Institution a few years ago may introduce a new epoch in 
illumination. A brief account in the Philadelphia American states 
that, " some interesting experiments upon the nature and origin 
of the light emitted by the firefly have lately been made by Pro- 
fessor S. P. Langley. From the spectroscope he finds the light 
to be of exceedingly narrow range of refrangibility. The heat 
given out is scarcely appreciable, being less than one-half of one 
percent of that produced by an equal amount of light from a 
candle or other common illuminant. That the light is a chemical 
product would seem to be established by the fact that it decreases 
by products which check combustion (e. g. nitrogen) and increases 
by products which aid combustion (oxygen), and that the product 
of the process is apparently carbon dioxide. The subject of the 
origin of ' phosphorescent ' light is one that may develop very 
interesting features, for, as graphically stated by Prof. Oliver J. 
Lodge, if the secret of the firefly were known, a boy turning a 
crank might be able to furnish the energy necessary to light an 
entire electric circuit. From this standpoint Professor Lodge 

' Kidder and Fletcher, Brazil and the Brazilians, Phila., 1857, p. 293. 

hough] the development of illumination 345 

regards as enormous the waste of energy in the machinery of 
electric light making now in use." 

Most of the one hundred and fifty species of animals which are 
light-producing inhabit the sea where their light is of small im- 
portance to man. The wonderful phosphorescence of the tropical 
seas, which has drawn forth many descriptions of its beauty, is 
caused by the collective lights of myriads of infusoriae on the 
surface of the water. 

The day opens up a vast field of activities requiring light for 
their prosecution. Solar light is normal for the carrying on of 
these activities, and the night is normal for rest and recuperative 
processes. The important phenomena of the day are sunrise and 
sunset; and the day's labor regulates itself to twilight, morning 
and evening hours, and the hours of broad day divided by the 
meridian of the sun. Sunrise is attended with certain phenomena, 
which observant people have noticed. 

The Hopi tribe of Arizona, for instance, employ the following 
terms for sunrise: Sunrise, ttxlavaiya ; place of sunrise, taiva 
yum tyaki ; faintest dawn, kilyaniptu ; first light, talti ; light of 
sunrise, taldove ; yellow light of sunrise, sikyahUptii ; before 
emergence of sun, tawa kuyiva, "sun appears"; sun-up, tawa 
yama.' Few tribes indeed have not been impressed with dawn 
and sunset, and few in the oblique latitudes have failed to mark 
the seasonal progress of the sun along the horizon. 

There is a wide difference in the amount of sunlight enjoyed 
by the dwellers on the earth's surface, depending on the height 
and configuration of the land, its absorbtive and reflective quali- 
ties, the presence of forests and vegetation, the amount of moist- 
ure and dust in the air, cloud formation, and other elements 
which suggest themselves to the reader, producing local and peri- 
odical variation. To these must be added the seasons and the 
position in latitude determining the length of the day and the 
duration of twilight. 

' Authority of Dr J. Walter Fewkes. 

34^ AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, iqoi 

The superabundance of sunlight has brought about many 
devices for warding off and tempering the rays and ameliorating 
their heat. For protecting his eyes from the excessive light man 
has devised eye-shades, hats, and parasols ; and for shade and 
protection from the heat, shelters of brush, skin, or cloth. In 
some environments the chief function of the house seems to be 
for shelter against a burning sun, and this points out a probable 
origin of the house in tropical countries. 

Nowhere is this regulation of daylight more thoroughly carried 
out than in our modern houses of the temperate regions whose 
development has been along the praiseworthy lines of more light 
and air. What the ancients directly accomplished by small light- 
openings requires now hangings, lace curtains, inside shutters, 
blinds, perhaps sash curtains, outside shutters, and an awning. 
These may further be reenforced by shade trees. With all these 
adjuncts one might be led to believe that the dim light of the 
early houses is still preferred by the moderns. 

As a corollary of protection from the sun follows the observa- 
tion that tribes living in the shade become lighter in color than 
their fellows living in the open country. It is also true that there 
is a characteristic facial modification, such as wrinkling and con- 
torting about the eyes produced in those who are exposed to the 
glaring light of the deserts or the sea. 

Without doubt man is a diurnal animal ; his eyes have not the 
condensing power of those of the FelidcE and other nocturnal 
beasts. The man-apes are also da}' animals, and those tribes 
of mankind retaining a degree of primitiveness regulate their rest 
to the setting and rising of the sun. 

With the use of fire begins the history of artificial illumina- 
tion. The nocturnal light of nature became then of little mo- 
ment in comparison with fire-lights and the burning brand in the 
hand of man ; the conquest of light over darkness was signalized, 
and the night side of man's life and his progress toward culture 
became a theme of surpassing interest. 

houghJ the development of illumination 347 

There perhaps cannot be a satisfactory reconstruction of the 
period before tlic knowledge of fire, and the dif^culty persists in 
the subsequent stages of the acquisition and use of fire, and the 
generation of fire at will — stages grasped by the philosophic mind 
of Paul Broca. 

One fact stands out clearly, that man unacquainted with fire 
is unknown. With the light of the camp-fire comes the torch, 
and from this starting point, by the help of observ^ations on less 
civilized peoples, it may be possible to reconstruct the history of 
artificial illumination and to check it in some degree by the aid of 

The following table, briefly epitomizing the development of 
the candle, is presented as the result of extended research in this 
direction : 


Fireflies used as torches. Fat bodies of birds and fish burned 
for liglit. 
Proto-torch (Adventitious and Temporary) : 

1. Firebrand, branches, resinous wood, bark, leaves, etc. 
Torch (For Customary Use) : 

2. Slivers or other elements tied together in a bundle. 

3. Roll of resin wrapped in leaves. 
Proto-candle : . 

4. Rope soaked in resin. 

5. Fiber soaked in fat or wax. 

6. Rush soaked in grease. 

7. Stick or sjjlint with grease for lighting. 
Candle .- 

8. Mass of fat formed upon a scick around which is wound a 

wick of fiber. 

9. Candles of wax or fat. 

10. Dipped candles. 

11. Molded candles ; improved and art candles of 20th century. 

348 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, iqoi 

While the line of development has proceeded from the rude 
torch to the candle, the steps marked in the series are suggestive, 
embracing devices used by different peoples and at divers times. 
There is not space here to present the results of investigations 
among different peoples and in special areas. It will be seen that 
the purpose for which light is to be used, the place in which it is 
to be used, the period, and the resources of the environment, are 
among the modifying influences on materials and apparatus. 
Hence, the complete steps of the development may not be ex- 
emplified in a given area, though a number of superposed phases 
of light utilization may exist side by side. It is true, also, that 
the growing need for light has brought about a closer association 
of the means of illumination with the life of man. The smoking 
torch, for example, is utilized for open-air illumination, while the 
candle enters the house and companionship of the family. 

Following the torch in the line of development comes the 
lamp, which separated from the stem of the torch at a period 
when oils and fat came to be used. This may have occurred 
(i) as a concomitant of migration or after the domestication of 
animals whose fat was available ; (2) at the time of the discovery 
of mineral oil, (3) or of the utilization of vegetal oils, such as that 
of the olive and the cocoanut. 

The lamp appears to have arisen at a period after migrations 
into the temperate zones had brought man into new conditions. 
The principal of these was the longer night, and joined to this 
was the settlement in comparatively permanent habitations. In 
this view the firestick and torch were the essential accompani- 
ments of early migration and without doubt determined the 
spread of man over the earth's surface. 

Since the torch, from its perishable character, is rarely found 
on ancient sites, there is little to be said as to its archeology. 
The lamp, on the contrary, being a higher idea, involves work in 
stone, pottery, bronze, or iron, producing objects which survive 
burial in the soil. Discoveries by French archcologists have 

hough] the development of illumination 349 

I shown that the lamp was in use at the close of the lacustrian 
i bronze age, and up to the present time these are the most 
ancient objects which have been found that are unmistakably 
j lamps. 

i It would seem that the lamp with a wick had its origin at a 
! culture plane represented by that of the bronze age, though such 
I employment of fire might have been prefigured by usages in the 
I age of polished stone. Again, the latitude and consequent differ- 
ence in temperature of stations have exerted controlling influence 
on the character of the early lamps which it might be possible to 
I employ. Thus climatic conditions render the fuel supply of 
the lamp solid or fluid and broadly determine the form of the 
I reservoir. 

It is almost safe to say that the higher types of illuminating 

apparatus would not have developed except in the temperate 

; zone or the region of long nights. The tallow candle is a device 

j of cold regions ; the same may be af^rmed of the open fat lamp. 

i The form of the latter seems to depend upon the character of its 

I fuel supply, and this cause no doubt constantly gives rise to 

forms of extreme primitiveness in the midst of a high civilization, 

aside from those descending from the primitive type and retained 

in use through the working of the large body of survivals of 

custom in every society. 


The series might have grouped at the beginning devices for 
producing a temporary light and those undifferentiated lamps of 
I skulls and bones. The bodies of birds and fish burned by means 
I of a wick also may be classed with the lamps. 

Temporary Light 

I. Oil bag from which oil is thrown on a fire to produce a 
temporary light. Kwakiutl Indians, British Columbia. Lighting 
apparatus of skulls or bones suggestive of primitive lamps. 

350 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

2. Lamp. Unworked beach stone with a concavity, suppHed 
with oil and having the wick laid along one edge. Aleut shell 

3. Lamp. Hollowed beach stone with moss wick arranged 
along one edge. Worked stone lamps. Eskimo. 

4. Lamp of pecten shell with oil and wick of rush pith. 
Ainos, Japan, Fusus shell hanging lamp. Orkney islands. 

5. Lamp. Terracotta saucer, China. India, etc. 

6. Terracotta saucer with edge pinched up into gutter or 
gutters for wick. Syria and India. 

7. Lamp. Terracotta. Reservoir almost closed over; spout 
for wick. Lamps of pottery with reservoir closed over. Lamps 
of bronze with one or more wick-spouts. Roman. 

8. Lamps of iron of simple shape with plain open or closed 
reservoir and with spout, and often having drip catchers and a 
device for tipping to allow the oil to reach the wick. There is 
considerable variety of such lamps, which were used in Europe 
before the epoch-making invention of Argand. Being products 
of the blacksmith's hammer, they present a certain crudity, as of 
antiquity. However, there is no reason to doubt that they are 
the survivals of the forms of the iron age. 

It may be interesting to briefly pursue the line of the lamp 
into the inventive age. 

Lamps of the Inventive Era 

9. Lamp of brass with reservoir mounted on rod and stand ; 
several curving spouts. Italian. Development from the Roman 

10. Lamp of brass designed to furnish heavy oil to the wick 
under hydrostatic pressure. Flemish. 

11. Lamp with chimney ; draft to flame and heavy oil under 
gravity pressure. Argand's invention and French inventors. 

12. Lamp with chimney and argand burner ; heavy oil under 
forced pressure of a spring. Devices for heating heavy oil. France. 


13. Lamp of glass having one or two tubes ; for burning whale 

14. Lamp burning " camphene " by means of wick and tubes 
and without chimney. United States. 

15. Lamp with chimney; ventilated burner; woven wick rais- 
ing refined petroleum by capillarity. United States, 1870. De- 
veloped burner to end of century. 

At present the destiny of illumination is in the hands of the 
investigator and inventor. Who knows to what heights their 
efforts will lead ? But before the inventive era, before Argand, if 
you please, the world satisfied its needs for light with the imme- 
morial simple lamp and smoky torch, increasing the illumination 
at times by multiplying the number of lights, and casting over 
scenes of splendor the flare of torches little removed in simplicity 
from those of prehistoric man. 

It may be a wholesome correction of our pride in the advance 
of a century to reflect that most of the human race is still in the 
uninventive period, depending for light on torches and simple 
saucer lamps. The epoch-making invention of the chimney and 
[the discovery of boundless hydro-carbons in the earth have not 
lyet reached the majority of mankind, while the electric light casts 
its bright rays in a very small area of immense obscurity. Still, 
there is progress, and gradually tribes, from their beginnings un- 
acquainted with more than the most simple illuminating methods, 
are seeking more light. 

It is interesting to note in this connection the education of 
the Hopi Indians of Arizona in the use of artificial illumination. 
iThe environment of these Indians is semi-arid, and there is such 
[scarcity of fuel in their isolated country that it must be used 
sparingly for cooking and only as a luxury for illumination. 
Hence, up to a few years ago all avocations ceased at dark. Four 
lyears ago the writer, while encamping at Walpi, noticed only a 
Isolitary light at night in the pueblo. There was at that time a 
demand for candles. Two years later, a number of lights shone 

352 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, igoi 

from the windows of the village. Lately coal-oil has become 
known ; a great many families possess the luxury of a coal-oil 
lamp, and this has worked a great change in the habits of the 

This seems in epitome the history of illumination. 


Seventeenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnoloj;:;y to the 
Secretary of the Smithsonian I?istitution, iSg§-g6. By J. W. 
Powell, Director. /;/ Two Parts — Part i. Washington : Gov- 
ernment Printing Office, 1898 [1901]. Pp. xciii, [+127 ■*-344*]- 
468. — Part ir. Washington : Government Printing Office, 1898 
[1901]. Pp. 467-752. With Pis. i-Lxxxi (-|- III b, IV h, v b, vi b, 
VII b, IX b), and figs. 1-357. 

Besides the Report of the Director, with its admirable introduction 
summary of work accomplished by the Bureau during the year 1895-96, 
and brief characterization of the accompanying papers, together with 
a " List of Publications of the Bureau of American Ethnology," 
compiled by F. W. Hodge, these two volumes contain: "The Seri 
Indians" (pp. 1-128, i29*-344*) by W J McGee ; "Calendar History 
of the Kiowa Indians" (pp. 129-445) by James Mooney ; " Navaho 
Houses" (pp. 469-517) by Cosmos Mindeleff ; and " Archeological 
Expedition to Arizona in 1895 " (pp. 519-744) by Jesse Walter Fewkes. 
At pages lix-lxii a graceful tribute to the late J. C. Pilling finds a 

Dr McGee's memoir on "The Seri Indians" (illustrated with 56 

plates and 42 figures) is a remarkably suggestive and informing account 

of the Seri Indians of Tiburon island in the Gulf of California and the 

adjacent mainland (a portion of Sonora). Unusual interest attaches to 

these pages, for the Seri are not only one of the least known of 

Amerindian peoples, but " must be assigned to the initial place in the 

I scale of development represented by the American aborigines, and 

hence to the lowest recognized phase of savagery " (p. 295 *). After a 

\ brief general introduction, the following matters are considered : 

j Habitat, history, tribal features, somatic characters, demotic characters 

I (symbolism and decoration, industries and industrial products, social 

organization, language), etc. 

Reduced to 350 individuals (of these 75 are adult warriors), the 
Seri are tending to extinction. They survive in an uni)aralleled state of 
isolation, their antagonism to the rest of mankind amounting practically 
to a race-sense. In their physical development they display wonderful 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 3—23. 353 

354 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, iqoi 

adaptation to environment, and exemplify in marked fashion processes 
of selection. By cultivating a reserve in the organism itself, rather than 
such material aids as more civilized tribes possess and rely upon, they 
are able, with a very low general culture, to rise to full advantage in the 
utilization of their habitat. Their specialization in the direction of 
organic reserve is so com[)lete as to be, racially and individually, an 
acquired characteristic. Their water-industry, their navigation, hunt- 
ing, and fishing all evidence their conquest of both land and sea 
environment. Alike remarkable are their " pedestrianism " and manual 
development (with absence of knife or tool sense). In their industries 
these Amerinds " combine the features of the zoomimic and protolithic 
stages more completely than any other known folk, and in such wise as 
to reveal the relations between these stages and that next higher in the 
series with unparalleled clearness." The prominence of the "elder 
women " in the management of everyday affairs is marked. The 
marriage customs are almost sui generis and reveal a decided apprecia- 
tion of sexual morality and restraint. Noteworthy also is the special 
honor paid to women in funerary rites. According to Dr McGee 
these Indians exemplify most emphatically the "law of conjugal 
conation," and the incarnation of primitive ideals. One of the most 
interesting features of their life is the alternation of long periods of 
inactivity with short periods of intense activity, with which is associated 
rapidity of change from one state to the other. 

Included in Dr McGee's study are Dr A. Hrdlicka's " Report on 
an examination of a skeleton from Seriland " (pp. i42*-i47*), and 
Mr J. N. B. Hewitt's "Comparative lexicology" (pp. 298*-344*). 
Dr Hrdlicka gives the details of description and measurements of the 
skull and skeleton (the only undoubtedly authenticated Seri osteological 
data) of a young female. The symmetrical skull has a capacity of 
1545 cc. (Broca) and 1490 cc. (Flower), with a cephalic index of 88.3. 
In some respects the skull approaches that of the Caucasian. There 
are also indications of prolonged physical adolescence. On page 141* 
is a report on a skull supposed to be that of a Seri, but with no 
certainty. Mr Hewitt's paper consists of a detailed study of the 
limited linguistic material — pronouns, numerals, and conceptual terms 
— in comparison with corresponding words in Yuman dialects. The 
result of this searching analysis (all the evidence is incorporated in 
these pages, so that other investigators may make use of it) is to demon- 
strate that the language of the Seri is structurally and lexically unrelated 
to the Yuman stock, with which earlier authorities allied it. The Seri , 
pronoun for t/iou shows a vague resemblance to the corresponding 



Yuman term, the word for dog has j^robably been borrowed from Pima, 
and there may be a few loan-words from other tongues, but even seem- 
ing kinship does not attach to more than a dozen and a half words of 
the Seri vocabulary so far studied. Mr Hewitt's study is one of the 
most thorough-going pieces of linguistic analysis we have had for 
some time. 

Altogether, Dr McGee's memoir, based upon his investigations in 
Seriland in 1894 and 1895, is an exceptionally valuable addition to our 
stock of knowledge about the lowest races of man now existing. 

Air Mooney's "Calendar History of the Kiowa Indians," which is 
accompanied by 25 plates and 187 text-figures, is a most valuable and 
illuminating interpretative study of a series of Amerindian records. 
.After some brief remarks on calendars in general comes a sketch of 
the Kiowa (pp. 148-242) dealing with ethnography, history, sociology, 
and religion. This is followed by a brief sketch of the Nadiisha-dena, 
or Kiowa Apache, a small Atha]jascan tribe associated with the Kiowa 
from the earliest traditional period (pp. 245-253). The rest of the 
paper is devoted to the discussion of the Kiowa annual calendars, 
followed by a list of military and trading posts, missions, etc. ; a 
Kiowa-English (pp. 391-430) and English-Kiowa Glossary; and a list 
of authorities cited. 

The Kiowa calendar and the Dakota calendar "are the only ones 
yet discovered among the prairie tribes." From Anko, a Kiowa warrior, 
was obtained "the only monthly calendar so far discovered among 
North American tribes." Of the events noted, Mr Mooney observes 
(p. 146) : " The records resemble tlie personal reminiscences of 
a garrulous old man rather than the history of a nation." For com- 
parison, "the chronicles of the highland clans of Scotland," or "the 
annals of a medieval barony " suggest themselves. 

The connection of the Kiowa with the far north makes their 
history very important in the annals of the aborigines of the trans- 
Mississippi region. The Kiowa are also remarkable from the fact that 
'the clan system does not exist among them, and there is no evidence 
that they ever had it," — in this they resemble the Kootenay and some 
Salishan peoples of British Columbia. 

The traits of the Kiowa seem less admirable than those of many of 
their neighbors, and they have "a large infusion of captive blood, 
chiefly Mexican." Of their religion the sun-dance and the mescal 
myth-ritual (the last only some fifty years old with this tribe) are the 
chief features. The Kiowa Apache " are practically a part of the 
Kiowa in everything but language." 

35^ AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, igoi 

More interesting, perhaps, than the calendars themselves, are Mr 
Moone3''s discussion of the terms employed in Kiowa chronology, the 
names of seasons, " moons," etc., and the data contained in the Kiowa 
glossary. A significant feature of the calendar is the frequency with 
which smallpox, cholera, etc., are referred to. The tale of rites and 
ceremonies performed, too, occupies sometimes the entire record. 
The hints as to the existence of somewhat similar "calendars " among 
other tribes should be pursued, for all such material, however meager 
it may be, has a profound psychological interest. 

Mr Cosmos Mindeleff's study of " Navaho Houses," illustrated 
with 9 plates and 15 figures in the text, treats of hogans of the 
Navaho Indians chiefly as they were, much of the material upon which 
it is based having been obtained " some ten years ago, when the recent 
changes, which have taken place in Navaho life, had only just begun." 
After some introductory remarks on the country and the people, the 
following topics are considered : Legendary and actual winter hogans, 
summer shelters, sweat-houses, effect of modern conditions, ceremonies 
of dedication (with texts of certain songs), the hogan of the Yebitcai 
dance. The article concludes with an explanatory vocabulary of 
hogan nomenclature. Like the Seri, the Navaho do not build their 
houses at springs, a practice which, the author suggests, is "perhaps 
a survival of the habit which prevailed when the people were a hunting 
tribe and kept away from the water-holes in order not to disturb the 
game which frequented them." The houses are built in such out-of- 
the-way places also as to give one the impression that the country 
is practically uninhabited. According to Mr Mindeleff, "it is an 
exceptional Navaho who knows the country well sixty miles from his 
birthplace, or the place where he may be living, usually the same 
thing." The taboo of death-places has had much to do with the 
temporary character of Navaho dwellings. This difficulty has been 
somewhat overcome by the practice of carrying the sick out to die | 
in the open air. j 

In Navaho mythology there are many legends of wonderful houses, j 
and early mention of house-building occurs in the creation myths. 1 
Their recent resort to agriculture, destructive of former pastoral life, is j 
inimical to the old house-building ideas, and has resulted in an in- i 
creased permanency of dwellings, — some attempts even having been 
made to imitate the houses of the whites. 

Of the rites connected with house-building we learn that " in the ' 
Navaho system nothing of a ceremonial nature is introduced until the . 
conclusion of the manual labor," a matter in which these Indians differ \ 



from their Pueblo neighbors. In case of grave fears of malign in- 
fluence against the occupants of the new-built house, the dance of the 
Ycbitcai, a very elaborate ceremony (for which a special hogan is con- 
structed), is performed. 

Dr Fewkes' memoir, illustrated with 85 plates and 113 figures, is an 
exhaustive discussion of results, a preliminary account of which has ap- 
peared in the Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1S95. Pages 
529-576 are devoted to the ruins in Verde valley, the remainder of the 
paper dealing with ruins in Tusayan (Middle mesa. East mesa, Jeditoh 
valley, Awatobi, Sikyatki) and the objects there discovered, especially 
pottery (pp. 650-778), its decoration, symbolism, etc. Of the pueblos, 
cHff-houses, and cavate dwelUngs, Ur Fewkes tells us "all these kinds 
of dwellings were made by people of the same culture, the character of 
the habitation depending on geological environment." Hence he holds 
that " the so-called cliff-dwellers were not a distinct people, but a spe- 
cially adaptive condition of life of a race whose place of habitation was 
determined by its environment," — a people who "sometimes built 
dwellings in caverns and sometimes in the plains, often in both places 
at the same epoch." 

The Verde village sites, Dr Fewkes (in agreement with Mr Cosmos 
Mindeleff) thinks, " represent a comparatively late period of pueblo 
architecture," — they are probably not more than two centuries old. 
The pictograph described on page 545 suggests comparison with Peru- 
vian rock-sculptures. At Palatki and Honanki, "the majority of the 
paleoglyphs are of Apache origin, and of comparatively modern date." 
According to Dr Fewkes, the rectangular form (and not the round, as 
Nordenskiold thinks) of the kiva, or religious room of the people of 
Tusayan is the original one, the round kiva being of foreign origin. 
The three pueblos of Sikyatki, Awatobi, and Walpi, " will show the con- 
dition of Pueblo culture in three centuries, — in Sikyatki, pure, unmodi- 
fied Pueblo culture ; in Awatobi, Pueblo life as slightly modified by the 
Spaniards ; and in Walpi, those changes resulting from the advent of 
Americans superadded." The inhabitants of the older ruins of Tusayan 

must have been as far removed from rude Shoshonean nomads as 
their descendants are today." Dr Fewkes is also of opinion that, 

while, as a whole, we can hardly regard the modern Hopi as a degen- 
erate people, with a more cultured ancestry, certainly the entire Pueblo 
culture in the Southwest, judged by the character of their pottery man- 
ufacture, has greatly deteriorated since the middle of the sixteenth 

^^ ith respect to mythology and ritual he observes, "from Taos to 

358 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 3, 1901 

Tusayan there is no pueblo which does not [today] show modifications 
due to European contact." The detailed discussion of the figures on 
Pueblo pottery and their relations to mythology and folklore are valu- 
able and suggestive. The sequence of evolution in designs, according 
to Dr Fewkes, is geometrical figures, birds, other animals, human be- 
ings. The rarity of human figures on the pottery from the oldest ruins 
"would appear to indicate that decorations of this kind were a late 
development." Alexander F. Chamberlain. 

Eighteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the 
Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, i8g6-gy. By J. VV. Pow- 
ell, Director. In Ttvo Parts — Part I. Washington: Govern- 
ment Printing Office, 1899 [1901]. Pp. Ivii, 1-518. With pis. 
i-CLxxiv, and figs. 1-165. 

Outside of the usual report, summary, etc., of the Director, this vol- 
ume is entirely taken up with Mr E. W. Nelson's exhaustive account of 
"The Eskimo about Bering Strait" (pp. 1-5 18). Among the topics 
treated of are : Habitat and people, clothing, personal adornment, 
utensils and implements, implements used in arts and manufacture, 
hunting and fishing, art and manufactures, travel and transportation, 
trade and trading voyages, units of value and measurement, villages 
and houses, ruins, food, tobacco and smoking, house-life and social 
customs, morals, disease, mortuary customs, totems and family marks, 
wars, games and toys, music and the dance, feasts and festivals, masks 
and other ceremonial objects, religion and mythology, folktales. 

The author's investigations were made during the years 1 877-1 881, 
when he collected some 10,000 specimens for the U. S. National Mu- 
seum. Dating from a period before the Alaskan Eskimo were so 
greatly affected by contact with American whalers, traders, mission- 
aries, etc., the observations of Mr Nelson may be said to reveal to us a 
very primitive and representative section of the Eskimo stock. 

The first half of the paper consists of descriptions of specimens. 
The section (pp. 232-241) on measurement and chronometry is very 
interesting, especially from a psychological point of view. As to inter- 
racial influence it is noted that on the Yukon and Kuskokwim rivers 
the Eskimo have borrowed very little from their Tinne neighbors, 
while the latter have derived a good deal from the former. On Kowak 
river the case is reversed. Another interesting point is the stimulus 
given to Eskimo art by the introduction of tobacco from Siberia (snuff- 
boxes, tubes, ash-boxes, quid-boxes, pipes, tobacco-bags, etc., abound). 



The mortuary customs and images of these Eskimo suggest Tinne in- 
fluence or the reverse. 

More important, perhaps, is the claim of the author to have discov- 
ered "the existence among them of gentes and totemic signs," but on 
this point more evidence is needed, for some of the " totemic signs " 
may be nothing more than property marks. As a result of white con- 
tact, the Eskimo near some of the trading stations " are passionately 
fond of poker." Another effect of the coming of the whites has been 
to make less common the old friendly contests in trials of strength, 
wrestling, etc. Of the toys figured, the mechanical doll and mouse de- 
serve notice. The ;/////-songs of the Alaskan Eskimo seem also to have 
dwindled as a result of white contact. Of the festivals, the great feast 
to the dead, which takes five days, is the most remarkable, — next the 
six days' bladder festival. The masks and other ceremonial objects of 
these Eskimo suggest in several points foreign influence, or it may be 
that they retain the simplicity from which some of the Indian tribes of 
the extreme Northwest have elaborated, after borrowing, their more 
complex forms. In matters of religion, the influence of the whites 
upon these Eskimo has been very small, — increased secretiveness being 
about the only tangible result. The "mythic monsters" of the Eskimo 
invite further study, — Dakotan analogues are suggested here and there. 
The folktales, which occupy pages 451-518, are of considerable inter- 
est. Among the topics to which they relate are : Creation, raven's tak- 
ing a wife, raven, whale and mink, red bear, giant, the one who finds 
nothing (of this tale the Eskimo text, with interlinear translation and 
free English translation are given), the lone woman, the circling of 
cranes, the dwarf people, the sun and the moon, origin of land and 
people, the bringing of the light by the raven, the last of the thunder- 
birds, the land of the dead, the strange boy, origin of the Yugiyhik' 
festival, origin of winds, the strong man, the owl girl, the story of 
Ak'chikchu'guk, the discontented grass plant, the fire-ball, the land of 
darkness, the raven and the marmot, the shaman in the moon, the man- 
worm, migration legend, origin of the people at Diomede island and 
East cape, Siberia Several of these folktales offer rather close rap- 
prochements with the Tlinkit of southeastern Alaska. From St Michael 
a flood legend is recorded. With Rink's Greenland investigations. 
Boas' studies of the Central Eskimo, Turner's account of the Eskimo 
of the Ungava district, Murdoch's report on the Point Barrow Eskimo, 
and Nelson's present paper, the amount of useful and reliable data 
concerning this northernmost of human races may be said to be assum- 
ing welcome proportions. Alexander F. Chamberlain. 

360 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

Apuntes para una Bibliografia Antropologica de Mexico {Soniatoloi^ia). 
Por el Dr Nicolas Leon. Museo Nacional de Mexico. Seccion 
Antropologia y Etnografia. Mexico : Imprenta del INIuseo Na- 
cional, 1901. 18 pp. 

In the brief introduction to this useful bibliography of the physical 
anthropology of Mexico, Dr Leon, who is in charge of the Anthropo- 
logical and Ethnographical Section of the National Museum, laments 
the fewness of those Mexicans devoting themselves to somatological in- 
vestigations. The library of the Museum has few books on the subject, 
and of the public libraries the same may be said. Nor does there ap- 
pear to exist either in private establishments or educational institutions 
a complete collection of anthropometric instruments. This first attempt 
at a somatological bibliography contains 167 entries, but does not claim 
to be absolutely complete or exhaustive. The omissions and some 
misprints in the English and German names will doubtless be attended 
to in an enlarged and improved edition. 

Alexander F. Chamberlain. 

The Fundamental Principles of Old and New World Civilizatiofis, A 
Comparative Research Based on a Study of the Ancient Mexican 
Religious, Sociological, and Calendrical Systems. By Zelia Nut- 
tall, Honorary Special Assistant of the Peabody Museum, Cam- 
bridge, Mass. (Archeological and Ethnological Papers of the 
Peabody Museum, Harvard University, Vol. 11.) 8°, 601 pp., 7 
pis., 73 figs. 
The author of this volume explains in the preface how she came to 
be led beyond her special field of research into a comparative study of 
the early civilizations of the Old World ; how she traced the swastika, 
in Mexico, to an old astronomical source, and, in all countries alike, 
found its use as a sacred symbol accompanied by evidences of a 
certain phase of culture, based on pole-star worship and the recognition 
of the fixed laws of nature which found expression in the ideal of 
celestial kingdoms or states organized on a set numerical plan and 
regulated by the apparent revolutions of circumpolar constellations. 
Her researches seem to justify her conclusions ; but she declares that 
she does not advance any theory. She invites further study and 
discussion before drawing final conclusions. 

This publication reopens the question of pre-Columbian visits from 
the Old World to the New, and declares that the resemblances or 
identities between them are too many and too close to be considered 
mere accidents or the result of independent intellectual development. 


The volume treats exhaustively of the prehistoric cultures : Ameri- 
can, 284 pages ; Asiatic, 82 ; Egyptian, 77 ; European, 30, and cul- 
tures in general, 75 pages. The author says she entered upon this 
work without intention to do more than to write a brief monograph 
on the swastika ; this she completed in 41 pages, but by that time 
she became so interested in the subject and it had so widened and 
deepened as to demand her continuance of the work, and its enlarge- 
ment into the present volume of 601 pages. It was a source of regret 
to the author, not having intended so large or extensive a volume, that 
the material for the monograph on the swastika (41 pages) was set 
up and printed; for before this she had changed her purpose and in- 
creased the volume to its present size, and was thus left without oppor- 
tunity to revise the early part. 

The author declares her belief that her prolonged study of Mexican 
archeology has demonstrated that the swastika and the symbols of the 
cross are accompanied by vestiges of cosmic conceptions and schemes 
of organization which can be traced to an original pole-star worship. 
She believes the role of the Phenicians, as intermediaries of ancient 
civilization, was greater than has been supposed, and that future 
research will show that America was colonized by Mediterranean sea- 
farers. As the study progressed, she found in her subject an unsus- 
pected wealth, and finally struck the key-note of the law governing the 
evolution of religion and civilization. 

A volume on new, or at least comparatively unknown, subjects, 
written, as we are informed this one was, a piece at a time — which when 
completed was sent to the publishers and stereotyped, not to be there- 
after changed, — cannot be so smooth and connected as where the 
author has had the opportunity to rewrite and make corrections ; al- 
though this volume shows less necessity therefor and, consequently, 
greater adaptability of the author and knowledge of her subject. This 
condition of authorship makes itself manifest in another direction 
which is a drawback to the efficiency of the volume and the under- 
standing of its subject by the reader, for it is without subdivision of 
! book, chapter, or verse. It has no table of contents and contains no 
I notice of any proposition to be presented in the text. This failure of 
■ the book to prepare the mind of the reader for the positions sought to 
be maintained, is a serious blemish and a great inconvenience which 
' could have been avoided by the editor without additional space and 
with but little labor. 

The book has a deeper significance than is apparent at first glance. 
It deals with the fundamental principles of civilizations and applies 

362 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 3, 1901 

itself to all civilizations, old as well as new, throughout the world. 
The sub-title declares it to be " A comparative research based on a 
study of the ancient Mexican religious, sociological, and calendrical 
systems," and the subject-matter is sufficiently comprehensive to justify 
the title. 

The volume opens with the following significant declaration : 

One evening in February, 1898, I left my desk, and stepping to the 
window, looked out at Polaris and the circumpolar region of the sky, 
with a newly awakened and eager interest. 

This would indicate a new light, or at least a new illumination, of the 
mind of the author. She had been studying the calendar, religion, and 
cosmogony of the ancient Mexicans ; the Aztec deities had seemed to 
her numberless, but as she studied them, making each time a more 
minute analysis, she found their number divided in a remarkable way. 
The primary conclusion announced is that the Mexicans painted one 
and the same god under a different aspect, " with different colors " ac- 
cording to the various names they gave him in each instance, and she 
instances this duplication (jx 8) — an illustration of the profundity of the 
study and learning of the author as shown throughout the work — by 
stating that the most mysterious figure of Mexican cosmography, 
Tezcatlipoca, whose symbolical name means "Shining Mirror," proved 
to be identical with .\fictlantecuhtli, Lord of the Underworld, whose 
title means also the " Ruler or Regent of the North," since Mictlampa 
is the name of this cardinal point. 

After having worked, during thirteen years, without any precon- 
ceived ideas about the ancient Mexican civilization and without formu- 
lating any general conclusion concerning it, I saw all the knowledge I 
had slowly acquired fail into rank and file and organize itself into a 
simple and harmonious whole. Realizing this I perceived how, with 
the origin of the swastika, I had found the origin of the set of primeval 
ideas which had governed the human race from its infancy and which, 
in Mexican and Central American civilizations, ultimately developed 
into their ingenious system of government and social organization. 
(Page 15.) 

As author of the work on The Sivastika ' it is gratifying to the re- 
viewer to note the summary formulated by Mrs Nuttall (p. 544) : 

In the preceding pages the view is advanced that the ancient cross- j 

' The Swastika. The Earliest Known Symbol, and its Mii^rations; 'with Observa- 
tions on the JlTigration of Certain Industries in Prehistoric Times. By Tliomas 1 
Wilson, Washington, 1896. 


symbol or swastika was first used by man, presumably in circumpolar 
regions, as a record of the opposite positions assumed, by circumpolar 
constellations, in performing their nocturnal and annual circuit around 
Polaris. Employed as a year sign in the first case, the cross or swastika 
later became the symbol of the Four Quarters, of quadruplicate division 
and of a stable central power whose rule extended in four directions 
and controlled the entire Heaven. 

The author proceeds with her summary and conclusion: 

At some remote period of antiquity man developed the idea of social 
organization and, in India, ancient Egyi)t and Babylonia-Assyria, actual 
proofs exist that the earliest cities and states were divided into four quar- 
ters, a division involving the distribution of the population into four 
tribes under a central chief. Wherever this division was carried out, it 
represented an attempt to harmonize human society and the establish- 
ment of the ideal of a religious democracy, founded on ])rinciples of law, 
order, justice, peace and good will. The pyramid, a primitive form of 
which consisted of four stories, and cruciform sacred structures, may 
be regarded as monuments commemorating a cosmical and territorial 
organization into four i)arts. The more extended conception of seven 
directions in space, consisting of the Above and Below, or Heaven and 
Earth, the Four Quarters and the Sacred Middle, the synopsis of all, 
was also evolved. In the confederations of India and Iran, and Arabia, 
in the seven-storied towers of Babylonia, and in the division of the 
Egyptians into seven classes, we find the earliest traces of a practical 
application of this numerical division. 

The ancient historical records of Egypt and Greece reveal that, in 
the earliest politics, the population was divided into grouj^s consisting 
of a fixed number of individuals, officially represented by chieftains, or 
officers of the state, and that, in consequence, a state formed a unit, 
constituted according to a mathematical scheme, which was also applied 
to the regulation of time. Each officer of the state held office for 
a fixed term, in a prescribed order of rotation. The year was divided 
into a fixed number of seasons, marked by the positions of a circum- 
polar constellation, and this therefore appeared to regulate not only the 
cycle of lime but the governmental rotation of ofifice and the entire 
activity of the community. Starting from a common basis of quadrup- 
licate division in different countries, a great variety of constitutions of 
state was independently invented by statesmen and philosophers, who 
devised cycles produced by different combinations of numbers and 
signs, the object being to regulate time and communal life in imitation 
of the law, order and harmony existing in the motion of the stars and 
under the guidance of a supreme ruler, the earthly representation 
of Polaris. 

The origin of these ideas and governmental scheme, in the Old 
World, is assigned by competent authorities to a northern race which 
had discovered the art of fire-making and evolved a religious cult and 
ritual suggested by it, in association with pole-star worship. Their 

364 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3. 1901 

civilization is sui)i)o.sed to have been developed by contact with a 
southern race, in Phrygia, and to have been carried at a remote period 
by their seafaring descendants to India, Asia Minor, Egypt and beyond 
the ])illars of Hercules, to European countries, situated on the Atlantic, 
'rhe present investigation brings into prominence the fact that, just 
as the older Andean art closely resembles that of the early Mediterra- 
nean, . . . so the fundamental principles, numerical scheme and plan 
of the state founded by the foreign Incas in Peru, resembled those 
formulated by Plato in his description of an ideal state. 

The author lays stress on the fact that while there is a marked dif- 
ference between the Chinese and the Mexican and Peruvian divisions 
of the elements and numerical cycles, the American systems exactly 
agree vvith those propounded by Greek philosophers and said to have 
reached them from more ancient centers of culture, presumably through 
the Phenicians. On the other hand, she declares that there undoubt- 
edly exist remarkable analogies between the Chinese and Hindu and 
Mexican sociological, chronological, cyclical systems, their principles 
being precisely the same. The close analogies as well as the marked 
divergences can only be satisfactorily accounted for by the assumption 
that each of these countries derived its civilization from the same 

Different writers have pointed out undeniable analogies and re- 
semblances between the highest forms of American civilization and 
that of China, India, Asia Minor, the Mediterranean, and western Euro- 
pean countries. At the same time modern research has shown that the 
seafarers, the Phenicians, acted as the intermediaries of ancient Old 
World civilization and formulated a culture which incorporated and 
formed a curious compound of elements drawn from different countries 
and people. . . . 

As far as she can see, the conditions surviving amongst the aborigines 
of America would be fully accounted for by the assumption that they 
received certain elements of culture and civilization from Mediterranean 
seafarers who, at widely separated critical periods of Old World his- 
tory, may have transported refugees and would-be colonists or founders 
of ideal republics and " divine polities " to different parts of the hidden 
or divine land of " the West," the existence of which was known by 
tradition to the Egyptian priesthood. 

Under such circumstances it is apparent to the author how the 
American continent could have become an isolated area of preserva- 
tion where archaic and primitive forms of civilization, religious cult, 
symbolism, and industries, drawn at different epochs from various and 
more or less important centers, or from the outposts of Old World cul- 


ture, would be handed down, transformed through the active and in- 
creasing influence of the native elements. 

There was one main element, however, underlying both foreign 
and native civilizations, which formed the basis of both, united and 
made them as one, namely, the recognition of fixed immutable laws 
governing the universe, attained, by both races, by long-continued 
observation of " Polaris " and the " Northern " constellations. 

The author concludes thus : 

To me the most precious result of the preceding investigation is the 
gradual recognition that the entire intellectual, moral and religious evo- 
lution of mankind has been the result of the fixed laws which govern 
the universe. From the time when our world began to revolve in space, 
at intervals, a luminous point of fixity in space has existed, and an un- 
known force, irresistible as that which controls the magnetic needle and 
gyrostat, appears to have raised the mind of man from ignorance and 
darkness and guided his footsteps towards a higher scale of existence 
and a more elevated conception of a supreme central power. 

Thus the book is filled, sometimes with speculations, elaborate and 
profound, but many, indeed most times, with theories wonderfully per- 
tinent and attractive ; with statements on every page challenging dis- 
cussion, if not belief ; and with suggestions that indicate, if they do not 
demonstrate, not only the intellectuality and power of the writer, as 
well as her vast reservoir of knowledge concerning the history of man- 
kind, but her profound study of man in prehistoric times and her 
elucidation of the systems of philosophy by which he has grown from 
the infant that he was in the beginning of time, to the giant that he 
became in modern times when in the full enjoyment of his strength. 

It is difficult to keep this review within reasonable bounds ; nearly 
every page of the work contains strange and startling propositions of 
fact or argument which must either be stated at length or let alone 
altogether with the recommendation to the reader that he get the book 
and read it for himself. Thomas Wilson. 


Conducted by Dr Alexander F. Chamberlain 


Azoulay (L.) L'ere nouvelle des sons et 
ties bruits. (Bull, et Mem. Soc. d'An- 
throp. de Paris, 1900, 5^ ser., i, 172- 
178.) The author sketches the role of 
the phonograph in years to come, 
especially as an adjunct to anthropology. 
Phonographic museums can be estab- 
lished, where linguistic and folklore 
material can be treasured up for care- 
ful study. One of the most interesting 
uses of the phonograph will be to record 
the development of language in the 
child and its regression in the aged. 
We have had an age of visual enlarge- 
ment through photography, we are now 
to have one of auditory extension 
through the phonograph and kindred 

Sur la constitution d'un musee pho- 

nographique. (Ibid., 222-226.) Out- 
lines a plan for the foundation of a 
phonographic museum at Paris to con- 
tain phonograms of the diverse lan- 
guages and dialects of the world. 

Bardeen (C. R.) and Elting (A. \V.) A 
stati-tical study of the variations in the 
formation and position of the lumbo- 
sacral jjile.xus in man. (Anat. .\nz., 
Jena, 1901, xi.\, 124-135, 209-23S.) 
A careful and detailed account of in- 
vestigations carried on in the Anatomi- 
cal Laboratory of Johns Hopkins Uni- 
versity, Baltimore. Race, sex, age, 
side of body, etc., are considered, but 
no distinct influence of these upon the 
numlier of spinal nerves contributing to 
the nerves ol the leg was detected. Man 
utilizes more spinal nerves than other 
mammals. The bodies examined were 
those of negroes and whites, the plexuses 
tabulated being 24C. 

Bawden (H. H.) A bibliography of the 
literature on the organ and sense of 
smell. (Journ. Comp. Neurol., Gran- 

ville, O., igoi, XI, i-xl.) Contains 885 
titles of books, articles, etc., many of 
them anthropological. 

Bloch (A.) Pf)urquoi les anthropoides 
ne sont-ils pas marcheurs bi pedes? 
(Bull, et Mem. Soc. d'Anthrop. de 
Paris, igoo, 5"= ser., i, 233-240.) Col- 
lates opinions, ancient and modern, as 
to why the anthropoids do not walk in 
bipedal fashion. The flexed limbs of 
these animals are the obstacle. If they 
walk, they must walk in al>out the pos- 
ture of a rope-dancer. This knee-Aex- 
ion is perhaps a necessary factor of 
equilibrium, for when a gibbon, or a 
gorilla, hangs from a trapeze, its legs 
are much straighter than when standing. 

Boas (F.) The mind of i^rimitive man. 
(journ. .Amer. Kolk-Lore, Boston, 1901, 
XIV, i-ii.) Address of retiring Presi- 
dent of American Folk-Lore Society. 
See American Anthropologist, igoi. III, 
p. 175. 

Chamberlain (A. F.) Robert Grant 
Haliburton, 1831-1901. (Journ. Amer. 
Folk-Lore. Boston, igoi, xiv, 62-64.) 
Brief biographical sketch with bibliog- 
raphy of anthropological publications. 

Coelho(T.) Osenhorsele. (A TradicJo, 
Serpa, 1901. 111,34-35.) Continuation 
of article from previous number on the 
number seven in folk-lore. 

Del Greco (F.) La psicopatologia nel 
complesso delle altre indagini psicolo- 
giche. (Riv. di Biol, gen., Torino, 
1901, III, 80-101.) A general state- 
ment of the phenomena of psychopath- 
ology and the problems to be investi- 
gated. Constitution, temperament, 
mind, and ciiaracter are the four funda- 
mental constituents of human individu- 
ality, and the alterations of these form 
the subjects of psycho-pathological in- 




Dexter (E. G ) Suicide and the weather. 
(Fop. Sci. Mo., N. Y., igoi, lviji, 
604-615.) Discusses suicide with re- 
lation to monthly distribution, cloudi- 
ness, precipitation, temperature, barom- 
eter, humidity, wind. According to 
the author, •' suicide is excessive in the 
later spring months, and upon clear, dry 
days,"i. e., during weather usually con- 
sidered exhilarating and delightful. To 
explain this, appeal is made to the 
hypothesis of '• contrast." The statistics 
relate to Denver and New York. 

Durst (J. U.) Notes surquelouesbovides 
prehistoriques. (Anthropologie, Paris, 
1900, XI, 655-676.) Continuation of a 
well-illustrated discussion of the 
Bovidce of the prehistoric world, with 
numerous references to the literature of 
the topics treated. The " pure type " 
of the Bos brachyct-ros is found in .Swiss 
lake-dwellings of the stone age (ca. 
2000 B. C). and was. the author thinks, 
imported into Europe by "an Asiatic 
people." The Bos macroceros is almost 
as old as the species first mentioned, of 
African-Asiatic origin. The Bos 

aceratos seems to have been known in 
ancient Egypt and in Switzerland in 
the age of lake-dwellings. These three 
ancient and widespread species are evi- 
dently descended from one ancestor. 

Edinger(L.) Brain anatomy and psy- 
chology. (Monist, Chicago, igoi, .\i, 
339-360.) General discussion. Author 
argues that "a continued study of the 
psychic behavior of animals with sim- 
ple actions, and of simple brain con- 
•struction, will lead to results which 
will facilitate the problems of human 

Ellwood (C. A.) The theory of imita- 
tion in social psychology. (Amer. 
Journ. Sociol., Chicago, 1901, vi, 721- 
74I-) A critical review of the recent 
literature of the subject, Tarde and 
Baldwin especially. The author ob- 
jects to the theory in question that "it 
makes the social process something 
apart from the life-process," while the 
true standpoint of social psychology 
must be " one of function— that of a 
developing life-process." The funda- 
mental fact of all socio-psychological 
phenomena is "the 'interdependence 
of function,' which begins in the bio- 
logical and ends in the^ethical stage of 
human development." 

Elting (A. W.) 6-^,' Bardeen. 

Engelmann (G. J.) The American girl of 
to-day. (Amer. Phys. Ed. Rev., Boston, 
igoi, VI, 28-66.) .\ discussion of " the 
status of functional health as determined 
by modern methods of training, by oc- 
cupations, mental and physical," I'lhis- 
trated with charts and tables. A 
bibliography of 60 titles is appended. 

d'Enjoy (P.) Le serment a travers les 
ages et les peuples. (Rev. Scientif., 
Paris, rgoi, 4^ gerie, XV, 369-371.) 
Brief historical sketch of the oath 
(Roman, Oriental, Christian). Accord- 
ing to the author, " the fear of punish- 
rnent has been, is. and will be, at all 
times and among all peoples, the guar- 
antee of testimony." 

Ferrero (G.) The evolution of luxury. 
(Internat. Journ. of Ethics, Phila., igoi, 
XI, 346-354.) Outline of the develop- 
ment of the superfluous, or luxury, 
without which man would not differ 
from the animal. The author recog- 
nizes two large, mutually exclusive cate- 
gories of luxury, the barbaric-esthetic 
and the civilized-utilitarian, the first 
aiming more at producing pleasure, the 
latter at avoiding pain. Luxury evolves 
contrariwise to religion, morality, art, 
etc., becoming more and more material- 
ized with progress, and "growing more 
and more the humble servant of the 
body, bending itself to pandering to 
man's lowest needs and almost re- 
linquishing any idea of satisfying the 
pleasures of his soul." 

Fishberg(M.) The comparative path- 
ology of the jews. (N. Y. .Med. fourn., 
iqoi, Lxni, 537-543, 576-5S2.) A 
general resume, with statistics and 
bibliographical references. Dr Fish- 
berg holds that the peculiarities of the 
comparative pathology of the Jews " are 
not due to any ethnic, ' biostatic.' or 
racial characteristics of a purely ana- 
tomical or physiological nature in rela- 
tion to non-Jews," but have their origin 
"in the past history of the Jews, in 
their habits of life, and in the fact that 
syphilis and alcoholism have but rarely 
been seen among them." Mingling 
with Christians, and adopting their cus- 
toms and habits of life, the Jew " sooner 
or later loses his ' racial characteristics ' 
and his comparative pathology presents 
no special peculiarities." Much is ac- 
counted for by the fact that the Jew is 
essentially an urban resident. 



[n. s., 3, 1901 

Forel (A.) Terminologie und Welt- 
sprache. (Ztschr. f. Hypnot., Leipzig, 
1900-01, X, 248-252.) Discusses the 
need and character of a world-language. 
Such linguistic grave-diggers as the old 
French Academy must not be called 
upon to initiate it, — an academy of 
caoutchouc is needed. The proposition 
to use Latin or Greek as an international 
tongue Dr Forel considers a vain delu- 
sion, for language is made for man, not 
man for language, — and there must be 
no backward step in evolution. The 
" Chinese" character of the vocabulary 
of Volapiik, the unphonetic spelling of 
English, the gender absurdities of 
French and German (here English 
shows togreat advantage), are not to be 
imitated. One of the best attempts 
hitherto at an international language, 
according to Dr Forel, is that of Dr 
Julius Lott, of Vienna. 

Ganter (R.) Ueber das Tatowiren- 
nach Untersuchungen bei Geistes, 
kranken. (Allg. Ztschr. f. Psychiatric, 
Berlin, igoi, LViii, 79-114.) De- 
tailed account and discussion of 24 cases 
(10 %) of tattooing found among 240 
psychopaths belonging to the laboring 
classes, with references to the literature 
of the subject. The author's conclu- 
sion is that tattooing is a " matter of 
fashion," and not per se characteristic 
of the degenerate, the psychopath, or 
the sane and sound. Dr Ganter em- 
phasizes the disagreement of statistics 
as to the prevalence of tattooing. 

Greene (D.) The preponderance of male 
stammerers over females. (N. Y. Med. 
Journ., 1901, LX.xiii, 635-636.) Au- 
thor attributes this preponderance to 
the fact that deficient inspiration is a 
very frequent cause of stammering in 
males, but a rare one in females. The 
proportion of stammering caused by 
mismanagement of the voice is much 
greater among females, and more 

Guerri (V.) Processi basilari dell' occipi- 
tale. (Anat. Anz., Jena, I901, xix, 
42-44.) Brief account of the basilar 
processes in the cranium of a new-born 
male infant. The condition of the pro- 
cesses supports Livini against Fried- 

Guibert {Dr) et Lhuissier (D)-) Evolu- 
tion mentale et microccphalie. (Bull, 
et Mem. Soc. d'Anthrop. de Paris, 1900, 
5' ser., I, 182-190.) General account 

of a microcephalic idiot woman, with 
details of brain description, morphol- 
ogy, etc., and discussion of relation 
between state and form of brain and 
mental aptitude. The subject in ques- 
tion, aged 30 years at her death, may be 
said to have had " the intelligence of a 
child not yet out of first cliildhood." 
There was atrojjhy of the frontal and 
a large development of the parietal 

Jevons (F. B.) The science of religion : 
its history and method. (Internat. 
Monthly, Burlington, Vt., 1901, III, 
464-494, 550-569.) General discussion 
of theories, etc., since 1873. Author 
holds that religion is to be defined by 
its ideal and not by its accomplishment. 

Johnson (G. E.) The condition of the 
teeth of children in public schools. 
(Pedag. Sem., Worcester, Mass., 1901, 
VIII. 45-5S.) A general discussion of 
the subject, with reference to American 
and European statistics. 

Jordan (D. S.) The blood of the nation. 
A study of the decay of races through 
the survival of the unfit. (Pop. Sci. 
Monthly, N. Y., 1901, Lix, 90-100.) 
The first part " In Peace," of a rather 
popular essay. "Blood" is taken to 
cover '' the qualities of heredity." The 
author takes the view that " the evolu- 
tion of a race is selective only, never 
collective," — an opinion directly op- 
posed, it may be noted here, to that 
recently set forth by Professor Karl 
Pearson, — and " where decadence ex- 
ists, the noble sires have perished 
either through evil influences, as in the 
slums of great cities, or else through 
the movements of history, or the 
growth of institutions." France serves 
as the " fearful example." Various 
instances of selection of the unfit are 

Kohlbriigge (J. H. F.) Stadt und 
Land, (lenealogie und Anthropologie. 
(Centralbl. f. Anthrop.. Ethnol. u. 
Urgesch., Jena, 1901, vi, i-io.) A 
protest against the exaggerated form 
of the doctrine of the deteriorative in- 
fluence of town as compared with coun- 
try life. Dr Kohlbriigge holds that 
many of the "unfavorable influences! 
of town life " emphasized by Ammonj 
and others, may be only phenomena ofi 
acclimatization or accommodation.! 
which, later on, are compensated for 1>). 



Kohlbrugge — Con tinned. 

other factors. Ammon's deductions 
from genealogy, the author thinks, are 
unjustifiable, the real conditions in 
both country and town having been 
misunderstood. When townspeople 
visit the country, it is the change of 
climate and not the country air that 
benefits, for if the townspeople settle in 
the country they are no longer free 
from cares and disease any more than 
are their fellows in the towns. 

Lasch (R.) Besitzen die Xaturvolker 
ein personliches Ehrgefiihl. Ein Bei- 
trag zur Ethik der Naturvolker. 
(Ztschr. f. Sozialwissensch., Berlin, 
IQOO, III, S37 ff.) The author agrees 
with Vierkwndt, that if by "a feeling 
of personal honor " the virtue of self- 
respect is meant, it can hardly be con- 
ceded to exist among primitive peoples. 
If, however, by it is meant that which 
impels the individual to think and act 
in such wise as to retain the respect of 
his fellow-men, a concept of honor 
(evidenced particularly by reasons for 
suicide) does exist to a certain extent 
among the lower races of man, though 
by no means such a social virtue as it is 
with civilized peoples. 

Lee (Alice). See Pearson. 

Leggiardi-Laura (C.) I)i un solco 
trasverso del lobo parietale, costante- 
mente rappresentato neir uomo. (Riv. 
di Biol, gen., Torino, 1901, ill, log- 
ics). Note concerning a sulcus situ- 
ated on the external face of the cerebral 
hemisphere, immediately behind and 
(when well marked) parallel to the 
postrolandic fissure. This sulcus is 
constant in man (has been seen in a 
foetus of 6 months), is present, but not 
constantly, in the anthropoids, and is 
lacking in the lower monkeys. 

Lhuissier [Dr). See Guibert. 

Macdonald (A.) The study of man. 
J (Amer. Journ. Socio!., Chicago, igor, 
VI, 83Q-S46.) An appeal for "the 
most neglected of all studies." Meth- 
ods of investigation are briefly noted 
and the opinion expressed that children 
(criminal and abnormal especially) 
should be studied first. Some two 
dozen conclusions (anthropological and 
psychophysical) from recent investiga- 
tions in various parts of the globe are 
given, with the wise reservation that 

AM. .\NTH. N.S.. 3—24. 

they are " to be taken in a generai sense 
only," i. e., "are true in wos( of the 
cases investigated." 

Matthews (W.) I, 'etude de I'ethique 
chez les races inferieures. (Humanite 
Nouvelle, Paris, 1901, v, 140-14S.) A 
translation, by Henriette Rynenbroeck, 
of Dr Matthews' article in the Journal 
of American Folk-Lore, Xli, i-g. 

Meray (C.) Sur les services que pent 
rendre aux sciences la langue auxili- 
aire Internationale de M. de Zamen- 
hof, connue sous le nom d' Esperanto. 
(C. R. de I'Acad. des Sciences, Paris, 
igoi, cxxxii, 874-878.) An exposition 
of the good qualities of the so-called 
Esperanto language, whose adepts now 
number some 40,000, jiriiicipally in 
Russia, Sweden, France, etc. This in- 
ternational language contains only 16 
grammatical rules and 17 terminations, 
and one can learn to read, if not to 
write it, in a few hours. 

Papillault (G.) Essai sur les modifica- 
tions fonctionelles du squelette. (Rev. 
de I'Ecole d'Anthrop. de Paris, 1901, 
XI, 65-86.) Treats, with 4 figures in 
the text, of the causes of growth of 
parts of the bony skeleton, the varia- 
tions in the apophyses, the actions and 
reactions of the osseous matter of the 
human body, the aufo-regulatton exist- 
ing between bone and muscle, etc. 
The mandiljle of an adult Macnciis 
iniiits and the femur of a chimpanzee 
are taken as an examjile to illustrate 
the the>is in general. The author notes 
a sort of struggle between the muscular 
fiber and the periosteum, in which the 
former has to yield generally, but not 
equally everywhere. Also a tendency 
in certain muscles to become fibrous at 
their fixed ends. A rapid ossification 
results from immobility and functional 

Patten (A. W.) The archaeology of 
baptism. (Method. Rev.. N. Y., iqoi, 
n. s., XVII, 440-451.) Archeological 
(sculptures, paintings) and historical 
evidence as to the mode of baptism in 
the early Christian church. 

Pearson (K.) On some applications of 
the theory of chance to racial differ- 
entiation. From the work of W. R. 
Macdonell and Cicely D. Fawcett. 
(Philos. Mag., London, iqoi, 6th ser., 
I, 110-124.) Discusses the frequency- 
distribution of the indices of 1146 





Pearson — Continued. 

French skulls from the catacombs of 
Paris, 675 Keihengraber skulls from 
southern Germany, and 1 14 skulls of 
ancient Britons. Among the conclu- 
sions reached are : Sex differences in 
the cephalic index are '" not sufficiently 
marked to form a basis for the resolu- 
tion of unsexed material into its two 
components " ; man evolves largely by 
the survival of a race rather than 
mainly by the selection of special types 
within the race. 

Mathematical contributions to the 

theory of evolution, YIl. On the cor- 
relation of characters not quantitatively 
measurable. (Philos. Trans. Roy. 
Soc. i-ond., igoi, series A, cxcv, 1- 
47.) The anthropological sections of 
these memoirs treat of the chance that 
an exceptional man is born of an ex- 
ceptional father, inheritance of eye- 
color between maternal grandmother 
and granddaughter, inheritance of stat- 
ure between father and son, chance of 
an exceptional man being born of ex- 
ceptional parents, etc. According to 
Dr Pearson "exceptional fathers pro- 
duce exceptional sons at a rate three to 
six times as great as non-exceptional 
fathers," and it is only " because ex- 
ceptional fathers are themselves so rare 
that we must trust for the bulk of our 
distinguished men to the non-excep- 
tional class" (p. 38). Moreover, 
" pairs of exceptional parents produce 
exceptional sons at a rate more than 
ten times as great as pairs of non-excep- 
tional parents." This emphasizes the 
" overwhelming advantage of coming 
of a good stock " (p. 47). 

and Lee (Alicf). Mathematical 

contributions to the theory of evolution. 
VIII. On the inheritance of characters 
not capable of exact quantitative meas- 
urement. (Ibid., 79-150.) The major 
part of this ])aper is devoted to " eye- 
color inheritance in man." Among the 
conclusions reached by the authors are ; 
The mean eye-color of man is very sub- 
stanti.Tlly lighter than that of woman, 
the secular change taking place in eye- 
color is more marked and definite in 
man than in woman ; the maternal 
male relative is substantially lighter- 
eyed than the paternal ; males are more 
variable in eye-color, although females 
seem to spring from more variable 
stock ; the younger generation takes 

(as a whole) more after its male than 
Its female ascendants and collaterals, 
and is more highly correlated with an 
ascendant or collateral of the same 
than of the opposite sex. The secular 
change is " veiy possibly due to a cor- 
relation between eye-color and fertility 
in woman," — dark-eyed women appear 
to be more fertile than light-eyed 
(mothers being darker-eyed than wives), 
and a dark-eyed element in the popula- 
lation [of England], with a prepotent 
fertility, is replacing the blue-eyed ele- 
ment. As to assonative mating, the 
eye-color statistics corroborate its very 
real character in mankind, as the au- 
thor previously found for stature. The 
remarkable degree of likeness between 
husband and wife shows that " sexual 
selection is a real factor of evolution, 
and that we must follow Darwin rather 
than Wallace in this matter." An- 
other general fact is that " the conclu- 
sions arrived at for eye-color in man at 
no point conflict with those for coat- 
color in horses, and both in the main 
accord with the theory of exclusive in- 
heritance without reversion." 

Rivers(W. II. H.) Primitive color vision. 
(Pop. Sci. Monthly, N. Y., 1901, I.IX, 
44-58.) An admirable summary of our 
present knowledge, with data from 
author's personal observations, among 
the tribes of Torres straits and New 
Guinea, and from some Singhalese. 
Tamils, Eskimo, etc., examined by 
him. Dr Rivers' conclusion is that 
" whatever room for difference of opin- 
ion there may be on the question of the 
evolution of the color-sense, there can 
be no doubt that there has been an 
evolution of color language." The 
absence of a definite name for blue 
and brown seems to characterize many 
primitive languages and is often as 
marked a feature as possession of terms 
for red and shades of red. Dr Riv- 
ers suggests that the insensitiveness to 
blue and green on the part of so many 
tribes may be related to the pigmenta- 
tion of the retina, but other than physi- 
ological factors have also intervened, 
e g., lack of interest in the blue and 
green of nature, the existence of special 
names, avoiding reference to the color 
of objects, etc. The phenomena of j 
ci:ilor evolution in the child, the author | 
thinks, parallel those in the race. ) 
Comparing the data as to the color j 
sense of the Melanesians, etc., with] 



Rivers — Con /in iied. 

those in the Homeric poems, Dr 
Rivers says : " One mij^ht ahnost go 
so far as to say that Homer s terminol- 
ogy for color is in a stage of develop- 
ment which is on much the same level 
as that of Kiwai, and distinctly less 
developed than those of Murray Island 
and Mabuiag." He is also of the 
opinion that "the views of Gladstone 
and Geiger cannot be contemptuously 
dismissed as they were twenty vears 

Scripture (E. W.) On the nature of 
vowels. (Amer. Journ. of Sci.. New 
Haven, 1901, 4ih sen, xi, 302-309.) 
Gives an account, with reproduction of 
curves, of gramophone experiments on 
American speech. The author con- 
cludes that "the movement of the air 
in the mouth cavity is a free vibration 
and not a forced one," and that "the 
cord movements in the vowels are of the 
nature of explosive openings and not of 
the usual vibratory bjrm found in most 
musical instruments." This is inconsist- 
ent, apparently, with the theory of the 
vocal apparatus as a reed pipe. 

-— Speech curves. I. (Mod. Lang. 
■Notes, Baltimore, 1901, xvi, 142-15S ) 
An account, with tables and curves, of 
' how some of the facts contained in a 
speech-curve may be extracted out of 
It. Analysis of certain speech-curves. 

Sebert (H.) Sur I'utilite scientiHque 
d une langue auxiliaire Internationale. 
K^. R. de I'Acad. des Sciences, Paris 
1901, cxxxn, 869-874.) Treats of 
international language" in general 
ana ot tspei-nnto in particular,— to the 
latter, certain members of the Academy 
of Sciences, and of other sections of the 
Institute, have taken more or less kindly 
of late. ^ 

Simons (Sarah E.) Social assimilation. 
(Amer. Journ. Sociol., Chicago, iqoi 
yi, 79c^822.) This first article deals' 
m general fashion, with the principles 
and processes of social assimilation, 
'• e., assimilation as a social activity' 
consciously directed by the state (purl 
posive assimilation)," and treats there- 
lore not of spontaneous assimilation but 
only of societies that have produced a 
civilization. Though not going so far 

a„fh ™iP,T'" ^"^' Ratzenhofer, the 
author holds that "civilised societies in consequence of conquest." 

The process of a.ssimilation is held to be 
psychological rather than biological 
mere mixture of races not being able to 
produce it. .Some " laws " of assimila- 
tion are noted, and types indicated. 

Snell (M. M.) The liturgic languages 
and their uses. (Conserv. Rev. Wash 
ington, 1901, V, 105-13S.) De'alswith 
the church-use of Latin, Greek, Syrian 
Coptic, and their extent. 

Stuart-Glennie (J. S.) The law of his- 
torical intellectual development (In 
ternat. Monthly, Burlington, Vt., 1901, 
HI, 444-463.) Restatement of the 
"law" first enunciated by the author 
in 1S73 in his New Philosophv of His- 
tory. According to Mr Stuart-Glennie 
' the conflict of higher and lower races " 
was the "main cause of the origin of 
civilization, and determined also the 
origin of intellectual development." 

Swift (E. J.) .Some criminal tendencies 
of boyhood. (Pedag. Sem., Worcester, 
Mass., 1901, VIII, 65-91.) General dis- 
cussion of criminal aspects of adoles- 
cence. The author holds that in the 
individual race-instincts have a right to 
exist," and that " instead of antagoniz- 
ing them we should use them in devel- 
oping the child." 

Thomas (W. J.) The gaming instinct. 
(Amer. Journ. .Sociol , Chicago, 1901 
yi. 750-763.) Taking the view that 
"there has been comparatively little 
change in human structure or human 
interest in historical times," and that 
human instincts are congenital and in- 
stinctive activities pleasurable, while 
individually acquired habits are irk- 
some, the author looks on the gambler 
as representing a of men "not 
weaned from their instincts." Gam- 
bling is "a means of keeping up the 
conflict interest and of securing all the 
pleasure-pain sensations of conflict ac- 
tivity with little effort and no drudg- 
ery." The gambling instinct is born 
in all normal persons. The social evo- 
lution of the " conflict interest " and its 
role among primitive peoples are con- 

Virchow (fl.) Ueber das Skelet eines 
wohlgebildeten Fusses. (Arch. f. Phy- 
siol., Leipzig. 1901, Verb. d. Berl 
physiol. Ges., 174-183.) Discusses 
with some detail (four figures in the 
text) the foot of a woman of 40 years of 



[n. s., 3, 1901 

Wiedersheim (R.) Dell'organo uditivo. 
(Riv. di Biol, gen., Torino, igoi, ill, 
l6i-igS.) General anatomical and 
physiological account of the ear and its 
development (illustrated with 37 figures 
in the text) in man and the lower ani- 

Wilson (L. N.) Bibliography of child- 
study for the year 1899. (Fedag. Sem., 
Worcester, Mass., 1901, vii, 526-556.) 
Contains many anthropological titles. 

Witort (J.) Filozofia pierwotna. (Lud, 
Lwow, 1901, VII, 1-28.) General dis- 
cussion of animism, continued from 
last number. Chiefly based on Tylor. 

Zaborowski (M.) Portraits d'hommes 
tatoues. (Bull, et Mem. Soc. d'Anthr. 
de Paris, 1900, 5*= ser., i, 170-172.) 
The author emphasizes ennui as a factor 
in the inspiring of the tatooing habit, 
especially with criminals, soldiers, sail- 
ors. The prison and the barracks 
rather than an innate criminal tendency 
come into play. 

Ziehen (T.) Ueber vergleichend-anato- 
mische Gehirnwagungen. (Monatsschr. 
f. Psychiatrie und Neurol., Berlin, 
1901, IX, 316-318.) Enumerates the 
conditions desirable in brain-weighing. 


Alexander (Harriet C. B.) Malthusian- 
ism and degeneracy. (Alien, und Neu- 
rol., St Louis, 1901, XXII, 112-137.) 
General discussion. England and 
France are compared with respect to 
old men marrying young wives and old 
women marrying young husbands. 

Almgren (O.) De nyaste forskningarna 
om bronsaldernsborjan i norden(Ymer, 
Stockholm, 1900. XX, 395-422.) Chiefly 
a review and resume of Monteliu.s' 
recent study on "The Chronology of 
the Old Bronze Age," with many figures 
in the text, reproduced from that work. 

Balliot (M.) Les tumulus d'Essey-les- 
h'.aux, Haute-Marne. (Rev. de I'Ecole 
d'Anthrop. de Paris, 1901, XI, 87-91.) 
Describes (with 6 figures in the text) the 
finds (bracelets, necklaces, bronze and 
iron rings, an iron poignard, fibulae, 
etc.) in four tumuli (Gaulish sepulchres) 
at Essey-les-Eaux,in the department of 
Haute-Maine. On a disk at the end 
of one of the fibuloe is a symbolic image 
of the sun, the same as one noted on a 
stele of the Iron age from near Bologna 
in Italy. 

Barblan (G.) CostUms, i'lsanzas, modas 
e festas popularas in Engiadina bassa. 
(Ann. d. Soc. Keto-rom., Chur, 1900, 
XIV, 159-200.) Treats of popular cus- 
toms, usages, and folklore of tlie Lower 
Engadin, relating to birth, baptism, 
confirmation, marriage, sickness, death, 
the numerous yearly festivals, etc. 

Beltz (R.) Erlauterung der Karten zur 
Vorgeschichte von Mecklenburg. (Cor- 
rbl. d. deutschen Ges. f. Anthrop., 
MUnchen, 1901, xxxii, 10-16, 20-23.) 
First and second portions of a general 
discussion of the cartographic repre- 
sentation of the results of prehistoric 
research in Mecklenburg in particular. 
Nature, size, colors of map, signs to 
indicate monuments and other remains, 
terminology, etc., are considered, and 
the various periods and the finds corre- 
sponding indicated. The author favors 
as few and as simple signs as possible. 
The maps published by Dr Beltz deal 
with the various " ages " (stone, bronze, 
iron), and the article resumes the facts 
recorded on them, the history of Meck- 
lenburg since the early Stone age when 
an ancient fisher-folk possessed the 

Alterthumer aus der Uckermarkund 

aus Hinter-Pommern. (Verli. d. Ber- 
liner Ges. f. Anthrop., 1901, 411- 
413.) Brief account of the contents of 
urns discovered at Zarnekow, near 

Boekenoogen (G. J.) De Dorhoed. 
(Volkskunde, Gent, 1900-or, Xlil, 65- 
77, 161.) Treats of the use of the 
straw-hat, straw-wreath, straw-doll, 
etc., as a punishment and in connection 
with weddings, etc., in various parts of 
Belgium and Holland. A "straw- j 
man " was sometimes placed on the 
roof of the house, or attached to a tree , 
or some other object nearby, when a j 
young wife had proved false to her | 
marriage vows, or when some maiden or j 
youth proved unchaste. Some interest- ( 
ing popular verses referring to these j 
customs, now almost obsolete, are given, j 

Nederlandsche sprookjes en vertelses.{ 

(Ibid., 111-121. 168-172, i93-205-){ 
Dialect texts with a few notes, referen-i 
ces to literature, etc., of seven Dutchj 
folktales. ( 

Bouchereau {Dr) Recherches sur relh| 
nographie du plateau central de k 
France. (Anthropologic, Paris, 1900 



Bouchereau — Continued. 

XI, 691-706.) Discussion, with brief 
historical introduction and statistics, of 
the color of the hair and eyes of the in- 
habitants of the central plateau of 
France in relation to age, sex, stature, 
cephalic index, demographic factors. 
The color of the eyes is more stable 
than that of the hair ; sex seems to 
exert little influence, though women 
generally have not such dark hair as 
men ; stature is too variable here for 
close correlation ; brachycephaly seems 
to go with a degree of nigrescence above 
the average. In Auvergne the brunette 
element is on the gain, especially in the 
towns. Blonds are more subject to 
certain fatal diseases (tuberculosis 
especially), and are losing ground. The 
ability of the brunette to "mix well" 
is one of the factors in his favor. 

Capitan (L.) ^ Chronique prchistorique. 
(Rev. de I'Ecole d'Anthrop. de Paris, 
igoi, XI, qr-96.) Describes (after M. 
Bottin), with 7 figures, some rock en- 
gravings in certain caves at OUioules, in 
the department of Var, southeastern 
France. Resem blances with some of the 
Mycenian alphabetic signs are suggested 
for some of the figures. 

de Cock (A.) De Doodetegast genood. 
(Volkskunde, Gent, iqoo-oi, xill, 77- 
Si.) Treats briefly of " death as guest " 
in Belgian, French, Teutonic, Chinese, 
Spanish ("Don Juan ") folklore. 

Spreekwoorden en zegswijzen over 

de vrouwen, de liefde en het huwelijk. 
(Ibid., 84-S7, 122-123.) Numbers 
187-227 of Belgian proverbs relating to 
women, love, marriage, with notes. 

Spreekwoorden en zegswijzen afkom- 

stig van oude gebruiken en volkszeden. 
(Ibid., 151-160, 185-186.) Numbers 
344-354 of proverbs relating to old folk- 
customs, etc., with detailed explanations 
and references to literature. The pres- 
ent articles concern proverbs and folk- 
sayings about wooing and weddings, 
children, etc. 

Colson (O.) Fetichisme. (Wallonia, 
Liege, 1901, ix, 24-35.) Discusses the 
"free religion," which appears (with 
the people) alongside the sacerdotal, the 
popular practices existing but ignored 
generally by the religious authorities, — 
the " fetichistic " element in Belgian 
folk-religion. Among the topics 
touched are particularistic faith, na'ive 

oaths and anathemas, statue-animism, 
secret customs of lovers. Interesting 
examples are given of this barbarie 

Courthion (M. L.) Coutumes de la 
vallce de Bagnes. (Schweiz. Archiv. 
f. Volkskunde, Ztirich, iqoi, v, 47-49.) 
Brief notes about Palm Sunday, St 
Agatha's Day, Easter Eve, death, 
betrothal, marriage, New Year's Day, 

Dikarev (M.) Programa do zbiranya 
vidomostei pro gromad! i zbirki silskoi 
molodi — vulitzyu, vetchernitzi. dosvitki 
iskladki. (Mater. Ukrain.-rusk., etnol., 
Lviv, 1900, III, Dodatki, r-27.) A 
questionnaire compiled by the late M. 
Dikarev on societies and reunions of 
both sexes among the peasantry. There 
are 201 questions with general introduc- 
tion. Meetings on the street, 7'ulitzyii 
evening meetings (z-etchernitzi), morn- 
ing-meetings (dosvitki), etc., are con- 
sidered. The introduction contains the 
opinions of the author on the subject 
and its bearings. 

Drechsler (Z);') Beitrage zum Schle- 
sischen Worterbuche. (Mitt. d. Schles. 
Ges. f. Volkskunde, Breslau, igoo, vii, 
61-71 ; 1901, VIII, 8-15.) Interesting 
list of Silesian German words with ex- 
planatory notes. The origin of the 
term Jandar^ used for the devil, from 
which is derived the z.^]&c\\\t ja nda y sc h , 
does not seem to be known. 

Ellis (H.) A study of British genius. 
(Pop. Sci. Monthly, N. Y., 1901, Lix, 
59-67.) This fifth section of Mr Ellis' 
study treats of the childhood and youth 
of British geniuses. Among the topics 
discussed are constitutional delicacy, 
precocity, influence of education, resi- 
dence abroad, etc. Noteworthy are the 
many instances in which " the delicate 
infant develops into a youth or a man of 
quite exceptional physical health and 
vigor," as well as the longevity of men 
of genius of very feeble health. As to 
precocity (properly defined), the author 
holds that " it is its absence rather than 
its presence, which ought to astonish us 
in men of genius." The diverting, by 
some powerful external impression, of 
the physically precocious into the 
notably great in morals and force of 
character, is by no means uncommon. 
A "decidedly large" proportion of 
British men of genius (53 % have been 
at some university) have enjoyed the 



[n. s., 3, 1901 

Ellis — Continue J. 

advantages of university education, but 
the exact nature of this factor in the 
. development of their eminence is 
uncertain Certainly the wide dissemi- 
nation of the sources of knowledge to- 
day has made university education no 
absolutely necessary factor and also 
minimized its general importance. 
Residence in a foreign country during 
early life seems to be of " very decided 

Gall6e (J. H.) Sporen van Indo-ger- 
maansch ritueel in Germaansche lijk- 
plechtigheden. (Volkskunde, (jent, 
igoo-1901, XIII, 89-gg, 129-145.) 
Treats, with some detail and references 
to the literature of the subject, the 
" remains of Indogermanic rites and 
customs in the Teutonic funeral cere- 
monies." Among the topics discussed 
are the "death-shirt," wake, funeral- 
bread, corpse-straw, litter, funeral-ale, 
incineration, burial customs (thirty 
items are enumerated), etc. The author 
considers most of these folk-customs 
"inheritances from Indogermanic 

Gnatyuk (V.) Etnografichni materiali 
z Ugorskoi rusi. I. Zachidni Ugorsko- 
Ruski Komitat. II. Bach-Bodrogski 
Komitat. (Etnogr. Zbirnik, Tovar. 
Sevtchenka, Lwow, 1900, ix, iv -|- 
284.) The first part (pp. 3-I16) of 
this collection of folk-literature made 
by V. Gnatyuk from the western Hun- 
garian-Ruthenian country consists of 
fifty-six items of folktales and three of 
folksongs from the villages of Certez, 
Sambron, Sulyn, Lipnik, Orjabyna, 
Svydnyk, Litmanova, Jakubjany, 
Krenpach, Kruzljova, and Malzow, in 
the counties of Zemplin, Saros, Zips. 
The second section consists of 420 folk- 
songs from the county of Bac-Bodrog ; 
of these 17 are spiritual and 
Christmas songs, 20 ballads and ro- 
mances, 9 historical reminiscences, 12 
songs of different fates, 115 girls' 
songs, 15 songs relating to loss of vir- 
ginity, 83 bachelors' songs, 39 soldier's 
songs, 48 songs of married life, 46 local 
songs, 1 1 jesting and satirical songs, and 
10 beast-epic songs. The jiarallels in 
cognate folk-literature, where known, 
are indicated. 

Tkatztvo u stchidnif Galitchini. 

(Mater. Ukrain-rusk. etnol., Lviv, 
1900, III, 12-26.) Treats, with 2 jiiates 

containing 17 illustrations of weaving in 
eastern Galicia, the processes, imple- 
ments, etc., connected therewith. 
Every stage of manufacture is noted, 
the instruments described and figured. 
Pages 24-25 contain lists of technical 
terms relating to the loom in use in 
various parts of the country. The 
region of Maramorosch, in Hungary, is 
also referred to ; and here certain modi- 
fications of the machinery have been 
made by the weavers. 

Gotze (A). Depotfund, von Eisenge- 
rathen aus frlihromischer Zeit von Kor- 
ner, Sachsen-Coburg-Gotha. (Ztschr. 
f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1900, xxxil, 202- 
214.) Describes, with 66 figures, the 
iron swords, spears, domestic utensils, 
imjDlements, rings, nails, bars and 
bands, hooks, etc., found in a big-bel- 
lied pot at Korner, near the Thuring- 
ian town of Miihlhausen, where a rail- 
way cutting had been made. The find 
dates from about the first century A.u., 
but some of the remains suggest La 

Die Steinsburg auf dem Kleinen 

Gleichberge bei Romhild, Sachsen- 
Meiningen. (Verb. d. Berliner Ges. f. 
Anthrop., 1900, 416-427.) Describes, 
with 10 figures in the text, the prehis- 
toric fortification of the Steinsburg, 
which the author regards as a construc- 
tion of the first rank and of great im- 
portance. It probably dates from ca. 
400 B.C., and was perhaps a last strong- 
hold of the Kelts against the Teutonic 
invaders of Thuringia. 

Neue Ervverbungen des Koniglichen 

Museums fiir Volkerkunde. (Ibid., 
427-429.) Describes briefly a bronze 
ring, an axe of nephrite, a hone spindle, 
and a find of amber (at the mouth of 
the Weser), from various parts of Ger- 

Gumplowicz (M.) Polacy na W^grzech. 
(Lud, Lwow, 1901, VII, 74-78.) Con- 
tinuation from a previous number of a 
historical, ethnographical, and statisti- 
cal study of the Poles in Hungary. 

Guszman (J.) Beitrag zur Morphologic 
des Gehirnoberflache. (Anat. Anz., 
Jena, iqoi, XIX, 239-249.) Descrip- 
tion, with 7 figures of the brain of 
Rudol])li Lenz, a young musician, said 
to have been the best pupil <>f Joachim. 
The brain, when no longer quite fresh, 
weighed 1,636 gr., and the parietal 



Guszman — Continued. 

lobes (the right hemisphere especially) 
exhibited rather marked variations from 
the normal. The author is conserva- 
tive in opinion, and seems to agree with 
Eberstaller that the abnormal develop- 
ments (quantitative and qualitative) 
occur in those regions of the brain 
which are still in process of evolution — 
the lower vertical lobule and the lower 
frontal convolution. 

Helm (O.) Ueber die chemische Analyse 
vorgeschichtliche Bronzen aus Velem 
St Veit in Ungarn. (Verh. d. Berliner 
Ges. f. Anthrop., igoo, 359-365.) 
Results of chemical analysis of nine 
specimens, of which five are casting- 
lumps, etc. Most of the specimens 
contained a considerable amount of 
antimony and some are evidently the 
results of experiment in mixing metals, 
so remarkable is their composition. 
The antimony was probably obtained 
from copper-ore containing that metal. 
The find at Velem St Veit is one of 
the richest and most interesting on 

Ireland (W. W.) Friedrich Nietzsche: 
a study in mental pathology. (Alien, 
and Neurol., St Louis, igor, xxii, 
223-267.) A very unsympathetic at- 
tempt " to consider Nietzsche as a case 
of mental pathology and to trace the 
steps of the descending process to the 

Kellner (Z);) Ueber Kopfmaasse der 
Idioten. (Allg. Ztschr. f. Psychiatrie, 
Berlin, 1901, Lviii, 61-78 ) Results of 
head-measurements of 220 idiots (qS 
female) more than 25 years of age in 
the Hamburg Asylum at Alsterdorf. 
As compared with the "physiological 
norm " (Benedikt's figures are increased 
t%), the author finds many variations 
— 13 ? of the idiot heads are abnormal 
as to greatest breadth, 41 5 as to height, 
etc., the latter seeming to be a factor 
of considerable influence. 

Kuhnau(>9;-) Die Bedeutung des Brotes 
. in Ilausund Familie. (Mitt. d. Schles. 
Ges. f. Volkskunde, Breslau, iqoi, viii, 
25-44 ) An interesting and valuable 
account of folk-thought about bread in 
relation to the house and the family in 
various parts of Germany. Widespread 
is the idea that the fortune or luck of 
the house is bound up with bread ; men 
and animals are related to a new house 
through bread ; to lose bread in transit 

to the new house is unlucky ; bread ap- 
pears in connection with love-charms, 
betrothals, marriages, birth, bajitism, 
etc., and with it many superstitions are 
connected. Dr Klihnau thinks the 
vegetative life of the fields of grain is 
the source of the bread-cult, and there 
is a close analogy often in folk-thought 
between bread and human generation, 
so it is natural enough to find bread 
figuring so largely in wedding-symbol- 
ism and what precedes and what follows 
marriage. In early times baking had 
something religious about it, as dough- 
figures of sacred personages still indi- 

de Lazarque (A. A.) Usages et super- 
stitions populaires de la Lorraine. 
(Rev. d. Trad, pop., Paris, 1901, xvi, 
12-24.) Enumerates many items of 
folklore relating to human life (bap- 
tism, marriage), the festivals of the 
year, trades and callings, domestic ani- 
mals, the moon, the weather, etc. 
Worth noting is waii-pone (" the bar of 
the setting"), the name given to the 
black horizontal band of clouds, seen 
when the sun disappears in setting, and 
looked upon as a sign of rain or storm. 

Leach (Abby) The Athenian democ- 
racy in the light of Greek literature. 
(Amer. Journ. PhiloL, Baltimore, iqoo, 
XXI, 361-377.) Enumerates and dis- 
cusses opinions of Greek writers on the 
Athenian democracy, — the Sicilian ex- 
pedition, education, etc. 

Ledieu(A.) Blasond' Abbeville. (Ibid., 
53~56.) Enumerates popular sayings 
about and jests at the expense of the 
inhabitants of Abbeville in the depart- 
ment of the Somme. A special variety 
of the people of Abbeville are known 
as BaboUens, and have been humor- 
ously " written up " by one of the local 

Lissauer (A.) Anthropologische Be- 
richt liber meine letzte Reise in Siid- 
Frankreich und Italien. (Verh. d. 
Berliner Ges. f. Anthrop., igoo, 401- 
41 r.) The topics treated are: The 
rock-sculptures of Monte Bego, the 
Balzi rossi near Mentone. the Ligurian 
stone-walls (or Casteu) of the region of 
the Maritime Alps, the Ligurian ele- 
ment in the Rhine valley, the dolmen of 
Dragnignan (a good picture is given), 
and the Etruscan necropolis of Orvieto. 
The rock-sculptures seem to indicate 
that the pass over the Col di Tenda was 



1 90 1 

Li.ssauer — Continued.. 

used in the bronze age. From the re- 
mains of Roman origin found in con- 
nection with them, the stone walls seem 
■ to have been used by a neolithic popu- 
lation up to within the period of Roman 
occupancy. That the Ligurians spread 
into the Rhine valley is very doubtful. 

Litvinova-Bartos {Mrs P.) Vesilini 
obryadi i zvitchai u sell Zemlyantzi 
Gluchioskogo prov. u Tchernigivstchini. 
(Mater. Ukrain.-rusk. etnol., Lviv, 

1900, III, 70-173.) Details, with 12 
figures, the nuptial rites and cere- 
monies in use today in the village of 
Zemlyanka, district of Gluchov, govern- 
ment of Tchernigov, and gives the text 
of many songs connected with the 
wedding. Among the topics discussed 
are wooing, bread-exchange, betrothal, 
marriage, holy tree, holy bread, pro- 
cessions and songs, treatment of bride 
and bridegroom, nuptial orgies, doings 
of the guests, marriages without religi- 
ous rites, etc. It is an interesting fact 
that the holy bread and wedding-cake 
are either in the form of a fir-cone 
(phallic symbol) or have some orna- 
mentation of that sort. 

Marriage {Miss M. E.) and Meier (J.) 
Volkslieder aus dem Kanton Bern. 
(Schweiz. Archiv f . Volkskunde, Zurich, 

1901, V, 1-47.) First section of an ex- 
tended essay. The text and music of 
72 songs are given, also the first line of 
69 others. These songs were obtained 
from Mrs Kunzi, of Bern. References 
to the literature of the subject are 

Nicolet (C.) Le carnaval de Ster-Fran- 
cor-champs en Ardennes. (Wallonia, 
Liege, 1901, ix, 14-22.) Brief descrip- 
tions of the festivities, etc., on four 
crds-jeudis (jeudis gras), the role (a 
species of Walloon buffoonery), the 
groitinotte (children's begging), the 
vhheu (something akin to \\\e.i(roumotte)^ 
the burning of the viakralle(s, man), 
and the grand-feu. It is thought that 
the village failing to have its grand-feu 
will suffer during the year from a con- 

Novicow (J.) The Russian people : A 
psychological study. (Internat. Month- 
ly, Burlington, Vt., 1901, III, 359-410.) 
Treats of race and temperament, general 
psychology, sentiment, intellect, politics, 
present state of the people. The essay 

is confined to the so-called " Great Rus- 
sians," the most important of the more 
than sixty-five independentracial groups 
contained in the empire. The history 
of Russia is the reverse of that of the 
United States of America (where the 
Aryan has been pushing on from east 
to west) and the " Far West " of Amer- 
ica has its counterpart in the " Far 
East " of Siberia. Like the people of 
the United States, too, the Russians 
are very mixed in race. The prevail- 
ing temperament is the lymphatic, and 
the prevailing type a mixture of ^lav 
and Finn. Inequality of effort (the re- 
sult of historical circumstances), abound- 
ing good nature, inequality of character, 
a large share of melancholy and sadness 
(due to history even more than nature 
about them), generosity, cordiality of 
social intercourse, and a lack of the sys- 
tematic temperament generally are some 
of the chief characteristics of the Rus- 
sian people. The absence of great 
philosophers in Russia may be due to 
the fact that the thought of that country 
matured after the construction of great 
philosophical systems had been aban- 
doned, though censorship of the press 
may count for something. Clinstian- 
ity, Novicow thinks, is only a veneer 
and has entered very little into the 
Russian soul, though tormented to its 
very depths by a great religious need. 
Autocracy is a comparatively recent fact 
in Russia, and it survives because a 
large number of Russians (from con- 
siderations of historical circumstances) 
consider it " beneficial for their country 
as a whole " — this idea is enforced, too, 
by the general mysticism and likewise 
by the doctrine of Panslavism. But 
beneath it all lies the democratic tend- 
ency of the Russian people, who at the 
present time " are going through the 
dullest and most spiritless period of 
their history." That democracy will 
win sometime, is certain. 

Oehl (W.) Kinderreime aus Grulich. 
(Mitt, der Schles. Ges. f. Volkskunde, 
Breslau, 1901, viii, 16-22.) Dialect 
texts of some 66 children's rhymes 
from Grulich in Silesia. 

Olbrich (£>;-) Aal und Schlange. (Ibid.. 
1-3.) Items of folklore from Silesia, 
etc., concerning the eel and its likeness 
to the snake. Many superstitions have 
been transferred from the latter to the 



Penrose (F. C.) Some additional notes 
on the orientation of (ireek temples, 
etc. (Proc. Roy. .Soc, London, rgoi, 
Lxviii, 1 1 2-1 14. ) Notes, with plan of 
newly-discovered temple of Selinus in 
Sicily, of observations on two Greek 
(Delos, Delphi) and four Sicilian tem- 
ples, made during April and May, 1900. 
This paper appears also in .Nature, igoi, 
LXili, 492-493- 

Pfitzner(P.) Ueberden Urnen-Friedhof 
bei Beutnitz, Kr. Crossen a. O. (Verb. 
d. Berliner Ges. f. Anihrop., 1900, 
367-375.) Account, with map and 
many figures in the text, of the rich dis- 
coveries of urns, etc., near the village 
of Beutnitz. 

Piette (E.) Classification et terminolo- 
gie des temps prehistoriques. (Centralbl. 
f. Anthrop., Ethnol. u. Urgesch., Jena, 
I go I, VI, 65-6S.) A taljle showing the 
epochs, ages, periods, etc., of prehis- 
toric Europe, with their chief general 

Reinecke (P.) Statistik der slavischen 
Funde aus Slid- und Mitteldeutschland. 
(Corrbl. d. deutschen Ges. f. Anthrop., 
Mtinchen, 1901, xxxii, 17-20.) Lists, 
with map, the places where graves, em- 
bankments, and other remains of Slavic 
origin have been found in central Fran- 
conia, upper Franconia, upper Palati- 
nate, and Thuringia. A great part of 
these Slavic remains belong to the 
younger period {ca. 1000 A.D.) 

Retzius (G.) Das Gehirn des Mathe- 
matikers, Sonja Kovalevski. (Biol. 
Untersuchg., igoo, n. f., ix, 1-16.) 
Detailed description, with 4 plates and a 
portrait, of the brain of Madame Ko- 
valevski, the mathematician, the first 
brain of a woman of mathematical 
talent to be scientifically studied. The 
most noteworthy jjeculiarities are met 
with in the Lohtilus pari eta I is iiifericr, 
and the Gyrus supramarginalis is re- 
markably developed. Some interesting 
comparisons suggest themselves be- 
tween the brain of .Madame Kovalevski 
and those of Helmholtz and Gylden 
(the astronomer) ; the last was studied 
by Retzius in iSgS. 

Rozdolski (O.) Galitchki narodni„no- 
veh. (Etnogr. Zbirnik, Tovar. Sev- 
tchenka, Lwow, igoo, viii, ix + i- 
166.) Contains, with an introduction 
and bibhography (pp. vi-ix) by Dr 
Ivan Franko, the texts of 81 Galician 
folktales collected by Joseph Roz- 

dolski. There is also an index of the 
more important motifs. 
Rutot (.\.) Sur la distribution des in- 
dustries paleolithiques dans les couches 
ipiaternaires de la Belgique. (Anthro- 
pologic, Paris, igoo, xi, 707-746.) A 
detailed discussion, with 27 figures of 
implements, of the remains of human 
industry (flints, etc.) in the <,)uaternary 
deposits of Belgium. In the discussion 
of this paper, at the International Con- 
gress of Prehistoric Anthropology and 
Archseology, considerable difference of 
opinion as to the human origin of some 
of these flints (now in the Brussels Mu- 
seum of Natural History) was devel- 
oped. The author of the paper is a 
geologist and is absolutely convinced of 
their genuinely human provenience. 

Sabbe (M.) Eenige Brugsche volks- 
liederen. (Volkskunde, Gent, 1900-01, 
Xlll, 186-193.) Variants and additions 
to tales in the collection of Lootensand 
Feys. The tale Isabellctje here given 
does not occur in that storehouse of 
Bruges folk-narrations. 

Schrijnen (J.) De vogel op den palm- 
paasch. (Ibid., 104-110.) The author 
regards the bird on the Belgian palm- 
paasch, or Easter palm-branch — a 
mingling of heathen and Christian ideas 
— as related to the weather-cock (bird- 
warder against storm, etc.) and the bird 
on the tree of life in the older Teutonic 

Sebillot (P.) Geographic legendaire 
d'un canton. (Rev. d. Trad, pop., 
Paris, igoi, xvi, 1-6.) The author 
presents a sketch-map of his native 
canton of Matignon, in Brittany, on 
which are indicated sea-grottos (inhab- 
ited by fairies) ; haunted places ; musi- 
cal rocks ; submarine castles, vessels, 
forests ; marks and creations of Gar- 
gantua, the saints, etc. ; fairy and other 
fountains and springs ; megalithic mon- 
uments ; legendary chapels, crosses, 
places, etc. ; haunted castles, and the 
like. In all eighty-eight items are 
shown, the map covering an area of 
20 by 15 kilometers. 

Megalithes cites par les auteurs an- 

terieurs a ce siecle. (Ibid.. 42-45.) 
Notes that fourteen megalithic monu- 
ments are referred to in Ogee's Dic- 
tionnaire de Brctagne, the first edition 
of which appeared in 1778-80. Other 
early notices of monuments outside 
Brittanv are referred to. 



[n. s., 3, 1901 

Senf (/>;-) Ueber Bronze-Nadeln von 
auffalliger Spitzigkeit, u. s. w. (Verb, 
d. Berliner Ges. f. Anthrop., 1900, 
376-3S1.) Describes, wilh six figures 
in the text, some very finely jiointed 
bronze needles and other remains from 
several places in northeastern Ger- 

Stiickelberg (E. A.) Notizen aus dam 
Urserenthal. (Schweiz. Archiv f. Volks- 
kunde, Zurich, iqoi, V, 50-60.) Notes 
on facades of houses, fireplaces and 
their inscriptions, wall-ornaments, etc. 
An interesting occurrence in September 
is the " marmot hunt." Ursern valley, 
in the Canton of Uri, gets its name 
from the bear (L. urstis), and, like Or- 
sitres in Valais, served to replenish the 
Roman amphitheaters with their brute 

Veretelnik (A.) Rusane i vigotov- 
lyuvane dereva. (Mater. Ukrain.-rusk. 
etnol., Lviv, 1900, 111,27-32.) Treats, 
with 2 plates containing 16 figures, of 
wood-cutting and lumbering in the 
forests of the Kamenetz district (gov- 
ernment of Podolia) near the Austro- 
Ilungarian frontier. The tools are 
figured and the technical terms re- 

Vital (A.) Chanzuns popularas ladinas. 
(Ann. d. Soc. Reto-rom., Chur, 1900, 
XIV, 2or-28o.) Continued from vols. 
XI and XII. A valuable and interesting 
collection of folksongs from the En- 

Vovk (T.) Znatchidki u mogilach mizh 
Veremem i Stretivkoyu i bilya Tripilya. 
(Mater. Ukrain -rusk, etnol., Lviv, 
1900, III. i-ii.) Gives an account, 
with a plate and 11 figures, of the finds 
made in 1897 in five graves and konr- 
gaiis near Veremje and three near Tri- 
pille, in the government of Kiev. In 
one of the latter, besides amber and 
bronze ornaments, there was discovered 
what the author considers a statuette of 
a phallic deity, which is figured. 

Walz (J. A.) The folk-lore elements in 
Hauptmann's Die Versunkeite Glocke. 
(Mod. I.ang. Notes, Haltimore. 1901, 
XVI, S9-105, 130-142.) A critical 
analysis, with copious bibliographical 
notes, of the folklore elements in this 
famous " fairy play." The author 
holds that "the poet is far more in- 
debted to (lerman folk-lore than to all 
the works of literature combined." 

van Werveke (A.) De ontucht in het 
oude Gent. (Volkskunde, Gent, 1900- 
01, XIII, 100-104, 146-150.) Notes on 
libertinage in Ghent in the last four 

Winslow(E. D.) The Lapps of Sweden. 
(Bull. Amer. Geogr. Soc, N. Y., 1900, 
XXXil, 430-431.) Brief general ac- 
count. Notes the intrusion of civilized 
races as disturbing the reindeer-hunting 
of natives. 

Zaborowski (M.) Les Portugais d'apres 
des photographies. (Bull, et Mem. 
Soc. d' Anthrop. de Paris, iqoo, 5* ser., 
I, 231-233.) From a studv of 36 por- 
traits of Portuguese the author finds 
confirmation of the conclusions of phys- 
ical anthropology. The Moor-Berber- 
Egyptian element in the Portuguese 
population is clearly noticeable in these 

Zubritzki (M.) Narodnii kalendar. 
(Mater. Ukrain -rusk, etnol., Lviv, 

1900, III, 33-60.) Treats, with some 
detail, of folk beliefs and customs re- 
lating to the days of the week, festivals 
and holidays of the year, etc. 


Berthelot (M.) Sur les metaux egyp- 
tiens : Presence du platine parmi les 
caracteres d'une inscription hieroglyph- 
ique. (C. R. d. I'.-Xcad. d. Sci , Paris, 

1901, cxxxii, 729-732.) Records the 
discovery of a piece of platinum (the 
first reported from ancient Egypt) as 
]iart of the silver working on a metal 
plaque from Thebes, dating from about 
the seventh century, B. c. The author 
does not credit the ancient Eg}iitians 
with any knowledge of the metal and 
its qualities. 

Binet (E.) Observations sur les Daho- 
mt'ens. (Bull, et Mem. Soc. d'Anthrop. 
de Paris. 1900, <-," ser , I, 244-253.) 
General ethnographic sketch — manners 
and customs, food, marriage, religion, 
medicine. The section on medicine 
and diseases occupies pages 249-251, 
the names of many native remedies and 
the method of their employment being 
recorded. The Dahomeans in question 
(4 adults, a woman, and a boy) formed 
part of the exhibit from French Da- 
homey at the Paris Exposition. 



Couti^re (H.) Histoire naturelle de la 
nier Rouge. (Rev. Scientif., Paris, 
igoi. 4<= ser., xv, 417-426.) Contains 
some remarks on the Danakils, Somal, 

Crosby (O. T.) Abyssinia — the country 
and people. (Nat. Geogr. Mag., 
Washington, 1901, xil, 89-102.) Notes 
of travel in 1900. Menelek, the people, 
and their future (absorption by Britain ?) 
are discussed. 

Delafosse(.\'[.) Surdes traces probables 
dc civilisation Egyptienne et d'homnies 
de race Blanche a la Cote d'lvoire. 
(Anthropologic, Paris, 1900, xi, 677- 
690.) The concluding section of his 
study of Egyptian influences on the 
Ivory Coast of West Africa. Ancient 
graves and their contents are described, 
and the author finds proof of Egyptian 
influence in the beads, bronze vases, 
etc., from Guiangomenou, where per- 
haps Egyptians have been buried. He 
also inclines to believe in the existence 
at present of an ethnic island of whites 
somewhere in the midst of the negro 
population of tliis region. The Egyp- 
tian influence in West Africa has been 
largely exerted indirectly through the 

Hamilton (E.) Rough notes on native 
tribes of .South Africa. (Archajol. Rep. 
Ont., Toronto, 1900 [1901J, xil, 40- 
49-) Notes on certain aspects of native 
life and on specimens collected for the 
Provincial Archeological Museum by 
the author in South Africa. The chief 
tribes treated are the Barolongs and 
Basutos. Mr Hamilton remarks that 
the Boers have adopted several tilings 
from the aborigines, — a method of tan- 
ning, stone hen's nests, rounded court- 
yards, etc. The kraals of the Basutos 
seem to be situated at some distance 
from water, a hygienic precaution, 
I perhaps. The author notes also "the 
I cleanliness of the Basuto and Barolong 
huts and kraals, so far as I observed 

"fi;tland (E. S.) Presidential address. 
(Folk-Lore, London, 1901, xn, 15-40.) 
The chief part is devoted to the con- 
sideration of South African (Zulu, 
Hechuana, etc.) primitive religion. The 
Monmo of the Bechuana, iMr Hart- 
land IS inclined to look upon " not as a 
once supreme deity fading away, but as 
a god in process of becom'ing. " Of the 
-i^ulu figure the same may be said : 

Tilo [in BarongaJ or inkosi pezii/u, 
thus, like the A;-,?/ of the Masai, like 
the Malagasy AuJria-Dtanitra, like the 
Siouan inakanda, is found to be theo- 
plasm, god-stuff, not a god fully formed 
and finally evolved. It is a god, or 
gods, in the making, not a god with one 
loot in the grave." The worship of the 
dead among the Zulus, the author thinks 
"is not in any sense of the word a 
primitive institution," nor are the Zulus 
themselves really a primitive people. 
The only branches of the Bantu race 
among whom "no certain traces of 
totemism and but few of mother-right 
are found," are the Amazulu and cer- 
tain allied tribes, the most advanced of 
all the Bantu stock. Among the 
Bechuana "very substantial remnants 
of totemism " are found, also traces of 
mother-right. According to Mr Hart- 
land the development of the patriarchal 
system is what has caused ancestor- 
worship to supplant totemism. The 
address contains also brief references to 
recent deaths of folklorists, criticisms 
of Mr Marett's paper, and an appeal 
for the organized study of South African 

Rodes (T.) Une colonne au Soudan. 
(Nouv. Rev., Paris, 1901, N. s., x, 
134-141.) Contains some references to 
Babemba of Sikass and his people. 

Schurtz (H.) Zaubermittel der Evheer. 
(Internat. Archiv f. Ethnogr., Leiden, 
1901, XIV, 1-15.) Describes in detail 
with 4 plates (41 figures) the collection of 
materia nuigica in the Bremen City 
Museum from the Ewe of the Slave 
Coast of West Africa. This collection, 
due to C. Spiess, a German missionary 
in the region concerned, embraces 
priests' tablets, seats, amulets, axes, 
staffs, fetish-women's bags, bracelets, 
human figures of wood, idols, rings, etc. 
As far as possible the native names of 
the objects and their meanings are 
given. Perhaps the most interesting of 
all are the numerous and multiform 
magic knots. The author notes the 
role of compression, knotting together, 
etc., in primitive "magic." 

Schweinfurth (G.) Einige von der 
freien Natur Siidwest-Afrika's dem 
Naturmenschen dargebotene vegetabil- 
ische Nahrungsmittel. (Verb. d. Ber- 
liner Ges. f. .\nthrop., 1900, 354-359.) 
Account of specimens of bulbs, roots, 
fruits, etc., collected in 1898 by Major 



[n. s., 3, igoi 

Schweiiifurth — CoiitiiuicJ. 

voii VVissmann in the Otschitno district 
of German Southwestern Africa, east of 
Grootfontein, and known to Ije used as 
food by the Bushmen of the country. 
Among the chief food-plants here noted 
are : Omiingunlil (a species of Cap- 
parida), otjiniakd (a species of Bati- 
hitiia), the wild watermelon, several 
berries and bulbous roots, which are 
roasted or dried. 

Staudinger (I'.) Rothfarbung der 
Schailel iind dcs Korpers in Africa. 
(Ibid., 347.) Notes the occurrence of 
coloring the skull red in the Niger- 
Beni'ie region. 

Wiese (C.) Beitriige zur Geschichte der 
Zulu im Norden des Zambesi, nament- 
lich der Angoni. (Ztschr. f. Ethnol., 
Berlin, igoo, xxxii, 181-201.) The 
author claims to be the only European 
of long residence among the Angoni, 
whose chief is Mpesene. After a brief 
historical sketch of the tribe, notes 
about language, government, marriage 
and the position of women, death and 
burial, clothing, ornament, war and 
kindred matters, religion, ceremonial, 
and some minor habits and customs are 
given. The Angoni speak two different 
languages, the Angoni ]>roper (a Zulu 
dialect), the national, literary speech, 
and the Senga, which, although the 
tongue of the Senga, a people partly 
subjected by the Angoni, is also the 
common speech of the latter. Of the 
national songs of the Angoni the author 
tells us, "they are very harmonic and 
remind one of English hymns." The 
share his donkey took in mourning 
at a funeral is evidence of the naivetJoi 
these people (p. 193). The direction of 
a new dwelling-place for the tribe is 
determined from the way in which a 
cow, one of whose hindquarters has been 
amputated, seeks to go. The Angoni 
never eat fish, and are very loth to cross 
large streams. Another striking custom 
among them is that parents kiss their 
children on botii cheeks, something rare 
in native Africa. 

Zaborowski (.M.) De I'origine des 
anciens Egyptiens. (Bull. et. Mem. 
Soc. d'Anthrop. de Paris, 1900, 5^ ser. , 
1, 212-221.) General discussion of the 
question of Egyptian origins, with 
special reference to the publications of 
Sergi, Chantre. De -Morgan, etc. M. 
Zaborowski no longer holds to the 

homogeneity of the prehistoric Egyp- 
tians. He continues, on the other hand, 
to advocate the African origin in gen- 
eral of tlie civilization of the Nile. 


Adler (C.) und Casanowicz^ (I. M.) 
Descriptive catalogue of a collection of 
objects of Jewish ceremonial deposited 
in the U. S. National Museum by 
Hadji Ephraim Benguiat. (Rep. U. S. 
Nat. Mus., 1899 [iQOi], 539-561.) 
This interesting and well-illustrated 
(there are 36 good plates) catalogue 
enumerates descriptively 62 objects and 
articles of a ceremonial sort, — objects 
used in the synagogue-service, at prayer, 
on festal occasions (Sabbath, passover, 
etc.) at the Jewish home, on special 
occasions ; miscellaneous objects 
(medals, etc.); objects (chiefly textile) 
illustrative of Biblical narratives. 

B. (M.) Zhite na viru u Sibirskich sel- 
yan. (Mater. Ukrain.-rusk. etnol., Lviv, 
1900, III, 61-69.) Discusses the rela- 
tive freedom in sexual relations among 
the Siberian peasantry, where the 
" union libre " (7^ per cent, of all fam- 
ilies) is adopted to avoid the expenses 
incident u]ion marriage. The absence 
of ancient traditions and the weakness 
of social and legal restraints favor this. 
The proportion of these unions varies 
from 3 to 17 per 100 families. 

Basset (R.) Le marchand et le genie. 
(Rev. d. Trad, pop., Paris, 1901, xvi, 
2S-35.) A critico-bibliographical study 
of the first tale of the Arabian Nii^hts. 
The tale, the author thinks, was edited 
about the fifth century of the Hegira, if 
internal evidences are to be relied on. 

Contes et legendes Arabes. (Ibid., 

37-40.) Eight brief tales with refer- j 
ences to literature. 

Belck (W.) Ueberdie Keil-Inschriften 
in der Tigris-t^uellgrotte und i'lber ei- 
nige andere Ergebnisse derarmenischen 
Expedition. (V'erh. d. Berliner Ges. f. 
.'Vnthrop., 1900, 443-44S.) lixplana- 
tory notes on cuneiform inscriptions, 
with translations of some of them, in 
which the author differs in several points 
from Dr Lehmann. 

Casanowicz (I. M.) .Vtv Adler (C.) 

Carus(I\) The fairy-tale element in thei 
Bible. (Monist, Chicago, 1901. XI, j 
405-447.) Treats of Babylonian cos 



Cams — Continue J. 

mogony, the Marduk myth, ^'ahvell 
ancl the Dragon, the two creation 
stories, — survivals in the Hebrew Bible 
of pristine paganism, the mingling in 
the 15ook of Genesis of two religions, 
paganism and monotheism. 

de Cock (A.) De Arabische Nachtver- 
; tellingen. (Volkskunde, Gent, 1900- 
1901, XIII, 172-182.) First part of a 
i critico- bibliographical discussion of 
i general character, suggested iiy the 
I publication of the Krebbers-Staniperius 
\ Arabian Nights for Dutch youth. 

, Duhousset {Col.) Les suppliccs en 
j Perse. (Bull, et Mem. Soc. d'Anthrop. 
de Paris, igoo, 5<= ser., i, 202-206.) 
I General discussion, partly historical, of 
\ punishment in Persia. The extreme 
I cruelty and savagery of punishment 
1 under the Persian kings and shahs are 
, noted. Recently, however, some prog- 
I ress toward real civilization in these 
i matters has been made. 

d'Enjoy (P.) Le systeme des poids et 
niesures Annamites. (Ibid., igo-210.) 
After brief general introduction, author 
takes up in detail measures of length, 
j itinerary measures, measures of surface, 
j land-measures, measures of capacity, 
I weights, and money. Explanations of 
j the Annamite names are given. Ac- 
1 cording to the author, the Annamite 
I system (based on 10) is derived from 
I Chinese, and traces of Occidental influ- 
i ences are clearly discernible. In cer- 
I tain parts of Annam and Cambodia 
j Malay influences can be detected in the 
j system of weights and measures. At 
present, too, French influence is mak- 
1 ing itself felt, for the five-franc piece 
j or dollar of commerce has "filled a 
I void," and is now incorporated into 
i the Annamite system. 

Gunkel (H.) The legends of Genesis. 

; (Open Court, Chicago, igoi, xv, 261- 

: 283.) Ageneralaccount of the poetical, 

j etiological, ethnological, etymological, 

i ceremonial, and geological legends in 

I the book of Genesis, their significance, 

I scope, etc. 

■^artenberg (P.) Psychologic chinoise. 
: (Kev. d. Psychol. Clin, et therap., 
I Paris, igoi, v, 97-102.) Resume, with 
i "'Ileal comments, of the article of Dr 
1 Matignon in the Revue Scientijique, 
j 4* ser., .\v, 202-204. 

Hopkins (W.) The ocean in Sanskrit 
epic poetry. (Amer. Journ. Philol., 
Baltimore, 1900, xxi, 378-386.) Dis- 
cussion of " ocean words" in the Ram- 
ayana and the Mahabharata. 

Johansson (K. F.) Om de nyaste u]5p- 
tiickterna i Armenien. (Ymer, .Stock- 
holm, 1900, XX, 347-375-) A general 
account of the most recent discoveries 
in Armenia, especially those of Belck 
and Lchmann, 1S91-99. 

Karutz (R.) Ueber einen zusammen- 
gesetzten Bogen der Baschkiren. 
(Verb. d. Berliner Ges. f. Anthrop., 
1900, 365-367.) Brief description, with 
figure, of a composite bow left liehind 
in 1813-14 by a troop of Bashkirs in 
Ll'ibeck, and now in the ethnographic 
museum of that city. 

Kingsmill (T. W.) Gothic vestiges in 
central Asia. (Nature, London, 1901, 
LXiii, 608-609.) Author believes he 
has identified as Gothic certain tribes 
or peoples of central Asia mentioned 
in Chinese annals and by medieval 

Laurent (E.) Les divers modes de 
sepulture dans ITnde. (Rev. Scientif., 
Paris, 1901, 4« serie, xv, 403-404.) A 
brief account, from personal observa- 
tion, of niintolla, or burial by cremation 
at Calcutta, and of the Parsee " towers 
of silence " at Bombay. 

Lehmann fC. F.) Ueber die Ergebnisse 
der von Dr W. Belck und Dr C. F. 
Lehmann 1898-1899 ausgefiihrten 
Forschungsreise in Armenien. (Verb, 
d. Berliner Ges. f. Anthrop., 1900,430- 
438.) A resume, with comments of 
some portions of the report of the ex- 
pedition published in the Proceedings 
of the Royal Prussian Academy of 
Sciences. Transliterations of some of 
the texts with interpretations of proper 
names, etc., are given. 

Patrick (Mary M.) The ethics of the 
Koran. (Internat. Journ. of Ethics, 
Phila., igor, xi, 321-328.) Theauthor 
notes the lack of imagination in the 
Koran, its decidedly democratic ten- 
dencies, and its freefiom from the now 
common doctrine of fatalism. Its 
power (|)ast and present; is attributed 
to " the simplicity of the categorical im- 
perative, tiie justice displayed in the 
details of the law, and the despotic 
character of the religion." 



[n. s., 3, igoi 

Pitard (E.) A prnpos de la polyandrie 
chez les Thibetains. (Bull, de la Soc. 
Neuchateloise de Geographic, iqoo, 
XII, 302 ff.) According to the author 
Tilietan polyandry is due to a peculiar 
theory of the family, not to lack of 
women or a desire to restrict the popu- 
lation. Like everything else, the wife 
taken by the eldest brother (the pro- 
prietor par excellence) is the common 
property of the family, inheritably by 
his brothers in succession. Women 
are part of the household inventory and 
their position and treatment suffer cor- 
respondingly. Occasionally polygamy 
occurs. Not a few women in Tibet 
never marry at all, but enter the clois- 
ters or become prostitutes. Legally, 
the children of the Tibetan family are 
the elder brother's. 

Regnault (F.) Des statuettes en terre 
cuite provenant de Pondichery. (Bull, 
et Mem. Soc. d'Anthrop. de Paris, 
1900, 5« ser. I, 180-181.) Brief de- 
scription of rude terra-cotta statuettes, 
representing men engaged in various 
occupations, a blacksmith and a potter 

de Rosny (L.) Le nirvana. (Humanite 
Nouvelle, Paris, iqoi^ v, 103-119.) 
After protesting against the effort to tie 
religion up to etymology, the author 
argues that the interpretation of nirvana 
as"" nothing " is aljsolutely " incompat- 
ible with the ensemble of Buddhistic 
doctrine." The Tibetan, Mongol. Chi- 
nese, Siamese, Burman, Japanese 
translations of nirvana are discussed, 
and the thesis indicated emphasized by 
their real signification Not only does 
nirfAna not mean "nothing" in the 
foreign Buddhistic lands, but there is 
evidence to prove, in the country where 
this religion had its birth, "nothing" 
is the later, non-original intei]^reta- 
tion of the term. 

Simpson (H. G.) The music of the 
Bible. (Method. Rev., N. Y., 1901, v 
ser., xvii, 359-373) A brief general 
account of musical instruments, vocal 
music, musical education among the 
ancient Hebrews. The author thinks 
their music was borrowed from the 

Virchow (IT.) Das Knie japanischer 
I locker. (Verb. d. Berliner Ges. f. 
Anthrop., 1900, 385-39^^-) Detailed 
anatomical account of the examination 
of the knees of two Japanese who 

"squat" (a woman of 29 and another 
of bo years of age). The careful in- 
vestigations of the author failed to re- 
veal diagnostic evidences of "squatting" 
{hoc ken), or anything absolutely typical. 

Walker (G. W.) Primitive industrial 
civilization of China. (Chautauquan, 
Meadville, Pa., 1901, xxiii. 126-132.) 
Very popular illustrated article. 

Zaborowski (M.) Appareil phallique 
des ceremonies du mariage au Laos, 
(Bull, et Mem. Soc. d'Anthrop de 
Paris, 1900, 5'= ser., t, 242-243.) Brief 
note concerning a toy figurine made to 
imitate the act of coition. These toys 
are common in Laos. 

Indonesia, x\ustralasi.4, Poly- 

V. Billow (W.) Die Samoaner in der 
heidnischen Zeit. (Internat. Archiv. 
f. Ethnogr.. Leiden. 1901, Xiv, 23-26.) 
A critical review of recent missionary 
literature relating to early Samoan be- 
liefs, customs, etc. 

Haeckel(E.) Aus Insulinde. Malayische 
Reisebriefe. (Dtsche. Rundschau. 
Berlin, iqoi, xxvil, 236-267.) Con- 
tains some notes on the Javanese of 
the Preang district. 

Hiller (C. H.) The hill tribes of Bor- 
neo. (Harper's Monthly, N. V., 19OI, 
cn, 935-944.) Popular illustrated arti- 
cle relating to Ibans, Kyans, etc. 

Kohlbrugge (1. H. F.) Anthropolo- 
(Tische Beol)achtungen aus dem Malay- 
fschen Archipel. "(Verb. H. Berliner 
Ges. f. Anthrop, [qoo. 396-401.) Gen- 
eral notes of the physical characteristics 
of the Malays and "Indonesians" (as 
contrasted and compared with each 
other and with Europeans), based on 
the author's observations during sevenj 
years' residence in the East Indies. Di. 
Kohlbriigge thinks the Malays and In- 
donesians (or " primitive Malays") are| 
closelv related — the former are nearei| 
the Chinese, the latter nearer the Poly 
nesians. The maize-eating peoples 0: 
the archipelago have a body-weigh 
nearer that of' the European than havi 
the rice-eating iieoplcs. In staturi 
these races of the archipelago do no 
exhibit noteworthy divergencies. O'! 
ants and dwarfs are alike rare, whil' 
the excessive infant mortality weeds ou 



Kohlljriigge — Con ti mud. 
the abnormals. Perhaps the most re- 
niarkalile thing abi)ut these races, as 
compared with Europeans, is the 
greater elasticity of the bodily members, 
joints, muscles, etc. — an elasticity 
which, since it characterizes also whites 
whose childhood has been passed in the 
tropics, the author attributes to climate. 
" Tailed men " Dr Kohlbriigge sought 
in vain. Aside from malaria, residence 
in the Malay archipelago is not disad- 
vantageous to the children of whites, 
but pure whites who perform manual 
labor are still too few to settle the 
question of colonization. F.n passant 
the author expresses the opinion that 
the "animal Saj;d" has had its origin 
in the " seelischen Au^druck " of the 
eye of animals. This interesting paper 
concludes with some notes on the an- 
thropoids of the region. 

Schnee (Dr) Einiges iiber Sitten und 
(jebrauche der Eingebornen Neu- 
Guineas. (Ibid., 413-416.) Treats of 
birth, puberty, marriage, food, death, 
sorcery, etc. Bestial coitus and 
coitus sub mauuna ab latere are re- 
ported, likewise an obscene dance. 
The feeling of modesty in the women 
is noted. 

Sierich (O.) Satnoanische Marchen. 
(Internat. Archiv. f. Ethnographic, 
Leiden, igoi, xiv, 15-23.) This sec- 
tion of Dr Sierich's memoir contains 
the SaiTioan text, with German transla- 
tion and explanatory notes, of the tales 
of " The two .Sisters," and the " Can- 
nibal deceived." In the first the ex- 
tensible heaven-tree appears, in the 
second the cannibal "wishes" obsta- 
cles to impede the fleeing youths. 


Bell (R.) Legends of the Slavey Indi- 
ans of the Mackenzie river. (|ourn. 
Amer. Folk-Lore, Boston, 1901, xiv, 
26-29.) English text of myths of 
"The Long Winter" and "The 
Guardian of the Copper Mine," from 
the Slave or Slavey Indians, an Atha- 
pascan tribe. The first is a variant of 
the " weather-kept-in-a-bag" myth, — 
here the bear is heat-keeper, and the 
rest of the animals circumvent her, and 
so put an end to the long, cold winter 
by letting loose the heat. But the 
flood occasioned by the rapidly melting 

snow would have depopulated the earth 
had not a great fish-like creature drunk 
it up. In the second legend a woman 
escaping from cajitivity among the 
Inuits discovers copper on her way 
home, leads her people to the place 
afterward, is insulted by some of them, 
sits down on the ground and in forty 
years time had sunk out of sight, bury- 
ing the mine on which she sat. 

Boyle (D.) Primitive art. (Arch?eol. 
Rep. Ont., Toronto, igoo [igoi], xil, 
1 1-24. ) Treats briefly of art in general, 
the human form in art (children's dr.iw- 
ings), the human face in clay, stone 
pipes, pottery, bone. The author holds 
that "primitive man was only deficient 
— not absolutely defective in — oiiginal- 
ity." J'he difference between civilized 
and ]5rimitive peoples generally is that 
"among the former there is an enor- 
mously greater tendency to adopt, to 
adapt, to asssimilate, and to originate." 
Even in Peru and Mexico this progres- 
sive power was limited. In respect to 
the parallel between the child and the 
savage in art, Mr Boyle observes that 
"whether we say that the savage is but a 
child, or the child a mere savage, is 
quite immaterial." Another interest- 
ing fact noted is the greater success the 
Indian has had with the human face in 
clay, — with the human body he did 
not do so well There is a good deal 
of truth in the author's remark " as 
with the child, the head is everything 
in primitive art, and, as with the child, 
there is no attempt at portraiture." 
These "notes" are illustrated by 31 
figures, of which 13 are reproductions 
of drawings by children in Toronto 

Carranza (J. de) Arte de- la lengua 
Mexicana. (An. d. Mus. Nac, Mex- 
ico, igoi, Gramat., ir, 93-108.) Con- 
tinuation (the first part was puldislied 
in the Anales for 18S5) of the Mexican 
grammar of Fr. Jose de Carranza. 
Chapters iv-v of Book II deal with the 
plurals of reverential nouns, and Book 
III begins with the conjugation of the 
verb tlatoa, "to speak." Carranza's 
Arte is No. 6i2 in Pilling's Proof 
Sheets, and contains six books. 

Chavero (A.) Manuscrito antiguo mexi- 
cano, inedito. (.An. d. Mus. Nac, 
Mexico, igoi, viii, 115-128.) The 
first part (chaps. l-v) of an unpub- 
lished Mexican manuscript from the 
collection of Senor Chavero. The 



[n. s., 3, 1901 


Spanish translation of the first three 
chapters is given in parallel columiis, 
and a few footnotes are added. 1 he 
translation and notes are the work of 
Padre Aquiles Gerste. The manu- 
script, which relates to the Toltec and 
Chichimec rule of Texcuco, is of con- 
siderable historical value, and contains 
many words not in Molina or Simeon. 

Dorsey (G. A.) The Shoshouean game 
of na-wa-ta-pi. (Journ. Amer. tolk- 
Lore, Boston, 1901, xiv, 24-25 ) De- 
scribes, with 2 plates showing the balls 
used, a juggling game in use among 
the women of the Shoshoni of Wyo- 
ming. The balls are of clay or cut 
from gypsum. Among these Indians 
'• contests of skill with these balls are 
occasions of considerable betting among 
the women, stakes of importance often 
being wagered." This ball-jugglmg 
crame is found also among the Ban- 
nock. Ute, and Paiute, and probably 
other Shoshonean tribes, but " lis 
presence among tribes of other stocks 
has not yet been noted." Dr Dorsey s 
observations were made in 1900. 

Forstemann (E.) Drei Maya-Hiero- 
glyphen (Ztschr. f. Ethnol., Berlin. 
1900, XXXII, 215-221.) Discusses the 
occurrence and significance of the hiero- 
glvphs for "lucky day." "unlucky 
day " and " fasting." The hieroglyph 
for '"lucky day" the author connects 
with the sign for the day oc and with 
the dog (as the " good or lucky animal"), 
the hieroglyph for " unlucky day " with 
the day-sign mai, and the eagle, a bird 
of evil or ill-omen. 

Harris (W. R.) The flint workers : a 
forgotten people. (Archseol. Rep. Ont., 
Toronto, 1900 [190']. X"- 25-36-) ^ 
general and historical account of the 
Iroquoian "Neutrals" or Attiwanda- 
rons, whose territory, in the early years 
of the seventeenth century, "stretched 
from the Genesee river to the Detroit. 
These people had easy access to sup- 
plies of Hint, controlling the chert beds 
in the region of Pt Abino on the Erie 
shore, whence their name of " Flint 
people," and their rule of " Neutrals, 
since they furnished arms to both Huron 
and Iroquois proper ; at least, this is 
the author's contention. The so-called 
" Southwold earthworks." near Port 
Stanley, " probably the best ruins of an 
Indian palisaded village to be found in 

western Canada," are attributed to 
these Indians. 

Hough (W.) An early West Virginia 
p<,ttery. (Rep. U. S. Nat. Mas. 
Washington, 1899 [1901J. 5II-52I.) 
Describes, with 16 plates, specimens 
(now in the Museum) of the product of 
the old Thompson Pottery at Morgan- 

Hunter (A. F.) Bibliography of the 
archeology of Ontario. (Archa-ol. Kep. 
Ont., Toronto, 1900 [1901], X''. 50- 
62 ) Some 105 titles of books, articles, 
newspaper items, etc , with resumes, 
comments, etc. 

Koettlitz(R.) From Para to Manaos : 
a trip up the lower Amazon. (Scott. 
Geoc^r. Mag., Edinb., 1901, xvii. 11- 
30.)" Contains brief notes on natives, 
rubber-manufacture, etc. 
Kunert (A.) Ringrandenser Palaolithen. 
(Verb d. Berimer Ges. f. Anthrop.. 
igoo, 348-352.) A general account of 
the "paleolithic" implement finds at 
the Morro do diabo on the Forromecco 
in the Rio Grande region of Brazil. 
The age of these paleoliths the author 
estimates as more than 2700 years. 
Lamotte (A. V.) The Californian In- 
dian. (Overiand Monthly. San Fran- 
cisco, 1901, xxxvii, 831-837O A. 
popular illustrated account of the In- 
dians of California in the past. Houses, 
industries and arts, food, dances, 
legends, etc., are touched upon. 

Mason (O. T.) A primitive frame for 
weaving narrow fabrics. (Kep. U.S. 
Nat. Mus.. 1899 [1901]- 485-510.) 
Discusses, with 9 plates and 19 figures 
in the text, the " heddle " frame among 
the Algonquian tribes, the Bueblo In- 
dians, the Finns, the Germans, the 
Italians, the New Englanders (ol 
Aryan descent), etc. ,-a device used 
in weaving belts, garters, and similar 
fabrics. Professor Mason concludes 
that the heddle frame has its home in 
Europe or .southwestern Asia, and tnai 
it was introduced among the Algonquian 
and Pueblo tribes since the Columbian 
discovery. This is a very interesting 

Pointed bark canoes of the Kutenai 

and the Amur. (Ibid., 523-537) his 
brief paper (with 4 plates and 6 te^t 
illustrations) treats of the pe^^'l'^"- p'"f- 
bark canoe (pointed at both ends below 

/<>' \ 



Mason — Continued. 

water) of the Lower Kooteiiay Indians, 
and its analogues among the neiijhbor- 
ing Salishan tribes and the Cjiliak of 
the river Amur in Siberia and other 
tribes of that region. Incorporated in 
the paper are notes on the Kootenay 
canoe by Meriden S. Hill. To the 
references given should be added the ac- 
count of the Kootenay canoe in the Re- 
port of the British .Association for 1892. 

Matthews (W.) Navaho night chant, 
(journ. Amer. Folk-Lore, Boston, rgoi, 
XIV, 12-19.) Describes (with 2 plates) 
in detail the longest and most import- 
ant ceremony of the Night Chant of 
the Navaho Indians. Characters, dress, 
dances, etc., are treated of, and speci- 
mens of the songs given. An interest- 
ing point in these ceremonies is the 
action of the women and the so-called 
hermaphrodites, who sometimes take 
the place of small men and youths. 
The " clown," who relieves with buf- 
foonery the long monotony of the night's 
performance, is a notable character. 
The male personators of female divini- 
ties sing in falsetto, and the women 
who act male parts do some in female 
costume. Although the words and 
syllables of the songs are mostly mean- 
ingless, " many of them are all-import- 
ant and must not be changed or 

Thetreatment of ailing gods. (Ibid., 

20-23.) This brief rite-myth tells, in 
the words of a shaman, " how a couple 
of the greatest divinities [the war-gods 
Nayenezgani and To'badslstJiniJ of 
the Navaho pantheon were taken ill, 
and how they were successfully treated 
by a minor divinity [the fire-god, Hast- 
jezinij " for the war disease. The 
motif of the myth is the belief enter- 
tained by the Indians in the old day 
that " one who killed an enemy by 
striking in the chest would get disease 
in the chest ; one who killed his enemy 
by striking on the head would get dis- 
ease of the head ; and one who killed 
by wounding in the abdomen would get 
disease of that part." Such was " war 
disease." The "cure" is given with 
some detail. The myth ends with the 
saying, " as was done to the gods then, 
so would we do today, if one among 
us got the war disease." 

Parker (W. T.) The muskee-kee win- 
ni-nee. (Open Court. Chicago, igor, 
XV, 2S9-300.) This illustrated article 

AM. .ANTH. N. s., 3 — 25 

deals in general terms with "the 'medi- 
cine man ' among the North American 
Indians," — the author had the honor of 
"grand-medicine" conferred on him 
by the Ojibwa of White Earth reserva- 
tion in 1S79. 

Price (Sadie F.) Kentucky folk-lore. 
(Journ. Amer. Folk-Lore, Boston, igoi, 
XIV, 30-3S.) Enumerates many items 
of folk-lore from southern Kentucky — 
weather proverbs, folk-medicine, negro 
superstitions, love, luck, household 
" signs." agriculture, etc., are treated. 
According to the author the remedy of 
ridding a house of rats by "writing" 
to them "is so generally believed in 
one section of the state (and that, too, 
in quite an enlightened section), that it 
was the cause of a bitter neighborhood 

Pro'we (II.) .Altindianische Medicin 
der (Quiche, (iualemala. (\'erh. d. 
Berliner Ges. f. Anthrop., 1900, 352- 
354.) A resume of the information in 
certain parts of the Popul Vuh (text of 
Brasseur de Bourbourg). According to 
Dr Hrowe pages 72-74 form "a brief 
pathology." The Quiche of today 
seem not to know some of the names 
of diseases and of remedies mentioned 
in Brasseur de Bourbourg. The author 
credits the ancient Quiche with a 
knowledge of hypnotism and notes the 
fact that among these Indians today 
hysteria is very common. 

Robelo (C. A.) Anahuac. (Bol. del. 
Inst. Cient. y Lit. " I'ortirio Diaz," 
Toluca, igor, w, 2-7.) Discussion of 
the etymology of Ana/mac, the Aztec 
name of the lake-region in the valley of 
Mexico. The author decides in favor 
of the derivation from atl, " water," 
and nahiiac, " surrounded," the literal 
meaning of Atialniac being, therefore, 
" water round about," or " surrounded 
by water." 

Rundall (\V. H.) -V curious musical in- 
strument. (Musical Times, London, 
igoi, XLll, 310-312.) An illustrated 
account of the " piano Zajiotecano," or 
marimba in use among the Indians of 
Guatemala. The author notes that the 
substitution by white experimenters of 
metal for wooden j^lates has not been a 
success so far as lone is concerned. 

Sargent (D. A.) The height and weight 
of Cuban teachers. (Hop. Sci. Mo., 
N. Y., 1901. LViii, 480-492.) Dis- 
cusses, with tables and charts, the 



V^- s., 3, igoi 

Sargen t — Con tin ucd. 

height, weight, etc., of 973 Cuban 
school-teachers observed at the Harvard 
Summer School, igoo (women 49^, men 
473)- The ages of those examined were 
from 13 to 64 years. In physical de- 
velopment the Cubans compare un- 
favorably with American students. The 
women have some advantages over the 
men. Conditions of the Cuban envir- 
onment and national customs count for 
something in explanation of the unde- 
veloped piiysique of the Cubans. 

Seip (Elisabeth C.) Witch-finding in 
western Maryland. (Journ. Amer. 
Folk-I.ore, Boston, igor, xiv, 39-44.) 
An inreresting account of the surviving 
belief in witchcraft and its expression 
in Frederick county, etc. The popu- 
lation concerned are "descendants of 
Germans who settled in Frederick 
county about the middle of the last 
century" who are still "remarkably 

Urbina (M.) Los Amates de Hernandez 
6 higueras mexicanas. (An. d. Mus 
Nac, Mexico. 1901, viii, 97-114.) 
The concluding portion of a discussion 
of the amates or trees and plants used | 

by the ancient Mexicans in the manu- 
facture of paper, etc., as recorded in 
Hernandez, with references to other 
authorities. In all 37 species are de- 
scribed, — figs, mulberry, Dtsmodiunt, 
Cordia, Ehretia, Riviiui, Epidtiidrum 
Dendrobium, etc. The native names 
are given, and, where known, their 

Wintemberg (W. J.) Indian village 
sites in the counties of Oxford and 
Waterloo, Ontario. (Archceol. Rep. 
Out., Toronto, 1900 [1901], xti, 37- 
40.) Brief account of village-sites 
belonging to the "Neutrals," or Atti- 
wandarons, and of others (" invariably 
located near large streams or small 
lakes " — the "Neutral" sites being 
located near springs or small rivulets) 
attributed to a pre-" Neutral " people. 
The sites of these two sorts differ in 
various ways as to the nature and loca- 
tion of the remains found in connection 
with them. The author suggests that 
the much-discussed "bird "amulets" 
may belong to the pre-" Neutral " peo- 
ple. A brief list is also given of .shells 
found on these village sites, and the 
comparatively limited use made of them 
is noted. 


A Maine Indian Ceremony in 1605. — The principal portion of 
the following account of one of the earliest native dances witnessed by 
a white man on the North American coast has been well known for a 
long time. It was printed in Rosier's Trve Relation of Captain George 
Waymouth's voyage to Monhegan and the adjoining Maine coast, in 
1605, and has been reprinted by the Massachusetts Historical Society, 
the Gorges Society, and at least twice separately. I am not aware, 
however, that attention has before been called to the very interesting 
additions to the description which appear in the version printed by 
Samuel Purchas in his Pilgrimes in 1625, volume iv, p. 1662. 

Waymouth came to anchor under Monhegan on Whitsun-eve, May 
i8th, 1605, and on the following day sailed across to one of the islands 
nearer the shore, at the entrance to St George's river. There he made 
his headquarters for several weeks, exploring the river and the neigh- 
boring country. The ship was visited by numbers of the natives, prob- 
ably coming from the settlement at Pemaquid, a few miles to the 
west. It was probably in the evening of June rst that two of the 
Indians agreed to spend the night on board the ship, on condition 
that one of the white men should sleep with the other natives on shore. 
Owen Griffin, a young man who had agreed to remain in America 
when the ship returned to England, if it seemed advisable to maintain 
the claim to a place for a settlement by leaving some one there, con- 
sented to act as hostage with the Indians. Rosier's account of his 
experiences, as printed by Purchas, reads : 

Griffin which lay on Shoare, reported unto me their manner, and 
(as I may tearnie them) the Ceremonies of their Idolatry, which they 
performe thus. One among them (the eldest of the company as he 
iudged) riseth right up, the rest sitting still, and sodainely cryed, Boivh, 
yBaugh in the 1605 version] waugh ; then the women fall downe, and 
lye upon the ground, and the men altogether answering the same, fall 
astamping round about with both feete as hard as they can, making the 
ground shake, with sundry loud outcries, and change of voyce and 
sound ; many take the fire stickes and thrust them into the earth, and 
then rest silent a while, of a sudden beginning as before, they looke 
round about, as though they expected the comming of something (as 
hee verily supposed) and continue stamping till the yonger sort fetch 
from the Shoare Stones, of which every man take one, and first beate 
upon them with the fire sticks, then with the Stones beate the ground 


388 AMERICAN^ ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

with all their strength : and in this sort (as he reported) they continued 
aboue two houres. In the time of their Panose, [pow-wows ? ] our 
watch aboord [the ship] were singing, and they signed to him to doe 
so, which he did, looking and lifting up his hands to heaven : then 
they pointed to the Moone, as if they imagined hee worshipped that, 
which when he with signes denied, they pointed to the Sunne rising, 
which he likewise disliked, lifting up his hands againe, then they looked 
about, as though they would see what Starre it might bee, laughing one 
to another. After this ended, they which have wives take them apart, 
and withdraw themselves severally into the wood all night. 

George Parker Winship. 

Skeleton in Armor. — In the last number of the Anthropologist I 

noticed a reference to the " Skeleton in Armor." In this note it is im- , 


plied that soon after Longfellow visited the Fall River Museum and [ 
saw the skeleton, which was the subject of his poem, that museum was j 
burned and all its contents were destroyed. This would lead one to ! 
suppose that the so-called "armor " was destroyed in this fire, whereas j 
while the skeleton was destroyed, the " armor," at least in part, had 1 
already found its way to the Museum of Copenhagen where it had been ( 
sent by Dr Jerome V. C. Smith. j 

This "armor" consisted of a piece of brass similar to the copper | 
breast-ornaments which have often been found in Indian graves, and a ! 
belt or breast-ornament made of tubes of brass which were strung so as 
to be united side by side, as indicated by Mrs Julia Ward Howe in her ; 
letter published in this journal. Two of these brass tubes were given 1 
to the Peabody Museum by the late Dr Samuel Kneeland in 1887. A, 
reference to these tubes will be found on page 543 of volume in of the 
Peabody Museum Reports, with quite a full description, by Dr Knee-( 
land, of the specimens in the Copenhagen Museum, and a statement: 
that one of the tubes was analyzed and shown to be brass. , 

To an American archeologist the finding of brass tubes is evidence! 
of an Indian burial since contact with the whites ; whereas similar! 
tubes made by hammering out pieces of native copper are common inj 
older Indian graves in many parts of the country. It will also be re-i 
called that arrowheads made of brass were found in the grave with the] 
skeleton at Fall River. Similar brass arrowheads have been found ini 
other Indian burial places in Massachusetts and New York, to ni) 
personal knowledge. 

Although we have not the Fall River skeleton for study, we can b} 
inference feel confident that it was that of an Indian. I have severa; 
times found whole brass kettles as well as ornaments made from piece;l 
of brass in Indian graves in Massachusetts and New York. Brass ha; 

I i 


the same archeological value as glass beads and pieces of looking-glass, 
pewter jjots, and iron implements, and simply indicates that the burial 
was after white contact. F. W. Putnam. 

Robert Grant Haliburton. — Robert Grant Haliburton, M.A., 
Q.C., D.C.L., was born at Windsor, Nova Scotia, June 3, 1831, and 
died at Pass Christian, Miss., March 14, 1901. He was the elder son of 
the Honorable Thomas Chandler Haliburton, the well-known jurist, 
writer, and member of Parliament, w^hose " Sam Slick " papers justly 
earned him the title of " father of American humor." 

Following in the footsteps of his father, the son graduated from 
King's College, Windsor, with high honors. Within a year thereafter 
he was called to the provincial bar, where his exceptional ability soon 
became apparent. Removing to Ottawa shortly after, he established 
there an extensive practice. Amongst his most important legal suc- 
cesses were the settlement of the Prince Edward Island land disputes 
in i860, and the determination of the legal status of fugitive slaves in 
Canada. Owing to the belief shared by father and son that the publi- 
cation of one of the former's works had prejudiced a certain section of 
the electorate against both, Mr Haliburton declined to accept office 
under the Canadian government, but he was nevertheless able to make 
himself a factor of importance in politics as well as in the organization 
of various commercial associations. 

A passage in Rivero and Tschudi's antiquities of Peru led Mr Hali- 
burton to take up the study of the astronomical element in primitive 
myths and ceremonials. The result of his studies as revealed in his 
Netv Material for the History of Mankind — unfortunately a very rare 
work — proved the existence of a world-wide cult founded on the wor- 
ship of the Pleiades as the stars of rain and the harvest. This cult was 
shown to have arisen from the use of the Pleiades as time markers, their 
position being such as to afford the simplest, and therefore the earliest 
discovered, means of defining seed time and harvest. Mr Haliburton's 
researches in this field have been extensively used by other well-known 
writers, such as F. Piazzi Smith in his Life and Work at the Great 
Pyramid, Blake in his Astronomical Myths, and Bunsen in his Der 
Plejarden und der Thierkriess, the last-named work being dedicated to 
him. He may reasonably be regarded as the pioneer of modern science 
in the field of symbolical astronomy. 

In 188 1, while at Tangier, he began the collection of notes on the 
folklore and mythology of Morocco. This led to the discovery of the 
existence of racial dwarfs in and near the Atlas mountains and won 
for the discoverer the medal of the Ninth Oriental Congress. In spite 

39° AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [.n. s., 3, 1901 

of this recognition, however, " Mr Haliburton's dwarfs " as they were 
termed, were regarded with incredulity by many, some writers assum- 
ing a tone which seemed to somewhat pass the bounds of legitimate 
criticism. But these critics were soon discomforted by the acceptance 
of the " little people " as true racial dwarfs by such authorities as Vir- 
chow and Sayce. This discovery induced Mr Haliburton to suspect 
the possible existence of dwarfs elsewhere, in spite of the prevailing 
ignorance on the subject. Traces of them were found in the Pyrenees 
and other parts of Europe, and more conclusive evidence in Central 
America, Peru, and the Amazon country. Various indications seemed 
to suggest that the dwarfs might once have been a widely distributed 
race, possibly synonymous with pre-glacial man ; but Mr Haliburton 
realized that the available evidence is not yet sufficient to establish such 
a theory, therefore he wisely abstained from presenting it. In 1897 he 
privately published at Toronto his various papers on the dwarfs in a 
volume entitled. How a Race of Pygmies were Found in North Africa 
and Spain. 

Personally all those who have met him will remember him as a 
most genial and kindly man, who took an earnest and unselfish in- 
terest in all scientific research. Honest, fearless, yet cautious, with 
eyes wide open to see, tolerant of all views in the belief that even error, 
if honest, points the way to truth, and always courteous, even to those 
critics who passed the bounds of courtesy, it was not alone by his re- 
searches that science has profited, for his influence over others was as 
important as his work. To it we owe the Micmac studies of the late 
Dr S. T. Rand, besides several well-known works in the region where 
astronomy and anthropology meet. Nor was that influence confined to 
the scientific field. Perhaps the best known of Canadian poets, now de- 
ceased, declared that he and his companions had learned to look upon 
Mr Haliburton as a father who was ever ready with suggestion and en- 
couragement. Such was the man whose loss all must deplore. 

Stansbury Hagar. 

An Algonquian Loan-word in Kiowa. — The Kiowa-English 
glossary accompanying Mr James Mooney's valuable study of the 
" Calendar History of the Kiowa," contains the following entry' : 

" Taka-i-p'6dal — ' Spoiled-saddle-blanket ' ; a Kiowa signer of the 
treaty of 1867, where the name appears as ' Fish-e-more, or Stinking 
saddle ' ; commonly abbreviated to Takd-ite. The name ' Fish-e-more,' 
as given in the treaty, is pronounced Pf semai by the Kiowa, who say 
that it is a foreign word, old, and with no meaning in Kiowa." For 

' Seventeenth Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., Washington, p. 423. { 


39 i 

this word an Algoncjuian (possibly through western American English) 
source suggests itself. It seems very probable that in Fishemore- 
Pi'semdi we have a word which is thus recorded in Bartlett's " Dic- 
tionary of Americanisms" (4th ed., 1S77, p. 15): " Apishamore 
(Chippewa, apis/iatnon.) Anything to lie down on ; a bed. A saddle- 
blanket made of buffalo-calf skins, used on the great prairies." In Ojibwa 
and related Algonquian dialects apishamon signifies " anything to lie 
down upon, so as not to rest upon the bare earth, etc.," while the cognate 
words apikweshimon and apishkamon mean, respectively, "pillow, 
bolster," and " the piece of bark on which the paddler kneels in a 
canoe." Form and meaning offer no insuperable objection, nor does 
the location (present and past) of the Kiowa. 

Alexander F. Chamberlain. 

Eskimo and Samoan "Killers."— Murdoch says that before 
the introduction of steel traps at Point Barrow, Alaska, the following 
contrivance for catching the wolf was in vogue. It consisted of a stout 
rod of whalebone about a foot long and half an inch broad, with a sharp 
point at each end. It was folded in the form of the letter Z, wrapped 
in blubber, and frozen solid. It was then thrown in the snow, where the 
wolf could find and swallow it. The heat of the animal's body would 
thaw out the blubber, releasing the whalebone, which would straighten 
out and pierce the walls of the stomach, causing the animal's death. 
Schwatka says that in Hudson bay it was twisted into a coil like a 
watch spring. Specimens of these wolf-killers are in the National Mu- 
seum from the Mackenzie river region. They are doubled up in zigzag 
shape and tied with a bit of sinew. The attention of the readers of the 
Anthropologist is called to this description in comparison with what fol- 
lows from Ckatnbers' journal. May, 1901, p. 345 : 

In the Island of Samoa, sharks are captured in the following man- 
ner : From a piece of green bamboo about four feet in length, a strip 
is taken about an inch wide. After charring the points, the ends are 
sharpened carefully, and with great pressure the strips are coiled up 
into as small a compass as possible, the w^hole being kept in position by 
being sewed in the fresh skin of a fish. A dog is killed and the viscera 
removed. One of these coils is placed in the cavity and the dog is 
sewed up. When the shark appears, the dog is thrown overboard and 
swallowed by the shark. First the flesh is digested, then the skin of the 
fish with which the coil is held together. As soon as this takes place, 
the coil unwraps, the points stick into the stomach of the fish, which 
dies with lock-jaw, and its body is recovered. O. T. Mason. 

Ollivier Beauregard. — M. Ollivier Beauregard, who died at 
Paris, Jan. 14, 1 901, at the age of 86 years, was the author of many 

392 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

articles of an anthropological nature. He was at one time President of 
the Anthropological Society of Paris, in whose Bulletins his name 
figures conspicuously. He wrote chiefly on Egyptian and Oriental 
topics, and in 1889 published a volume of ethnological and linguistic 
studies from the Orient. He was also a prominent member of the 
French Society des Traditions Populaires, and contributed to its 
Revue several papers on Malay folklore, etc. A. F. C. 

The Fifth International Congress of Criminal Anthropol- 
ogy will be held in Amsterdam, from September 9-14, 1901. The 
principal questions to be discussed are: First, anatomical and physio- 
logical characters of criminals, descriptive studies; second, criminal 
psychology and psychopathology, criminals and lunatics, theoretical 
considerations and practical measures; third, criminal anthropology 
in its legal and administrative application, principles to be followed, 
preventive measures, protective measures, penalties; fourth, criminal 
sociology, economic causes of crime, criminality and socialism; fifth, 
criminal anthropology and ethnology compared. Special questions, 
such as alcoholism, sexuality, juvenile criminality, senile criminality, 
hypnotism, criminal psychology in literature, etc., will also be con- 

In the Summer School at Clark University, Worcester, Mass., to 
be held July 15-27, Dr A. F. Chamberlain, .■\cting Assistant Professor 
of Anthropology, will offer a course of twelve lectures on " Education 
among Primitive Peoples." The aim of this course will be to con- 
sider and interpret the educational phenomena with which the various 
races of men began their evolution toward the culture and civilization 
of today ; to examine and discuss those modes of thought and action, 
which, being at the first, have made their influence felt through all 
the ages of human progress, and are still potent in matters of educa- 
tion. Dr Chamberlain will also offer an evening lecture on " The Poet 
and the Man of Science." 

Mr Gerard Fowke has reprinted from \}i\Q Publications of the Ohio 
Archeological and Historical Society his interesting account of the 
" Stone Graves of Brown County, Ohio." The author finds it impos- 
sible to assign a date to the remains or to determine the tribe which 
constructed them, although Dr Cyrus Thomas is inclined to attribute 
them to the Shawnee. Not more than half a dozen of the several hun- 
dred graves opened yielded specimens of any sort, a fact which leads 


to the author's belief that they are not of Shawnee origin. " So far 
as known," says Mr Fowke, " no stone graves as complicated and 
diverse in structure as these exist in other localities." 

Dr Nicolas Leon, assistant naturalist and curator of the anthro- 
pological and ethnographical section of the Museo Nacional of Mexico, 
has issued a pamphlet in which is given a classification of the Linguistic 
Families of Mexico^ being an " Essay of Classification ; with a notice of 
the Zapaluta language and a confessional in the same " (Mexico, igor, 
13 pp., S''). Dr Leon omits the Tequistatecana stock of Mason, and 
adds the Chinantecana, Chiapanecana, Maratiniana, Chichimecana, 
Tanoana, Shoshosheana, and Coahuiltecana, the last three being in- 
cluded in Powell's list as situated partly within the limits of the United 

Roman Bread. — Hitherto ancient Roman bread has been known 
only from Pompeii. The excavations of Colonel von GroUen carried 
on during the last few years at Carnuntum, the ruins of which are some 
sixteen miles from Vienna, however, have resulted in the discovery of 
a bakery containing two ovens in which were found a number of car- 
bonized but perfectly preserved loaves of bread. Carnuntum in Ro- 
man days was an important trading and garrison post. A. F. C. 

Dr Arthur Hazelius died at Stockholm, May 27th, in his sixty- 
eighth year. Dr Hazelius was the founder of the Norwegian Ethno- 
graphical Museum, and of the unique and interesting Skansen, the 
open-air museum in the Zoological Garden of Stockholm, the result 
of nearly thirty years of labor, where the national life of old Sweden 
is represented in vivid fashion, not merely by means of buildings, but 
also by the festivals and music of earlier times. 

An influential committee has been formed in Italy to celebrate 
1 the fortieth anniversary of Prof. Paul Mantegazza's entrance on his career 
I as a teacher. This event was celebrated at Florence on April 30th, 
, and at the same time the thirtieth anniversary of the Italian Society 
J of Anthropology. It is proposed to collect a sum of money to be used 
; for the endowment of the new laboratory of anthropometry which Pro- 
I fessor Mantegazza has established at Florence. 

' The Society of German Naturalists and Physicians will hold 
Its seventy-third annual reunion in Hamburg, September 22-28 
. next. Dr L. Prochownik and Dr K. Hagen, Superintendent of the 
I Museum of Ethnography, will officiate as reception committee for the 
I Section of Anthropology and Ethnology. It is requested that the titles 
j of casual papers be sent in advance to the last-named gentleman. 


Prof. Dr Bretschneider, formerly physician of the Russian lega- 
tion in Peking, died in St Petersburg a short time since, aged 68 years. 
He was counted among those best informed in regard to China, and 
published statistical works, mostly in the periodicals, on the geography, 
archeology, and botany of the empire. His Botanicum Sinicum is in- 
dispensable for a knowledge of the ethno-botany of China. 

O. A. Anutschin. — On March 30, 1900, the jubilee (25 years) of Dr 
Anutschin as President of the Anthropological Section of the Royal So- 
ciety of the Friends of the Natural Sciences, Anthropology, and Eth- 
nography, of the University of Moscow, was celebrated. At the same 
time a new anthropological journal (published in Russian) was 
founded, with the title, Russian Anthropological yournal. 

Prof. Rudolf Virchow of Berlin will pass his eightieth birthday 
on the i8th of October of this year. A committee consisting of many 
eminent men engaged in various fields of scientific research, has been 
formed for the purpose of collecting a sum which will greatly increase 
the Rudolf Virchow Foundation and which is to be transmitted to the 
distinguished scholar on his birthday. 

The Royal Indian Institute (Instituut voor de Taal-, Land- en 
Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch Indie) on the 4th of June celebrated 
in Hague the fiftieth anniversary of its foundation with a commemora- 
tive address by Prof. H. Kern. The Queen took this opportunity to 
create Herr J. H. de Groot, the treasurer of the Museum, a Knight 
of the Oranje-Nassau-Ordens. 

Arabian Bibliography. — There is in process of publication in 
Liege, Belgium, a " Bibliography of Arabian works, or works relating to 
the Arabs, printed in Christian Europe from 1810 to 1885," compiled 
by Professor Victor Chervin, of the University of that city. It is a 
work of prime importance for all students of comparative literature, j 
folklorists, etc. j 

Mr j. Pierpont Morgan has given to the Cooper Union Museum, 1 
New York, a valuable collection of textile fabrics, illustrating the , 
history of weaving through the Middle Ages to the end of the sev- 
enteenth century. The collection includes the Bodia collection of 
Barcelona, the Rivas collection of Madrid, and the Baron collection 
of Paris. 

Anthropological Prizes. — The C.odard and Bertillon prizes ot| 
the Anthropological Society of Paris will be awarded during the presentj 
year. The Godard prize of 500 fr. will be given for the best memoiri 



on an anthropologic subject, and the Bertillon prize, of the same 
amount, for the best memoir on a subject relating to demography. 

Maoris of New Zealand. — The recent census of New Zealand, if 
the preliminary returns are to be relied upon, reveals the fact that the 
Maoris, far from dying out, have actually increased since April, 1896, 
from 39,850 to 43,078, a gain of over eight per cent. Part of this increase 
may, however, be due to the great accuracy of enumeration. 

Dr Franz Boas, of Columbia University and the American Museum 
of Natural History, has been appointed honorary philologist in the 
Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington. The appointment will 
in no way affect Dr Boas' duties in connection with the first two institu- 
tions, and he will continue to reside in New York City. 

At the stated meeting of the National Academy of Sciences 
held at Washington, April i6-i8, Dr T. Mitchell Prudden, Professor 
of Pathology in the College of Physicians and Surgeons, Columbia 
University, and Dr J. McKeen Cattell, Professor of Psychology in 
Columbia University, were elected to membership. 

Rev. J. Chalmers, the missionary, met death on Aird river, 
Gulf of Papua, New Guinea, where, amidst many perils he was en- 
deavoring to act as peacemaker between hostile tribes. His works on 
the natives of British New Guinea, published partly in conjunction 
with Dr W. Gill, are well known. 

J. F. Snelleman. — The new director of the Municipal Geograph- 
ical and Ethnological Museum at Rotterdam is J. F. Snelleman (ap- 
pointed February, 190 1), who is remembered as having taken part in the 
exploring expedition sent into central Sumatra in 1879 by the Dutch 
Geographical Society. 

Dr William Z. Ripley, of the Massachusetts Institute of Techno- 
logy, has been invited to deliver tlie second Huxley Memorial Lecture 
before the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. The 
first of the Huxley Memorial Lectures was delivered last year by Lord 

The Trustees of the estate of the late Mary Hemenway, of Boston, 
founder and patroness of the Hemenway Expedition whose archeo- 
logical researches in Arizona and New Mexico are so well known, have 
appropriated $500 for an anthropological fellowship in Columbia 

Dr William Hein, assistant custodian in the division of ethnology 
and anthropology in the Imperial Court Museum of Natural History, 

39^ AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

has been admitted as privatdocent for general ethnography in the 
University of Vienna. 

Greek-Ruthenian Dictionary. — The Greek-Ruthenian Diction- 
ary to Homer, compiled by H. Ohonowski, has been taken over by the 
Ukrainian Sevcenko Scientific Society of Lemberg, Galicia, by whom it 
is to be published. 

P. G. VON MoLLENDORF, who made himself favorably known by his 
numerous works on natural science, and on the ethnography and 
philology of China and Corea, died April igth, at the age of 53. 

Dr F. W. van Eeden, founder and director of the Colonial Museum 
in Haarlem, died May 5th, after a long illness, aged seventy-three 
years. D. M. Greshoff has been appointed as his successor. 

Mr Andrew E. Douglass has presented his collection of Indian 
archeological and anthropological specimens, numbering some 23,000 
objects, to the American Museum of Natural History. 

Columbia University has received an anonymous gift of $100,000 
for the establishment of a department for the study of Chinese institu- i 
tions, language, and history. | 

A Museum of Ethnology has been established at the University j 
at Breslau through the efforts of Doctor Thilenius, Professor of An- 
thropology and Ethnology. ) 

Johannes Weismann, for many years treasurer of the German 1 
Anthropological Society, died March i8th last at Munich, at the age j 
of 76 years. | 

Dr K. Weule has been appointed assistant director in the Museum 
of Ethnology at Leipzig and professor of ethnography in the University j 
of that city. 

Cornell College, Iowa, has conferred the degree of LL.D. on j 
Mr \V J McGee, ethnologist-in-charge of the Bureau of American 

The Critic is the work of the most com- 
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books, for criticism and informal discussion 
of art, for the sifting of dramatic matters, 
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is an observant and trustworthy reporter of 
the progress of the world in arts and letters. 

The bald summary given above affords small 
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in the reading. Hence for a short time we 
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N. S., VOL. 3, PL. VII 

a. Use of a basket in molding tlie base of an earthen vessel. (Znni.') 

b. Vase showing impressions resulting from the use of pliable fabrics 
in wrapping and sustaining the vessel while plastic. 

American Anthropologist 


Vol. 3 July-September, 1901 No. 3 



Among the native tribes of a wide zone in southern British 
America and in northern United States and extending from the 
Atlantic to the Rocky mountains, the ceramic art was intimately 
associated with the textile art and the earthenware exhibits 
traces of this intimacy as one of its most constant characteristics. 
These traces consist of impressions of textile articles made upon 
the plastic clay during manufacture and of markings in imitation 
of textile characters traced or stamped on the newly-made 
vessels. The textile art is no doubt the elder art in this region, 
as elsewhere, and the potter, working always with textile appli- 
ances and with textile models before her, has borrowed many ele- 
ments of form and ornament from them. Textile forms and 
markings are thus a characteristic of the initial stages of the 
ceramic art. 

It is true that we cannot say in any case whether the potter's 
art, as practised in the northern districts, is exclusively of local 
development, springing from suggestions offered by the prac- 
tice of simple culinary arts, especially basketry, or whether it 


398 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

represents degenerate phases of southern art, radiating from far- 
away culture centers and reduced to the utmost simpHcity by the 
unfriendly environment. We are certainly safe, however, in 
assuming that this peculiar phase of the art represents its initial 
stage — a stage through and from which the higher and more com- 
plex phases characterizing succeeding stages of barbarism and 
civilization arose. 

Whether the art passed through the textile stage with all 
peoples may remain a question, for the traces are obliterated by 
lapse of time. We observe in passing southward through the 
United States that the textile-marked wares become less and less 
prevalent, though enough is still found in Florida and other Gulf 
states to suggest a former practice there of the archaic art and a 
development from it. 

Textile markings found on pottery are of five classes : First, 
impressions from the surface of rigid forms, such as baskets. 
Second, impressions of fabrics of a pliable nature, such as cloths 
and nets. Third, impressions from woven textures used over 
the hand or over some suitable modeling implement. Fourth, 
impressions of cords wrapped about modeling paddles or rocking 
tools. Fifth, impressions of bits of cords or other textile units, 
singly or in groups, applied for ornament only and so arranged as 
to give textile-like patterns. In addition, we have a large class of 
impressions and markings in which textile effects are mechanically 

The several kinds of textile markings are not equally dis- 
tributed over the country, but each seems, to a certain extent, to 
characterize the wares of a' particular region or to belong to par- 
ticular groups of ware, indicating, perhaps, the condition and 
practices of distinct peoples or variations in initial elements affec- 
ting the art. There may also be a certain order in the develop- 
ment of the various classes of impressions — a passing from simple 
to complex phenomena, from purely mechanical to convention- 
ally modified phases of embellishment. 

i J 


N. S., VOL. 3, PL. VIM 

a. Bowl from a North Carolina mound, showing prints of cord-wrapped maleating tool. 



I! , 

6. Bowl made by the author. The surface was finished with a cord-wrapped paddle. 

holmes] use of textiles IN POTTERY MAKING 399 

Baskets used in molding and modeling. — The extent to wliich 
baskets were used in modeling pottery in this great province has 
been greatly over-estimated. Instead of being the rule, as we 
have been led to believe, their use constitutes the exception, and 
the rare exception. 

The functions of the fabrics and textile elements used in con- 
nection with the manufacture of pottery deserve careful consider- 
ation. There can be little doubt that these functions are both 
practical and esthetic, but we shall not be able to make the 
i distinction in all cases. Practical uses may be several. In mod- 
' eling a clay vessel a basket may be used as a support and pivot, 
thus serving as an incipient form of the wheel (plate Vll, «). It 
may equally well assist in shaping the bodies of the vessels, 
thus assuming in a limited way the functions of a mold. The 
mat upon which a plastic vessel happens to rest leaves im- 
pressions rendered indelible by subsequent firing. The same 
may be true of any fabric brought into contact with the plastic 
surface, but the impressions in such cases are accidental and have 
no practical function. 

That baskets were used in the east as molds is attested by his- 
torical evidence. I can but regard it as remarkable, however, 
that in handling thousands of specimens of this pottery I have 
found no vase the imprints upon which fully warrant the state- 
ment that a basket was employed as a mold or even as a support 
for the incipient clay form. Many assertions to the contrary 
have been made, probably through misapprehension of the nature 
of the markings observed. On fragments of imperfectly-preserved 
vessels distinctions cannot readily be drawn between disconnected 
impressions made by the partial application of pliable fabrics or 
textile-covered stamps and the systematically connected imprint- 
ings made by the surface of a basket. The unwary are liable even 
to mistake the rude patterns made by impressing bits of cords in 
j geometric arrangement about the rims of vases for the imprints 
' of baskets. 

400 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

Pliable fabrics as aids in modeling. — Pliable fabrics, such as 
sacks, nets, and cloths, were made use of as exterior supports in 
holding or handling the vessel while it was still in a plastic con- 
dition. Mr Mooney says that the Cherokee use a rag when lift- 
ing the pot at one stage of its manufacture, and it is easy to see 
that cloths or nets wrapped about the exterior surface of the 
plastic walls would serve to prevent quick drying and consequent 
cracking of the clay along weak lines. Binding up with cloths or 
nets would interfere with the deforming tendency of pressure 
during the modeling process and of sinking from weight of the 
plastic walls. Mr Sellers, a very acute observer, believed that 
the modeling of certain large salt basins was done on core-like 
molds of clay. In such a case, or where (as observed by Hunter) 
blocks of wood were used, the cloth would serve an important j 
purpose in facilitating the removal of the plastic or partly dried 
clay shell and in supporting it during subsequent stages of the j 
shaping and finishing processes. Such removal would probably j 
be accomplished by turning the mold, with the vase upon it, up- | 
side down, and allowing the latter to fall off into the fabric by its I 
own weight or by means of pressure from the hands. An excel- j 
lent example of the impressions made on the surface of vases by \ 
fabrics applied in the course of manufacture is shown in plate 1 
VII, b. The specimen is a small vessel from a mound in Lenoir j 
county. North Carolina. 

Textiles used in nialeating the surfaces of vessels. — An extended 
series of experiments made for the purpose of determining the 
functions of fabrics in pottery making has led me to observe 
that the imprintings were in many cases not made by textiles 
used as supports, but were applied wrapped about the hand or a 
modeling tool as a means of knitting or welding together the clay 
surface. Experiment shows that the deeper and more complex 
the imprintings, the more tenacious becomes the clay. Scarify- 
ing, combing, pinching with the finger-nails, maleating with 
engraved paddles, etc., served the same purpose. ; 


N. S. , VOL. 3, PL. IX 

Potsherds showing simple method of applying cords in vessel decoration. 

Potsherd illustrating the markings of a notched wheel. 

holmes] use of textiles IN POTTERY MAKING 4OI 

Use of flat cord-wrapped maleating tools. — It was further ob- 
served, as a result of these investigations, that more than half of 
the textile markings upon vases are not really imprints of fabrics 
at all, but are the result of going over the surface with modeling 
tools covered or wrapped with unwoven twisted cords. This is 
well illustrated in plate VIII, «, b. 

Plate VIII, ^, illustrates a small bowl from a mound in North 
Carolina. The surface is completely covered with deep, sharp 
markings made by paddling with a cord-wrapped tool applied 
repeatedly and at various angles. Fig. b of the plate shows a 
similar cup, made of potter's clay by the writer as an experiment. 
The maleating implement was a Cherokee potter's paddle wrapped 
with native cord. 

Use of cord-wrapped rocking tools. — Of the same general class 
as the cord-wrapped paddle were other tools, more or less rounded 
and wrapped with cord. These may have been applied as pad- 
dles, but were usually rocked back and forth, the rounder forms 
being revolved as a roulette. The impressions of the flat paddle 
are distinguished by the patchy and disconnected nature of the 
imprints. The rolling or rocking implement was not lifted from 
the surface, and gave a zigzag connection to the markings. 

The rolling or rocking modeling tools had an advantage 
over the flat paddles where round surfaces were to be treated, and 
especially about the constricted neck of the vessel. They served 
the triple purpose (i) of modeling the surface, reducing irregular- 
ities ; (2) of kneading and knitting the surface, making the walls 
stronger; and (3) of imparting a texture to the surface that may 
have been regarded as pleasing to the eye. It is seen, however, 
that whenever it was desired to add ornamental designs, even of 
the most simple kind, this cord marking was generally smoothed 
down over the part of the surface to be treated, so that the 
figures imprinted or incised would have the advantage of an even 

Cords imprinted in ornamental patterns. — Growing out of the 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 3 — 26. 

402 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

use of cord-wrapped tools in modeling and finishing the clay 
surfaces is a group of phenomena of great importance in the 
history of ceramic ornament. I refer to the imprinting of twisted 
cords, singly and in such relations and order as to produce orna- 
mental effects or patterns. In its simplest use the cord was laid 
on and imprinted in a few lines around the shoulder or neck of 
the vessel. Elaborations of this use are imprintings producing 
a great variety of simple geometric patterns, differing with the 
regions and the peoples. Connected or current fretwork and 
curved figures were not readily executed in this method, and are 
never seen. Two examples of cord-imprinted patterns are shown 
in plate ix, a, b. Hard-twisted cords were in most general use, 
but their markings were imitated in various ways, as by imprint- 
ing strings of beads, and slender sticks or sinews wrapped with 
thread or other unwoven strands. 

Imitation of textile characters variously produced. — It would 
seem that the textile idea went beyond the imprinting of textiles 
and cords and that textile markings were imitated in many ways, \ 
indicating possibly the association of ideas of a special traditional 
nature with the textile work and kept alive in ceramics by the j 
imitation of textile characters. 

Textile effects produced by the roulette. — The notched wheel or 
roulette was used in imitating cord-like patterns, and this was j 
perhaps an outgrowth of the use of cord-covered maleating tools. 
This tool was confined pretty closely to one great group of 
ware — the so-called roulette-decorated wares of the northwest.; 
The potsherd shown in plate ix, r, illustrates these markings asi 
applied by the ancient potter. i 

Textile effects produced by stamps and engraved paddles. — i 
Decorative effects closely resembling those produced by the use, 
of cords and the rocking tool were made by narrow, notchedj 
stamps applied to the plastic surface. Connecting directly witbl 
this simple stamp work, in which a succession of separate imj 
printings give the textile effects, is the use of the engraveci 


modeling-texturing-decorating paddle, so extensively used in the 
southern Appalachian region. 

Owing to the close association of these rouletted, stamped, 
and incised effects with the textile imprinted groups of ware, 
I feel warranted in speaking of them as growing directly out of 
textile practices, although they are not necessarily always so 
connected, since the use of the stamp may also have arisen from 
other sources, such as the use of non-textile tools in modeling. 

The textile art has thus served in various ways to shape and 
modify the ceramic art, and the textile technic has bequeathed its 
geometric characters to the younger art, giving rise to most varied 
forms of embellishment and no doubt profoundly affecting later 
phases of its development. 


In my volume entitled Truth and Error I employed deductive 
reasoning to demonstrate the constancy of speed in the ultimate 
particle. The method will be justified in this article. 

Induction leads to the discovery of laws. The laws themselves 
may at first be imperfectly understood and improperly stated; 
often they require revision from time to time as new facts are 
discovered. When at last the law is fully known and correctly 
stated it becomes a self-evident proposition. Every finally de- 
veloped law is an axiom. Laws are objective facts inherent in 
objective nature ; the discovery of these laws is an act of mind 
which reconstructs them from nature. So-called laws often 
prove to be fallacies of judgment, and laws as first stated often 
require restatement, for laws are creations of the mind only for 
the mind and not for nature. The mental operation is a struggle 
for natural truths, and the human statement of a law must ulti- 
mately conform to the natural law. 

The nature of deductive and inductive reasoning will be set 
forth in a subsequent contribution ; here we must be content 
with the bare statement just made. 

A categorical question is one that can be answered by simple 
affirmation or negation with a " yes " or " no " or a nod of the 
head. That a categorical question may be asked it must be 
simply stated, and that it may be answered it must be understood 
and the facts known. A category is an ultimate fact simply 
stated, but in order that it be accepted it must be understood 
and the person who understands it must have the necessary 



A category is something ultimately simple. The term simple 

is antithetic both to compound and to complex. That is reduced 

which is changed from a compound state to a simple state, and 

I from a complex state to a simple state, and that is irreducible 

' which can be no further simplified. To understand how com- 

■ pounds are reduced to simples we have to understand how bodies 

I are reduced to particles. Having reduced bodies to their ultimate 

particles, a further reduction is possible, not by analysis but by 

j abstraction ; this ultimate reduction ends in discovering the 

I irreducibles. 

i Historically the effort to accomplish this end was first vaguely 
made by considering the nature of language, when the simples 
I which language expresses were called categories or predicaments. 
I This was Aristotle's work. He makes them ten in number, 
[namely: substance, quantity, quality, relation, place, time, posi- 
tion, possession, action, and passivity. 
Of this list of categories Mill says : 

The imperfections of this classification are too obvious to require, 
and its merits are not sufficient to reward, a minute examination. It is 
a mere catalogue of the distinctions rudely marked out by the language 
of familiar life, with little or no attempt to penetrate, by philosophic 
analysis, to the rationale even of those common distinctions. Such an 
analysis, however superficially conducted, would have shown the enume- 
ration to be both redundant and defective. Some objects are omitted, 
and others repeated several times under different heads. It is like a 
division of animals into men, quadrupeds, horses, asses, and ponies. 
That, for instance, could not be a very comprehensive view of the na- 
ture of Relation which could exclude action, passivity, and local situa- 
tion from that category. The same observation applies to the categories 
Quando (or position in time) and Ubi (or position in space) ; while 
the distinction between the latter and Situs is merely verbal. The in- 
congruity of erecting into a siimmum genus the class which forms the 
tenth category is manifest. On the other hand, the enumeration takes 
no notice of anything besides substance and attributes. In what cate- 
gory are we to place sensations, or any other feelings, and states of 
mind ; as hope, joy, fear ; sound, smell, taste ; pain, pleasure ; thought, 
judgment, conception, and the like ? Probably all these would have 

406 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGJ ST [n. s., 3. 1901 

been placed by the Aristotelian school in the categories of actio and 
passio J and the relation of such of them as are active, to their objects, 
and of such of them as are passive, to their causes, would rightly be so 
placed ; but the things themselves, the feelings or states of mind 
wrongly. Feelings, or states of consciousness, are assuredly to be 
counted among realities, but they cannot be reckoned either among 
substances or attributes. 

This is why I call Aristotle the founder of materialism. He 
vaguely thought mind to be nothing but HouZv and Tla^xuv — actio 
and passio — nothing but action and reaction. In the same man- 
ner Spencer considers mind to be nothing but energy, while many 
of our modern physiological psychologists take the same ground, 
that mind is the action and reaction of forces. 

The subject of the categories was considered by Kant ; he 
makes them twelve, in four classes of three species, namely — 

Singularity Reality Substance Possibility j 

Plurality Unreality Dependence Existence 

Universality Indefiniteness Reaction Necessity 1 

This system has also been found defective. Kant believed j 
the nature of mind to be insoluble, — to be the mysterious " nou- 1 
menon," — while he classified the faculties into intellections, j 

emotions, and will, and then divided intellection into sensibility, j 


understanding, and reasoning. This method of treating the sub- 
ject led him into immeasurable absurdities which found expres- j 
sion in the statement that the mind can only reach antinomies or | 
contradictions. That metaphysic known in modern times as i 
idealism, which was founded by Berkeley, now afifirms that the | 
whole universe is the construction of mind which has no objec- ■ 
tive reality. Mind is the only reality. By this system mind is \ 
the single category, just as energy is the single category with i 
Spencer. I 

Science considers the objective world and discovers thej 
simples of which it is composed. These simples, these cate-l 
gories, these predicaments, are the irreducibles. Thus we have 


the irreducibles considered as predicaments from the standpoint 
of language, as categories from the standpoint of psychology, 
and as simples from the standpoint of objective science. All of 
these words have the same significance. 

Now I shall attempt to derive a new set of categories from the 
standpoint of science. 

Hoiv Bodies are Resolved into Particles 

First I must set forth how bodies are reduced to particles. 

Simples are made compound by incorporation through or- 
ganization, for that which is incorporated is organized, and that 
which is organized is incorporated. Incorporation and organiza- 
tion are views of the same thing from different standpoints. We 
look at the thing from the standpoint of incorporation when we 
consider it as one thing, and we look at it from the standpoint of 
organization when we consider the many things of which it is 
composed, but the many are one and the one is many. Incor- 
poration and organization are therefore postulates one of the 

Particles are organized into bodies and every particle of the 
organized universe is incorporated in a hierarchy of bodies. 
When many are organized into one we consider the one as a 
body, but we consider the many severally as particles. When we 
speak of bodies we call their production incorporation, but when 
we speak of particles we call their production into bodies organ- 
ization. Bodies are incorporated of particles ; particles are 
organized into bodies. 

Ultimate particles are found in nature to be organized into 
five grand classes, as taught by modern science. There are 
molecular bodies, star bodies, rock bodies, plant bodies, and ani- 
mal bodies. The unorganized particles constitute the ether, and 
the artificial organization of men into bodies politic constitutes 
demotic bodies. 

In astronomy the universe is reduced to stellar systems, and 

408- AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, igor 

stellar systems to individual stars. In rocks, plants, and animals 
a reduction into simpler elements can be made by dissection, or 
with the microscope, but the ultimate reduction of all bodies to 
molecular particles is accomplished by chemical analysis. 

Molecules are also reduced to simpler elements sometimes 
called atoms. All the bodies of the earth can be reduced to 
about seventy such elements, and many of them are found to 
exist in the stars. By chemical and physical research laws are 
found which lead chemists and physicists to believe that the so- 
called elements or atoms are themselves compound bodies. At 
the present time knowledge is limited in the direction of the 
minute as it is in the direction of the vast. 

The ultimate simplicity of the particle stands upon the same 
experimental and logical foundation as does the ultimate system 
of the stellar universe. 

The ultimate simplicity of atoms as particles has not been in- 
ductively established ; but the multitudinous and diverse bodies 
of the world have been reduced to a very small number, and 
relations have been discovered that can be explained only upon 
the hypothesis of their reduction to unity by further analysis, 
just as astronomical research has not yet inductively discovered 
a completely unified system of stars. The unification of the stel- 
lar system and the unification of the molecular system stand 
upon the same inductive basis. The work has progressed in the 
direction of unification almost to the verge of the infinitesimal 
and the infinite, as these terms are used by science, and the facts 
already discovered in this borderland of research can be explained 
only by assuming ultimate unification — one kind of ultimate 
simple particle, one ultimate system of stars ; thus both of these 
propositions have been deductively established. 

I have stated in a brief manner how the bodies of the universe 
are reduced to particles by telescopic and microscopic resolution 
and by chemical analysis, and the progress which has been made 
in this work by resolving them inductively and experimentally 


' into a very few, and that we have reason to believe they are 
compounded of one kind of ultimate particles, all organized into 
one ultimate stellar system. This is what I understand to be the 
monism of science. 
i The method of resolving bodies into particles I call analysis, 

' and the proof of analysis is synthesis. I use the term analysis 
with a specific meaning, to distinguish it from abstraction. The 
proof of abstraction is concretizing. 

How CoJicrete Objects are Resolved into A bstract Objects 

Here I must first demonstrate that the abstract is always more 
simple than the concrete. 

An object stands upon the table. I do not know what it is, 
and I first look at it and see its color in chiaroscuro, but I have 
learned how to interpret this color as a representative of form ; 
this is the doctrine taught by modern psychology. I strike the 
object with my pencil, and discover the sound which it makes; I 
also interpret this sound as a mark of another element of its form, 
and I find that the object is hollow. I lift the object and find it 
is not heavy, and I further interpret this sensation and conclude 
I that it is painted wood. I touch it and learn that it has a lac- 
quered surface, and then smell it in examining the vapor which it 
exhales. Now I am ready to affirm that the object is a painted 
wooden bottle which has contained some odorous substance. 

In this manner the concrete object is cognized by making a 
combination of its abstract attributes. Thus the humblest worm 
i obtains all its knowledge of the objective world by combining 
I abstractions. Every animal with the best developed organs of 
I sense cognizes by abstracts, and then combines these abstracts to 
cognize concretes. Concretes are cognized by concreting ab- 
stracts. This is a universal law. 

An ultimate particle can be resolved still further by abstrac- 
tion. It is found that certain things are essential to it ; that it 


cannot exist without these essentials, and that if one should be 
taken away the particle itself would be annihilated. 

The ultimate particle must be an abstract unity. If the 
one could be resolved into many it would not be ultimate. If 
the one were annihilated the particle would be annihilated. 
Ultimate unity is essential to the existence of the ultimate 

The ultimate particle must be extended. If the extension 
were transmuted into unity, the particle would be annihilated; if 
unity were transmuted into extension, the particle would be 
annihilated. The unity and extension belong to the same par- 
ticle. A unit without an extension is nothing; an extension 
without a unity is nothing; it must be one and extended. 

The ultimate particle must have speed. Every particle of the 
universe known to man has motion. Every particle organized I 
into a body must have the motion of that body, and every par- ; 
tide of organized matter exists in a hierarchy of bodies. The 
particle in the rock has its motion as heat, its motion in rotation - 
on the earth's axis, its motion in revolution about the sun, and 
its motion in all the other bodies of the hierarchy. All bodies 
have motion and all particles of the ether have motion, but this 
motion is speed and path. The ultimate particle must have 
speed ; we will consider its path hereafter. It is manifest that! 
the speed of the particle cannot exist without the extension, andj 
that the extension cannot exist without the speed anywhere in{ 
this universe. Speed is not extension, and extension is not speed! 
Speed cannot be transmuted into extension ; extension cannot 
be transmuted into speed, but speed is essential to the particle. 1 
Every particle must have persistence or continued existence! 
else the particle would be annihilated. The particle cannot com<| 
from nothing or go into nothing. The persistence cannot b! 
transmuted into speed, nor can the speed be transmuted intj 
persistence. 1 

The particle must have not only unity, extension, and speecj 


' but it must have persistence; persistence is therefore essential 
to the particle. 

Every particle must have affinity if it exists in a body, 
; for the particles of every natural body are held together by 
af^nity, and no body of particles without affinity has yet been 
discovered. Affinity implies choice of association, and choice of 
association implies proto-consciousness, therefore every particle 
must have proto-consciousness as one of its essentials. Con- 
, sciousness is not persistence, consciousness is not speed, con- 
sciousness is not extension, consciousness is not unity; but the 
particle has unity, extension, speed, persistence, and the proto- 
consciousness of affinity. 
I I have affirmed that every particle must have five essentials, 
but it must not be understood that they are possessions with 
which it can part. The particle is a unit, an extension, a speed, 
a persistence, and a proto-consciousness. Here is a squirrel play- 
ing under the tree by my window. It has a head, body, legs, 
and tail. It cannot part with its head, body, legs, and tail and 
still remain a squirrel. It cannot part with its metabolic organs, 
nor with its circulatory organs, nor with its muscular organs, 
I nor with its reproductive organs, nor with its neural organs and 
still remain a squirrel ; and if dissected it is but fragments 
of a squirrel undergoing dissolution because its organization is 
' destroyed. But these are concrete parts of a squirrel that still 
, remain as particles of matter after the squirrel has been disor- 
ganized, while the particle has abstract essentials to its existence 
I with which it cannot part without annihilation. The ultimate 
particle does not depend on organization, but its essentials are 

Every particle consists of five essentials. They are concomit- 
ant and cannot exist apart from one another. They are, as es- 
sentials, totally unlike one another and must therefore always be 
clearly distinguished. One essential cannot be derived from an- 
'\ other. Unity cannot become extension, extension cannot become 

412 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

speed, speed cannot become persistence, persistence cannot 
become proto-consciousness ; but one particle must be a unit, an 
extension, a speed, a persistence, and a proto-consciousness. As 
one body may be composed of many particles, so one particle is 
composed of many abstract essentials. The one is many and the 
many are one — many abstract essentials in one concrete particle. 

Thus bodies are resolved into particles to get concrete sim- 
ples, but the particles themselves may be further resolved into 
abstractions which I have here called essentials. 

The ultimate particle in its essentials is absolute in that it 
does not depend on other particles for these essentials, but they 
inhere in itself without the aid of others. I shall therefore call 
these abstract essentials absolutes, and I shall define the term 
thus : An absolute is something which is independent of other 
things for its existence. It exists in itself. I use the term thing 
as the universal noun for all abstract or concrete objects, and I 1 
use the term entity for all concrete things only. I 

The pentalogic absolutes are concomitant in every particle ; j 
they cannot be taken from it, nor can a new absolute be added 
to it. 

Thus I have demonstrated one pentalogic group of abstracti 
simples as the absolutes of an ultimate particle of matter. i 

Relations \ 


A relation must exist between two or more terms. Thai 
terms may be ultimate particles ; but if one ultimate particle isj 
related to another, then the five absolutes in one must be related 
to those of the other severally. The unity must be related tq 
the unity, the extension to the extension, the speed to the speedi 
the persistence to the persistence, and the proto-consciousnesf, 
to the proto-consciousness. A relation is a condition betweer 
two or more terms in respect to some connection between themj 

Plurality. — One does not depend upon another for its unity; 
but the one may be an element in a plurality of three. The re 


lation is that of likeiless. It is taught in primary arithmetic that 
you cannot add unlike things. The three constitute a plurality. 
A plurality is thus a number of units related to one another in 
respect to some likeness. 

There are many ultimate particles ; neglecting the ether, all 
others are organized into bodies. There are many bodies, each 
constituting a unity of a plurality. Thus we have natural units 
of different ordeis, the plurality itself being an incorporated unit. 
The body is organized of a plurality incorporated in a unity. 
Unity is the absolute on which plurality is founded. Plurality is 
therefore the relative of unity. 

Position. — Extension as an absolute has position for its rela- 
tive. Position is the relation existing between two or more 
particles in respect to their mutual directions from one another 
and their mutual distances from one another. There is thus a 
double or polar direction from one particle to another, one being 
the opposite of the other, but the distance is the same. Consid- 
ering the simplest relation of position as that which may exist 
between two particles, position is their mutual relation in respect 
to direction and distance. 

Path. — Speed as an absolute in the ultimate particle has 
path as its relative, for the path is dependent upon others. It is 
taught in physics that any particle or body will have its motion 
directed in a straight line from which it will not deviate, nor will 
it increase or diminish its velocity unless it is interfered with by 
another particle or body. Two ultimate particles may interfere 
with each other by collision, when the path of both will be 
changed. In the case of the collision of bodies they will be 
Imutually deflected, even to the extent of reversing the direction 
'of molar motion, but neither one will increase nor diminish its 
;speed, but all of the particles of both bodies will be deflected. 
Path, therefore, is the direction taken by an ultimate particle as 
determined by its collisions. 

Change. — The persistence of an ultimate particle as an 

414 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

absolute has change as its relative, for it is dependent upon others. 
Change is a relation between terms. In this case the terms are 
persistence and the relations are changes. The relation of a 
change is a relation in respect to sequence, and the relation of 
sequence in ultimate particles is the relation of cause and effect, 
but in the simplest case there are two causes and two effects. 
Let us call cause and effect cajisation ; then causations are mutual 
in relations of causative sequence. Therefore change is a relation 
with respect to causation. 

Choice. — Consciousness in the ultimate particle as an absolute 
has choice as a relative, for choice is the choice of others. Con- 
sciousness is awareness of self. Choice of one another in ultimate 
particles is affinity which implies proto-consciousness. The choice 
is always made for a purpose ; therefore choice is the relation of 
selection for a purpose. 

Remark : The will of all animal life can be resolved into the 
choice of ultimate particles. 

Thus I have demonstrated a second pentalogic group of 
simples or categories. 

The relations when reduced by abstraction to ultimate sim- 
plicity are found to be plurality, position, path, change, and 
choice. For every relative there is a corresponding absolute 
upon which it is founded. Unity is the foundation of plurality, j 
extension is the foundation of position, speed is the foundation 1 
of path, persistence is the foundation of change, and conscious- j 
ness is the foundation of choice. j 

Absolutes are Constant arid Relatiojis are Variable 

The ultimate particles of the universe are constant, hence the ; 
essentials of these particles are constant ; but these essentials are 
absolutes, hence all absolutes are constant. 

The one of an ultimate particle remains one forever ; it is con- 
stant. The ultimate units of the universe constitute a totality.; 
This totality is broken up into many variable pluralities. Thus 


we have molecules of different orders, which are bodies of differ- 
ent orders, and some may be dissolved while others may be 
formed. Not only molecules but all other bodies may be consti- 
I tuted and destroyed, reconstituted and redestroyed to an infinite 
j degree. Thus pluralities are variable. 

The extension of every particle is the same and constant, but 

the position of every particle is variable, for severally they are in 

[ motion and the direction of these motions and their distances 

apart are forever changing ; thus the position of every particle to 

others is variable. 

I The speed of every particle is the same and constant, but the 

j path of every particle is variable from a straight line, for its path 

j has components in every body in which the particle exists. The 

j path of every particle is variable from a straight line, being in fact 

1 a vortex path. 

Remark : That which we call acceleration of molar motion 
j is wholly deflection of particles and is not acceleration of 
I speed. 

I Notwithstanding the acceleration of molar motion appears to 
1 the eye as acceleration of molar speed, this is not true of the ulti- 
I mate particles. The seen speed of a molar body may be made 
to begin, increase, diminish, and end by deflecting the unseen 
speed of its particles. A molar body lying upon the table may 
I seem to be at rest, yet we know that it is in motion with the 
earth and with the solar system ; in like manner we know that it 
I has molecular motion, and these motions must all be deflected if 
it is given molar motion. If we call the motion of a particle of 
matter in its hierarchy of incorporations vortex motion, as it was 
called by Descartes, then molar motion may be given to a body 
by deflecting its vortex motion. Though I have elsewhere demon- 
strated that the speed of the particle is constant, I here show 
that it is a self-evident proposition. The persistence of every 
particle is the same and constant, while change is variable. This 
statement is self-evident. 

4l6 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

Consciousness is constant, but choice is variable. This propo- 
sition has already been demonstrated. 


We have found that absolutes are constant and that relations 
are variable. On these absolutes and relations quantities are 
founded ; every particle, whether ultimate or compound, has 
quantity. The quantities are number, which is unity and plur- 
ality; space, which is extension and position; motion, which is 
speed and path ; time, which is persistence and change ; and 
inference which is consciousness and choice, the inference being 
that a purpose will be subserved. 

The space with which science deals must here be distinguished 
from the space of metaphysic. Science deals with a space com- 
posed of parts of extension, metaphysic deals with a space of void. 
The savage does not know of the existence of the atmosphere ; 
he considers the floor of the earth to be domed with a firmament 
so as to constitute the tabernacle of the world — an unoccupied 
region, a void, a theater for animals and ghosts. We still retain 
the vestiges of this primeval doctrine when we consider space as 
void. Science does not proceed on the theory of void space, but 
of unconsidered space. Descartes banished such space from 

Abstraction is a method of consideration. Metaphysic has a 
way of expressing the act of abstraction which yields an absurdity. , 
Instead of saying that an attribute is selected for consideration, ' 
it says in effect that absolutes are taken from a concrete object ^ 
until only the object remains to be considered ; the object is then | 
a nothing — a void. 

Certain attributes of an object can be changed ; thus the 
body that is cold may be made warm. But when the attributes i 
of a body are resolved into categorical elements, one cannot be ^ 
taken away without annihilating the object, nor can all attributes 1 
of a body be abstracted and leave anything to be considered. | 


Remark: Inferences of void space have never been verified, 
and thus become cognitions ; but as these inferences are habitual 
and hereditary, the concept is not easily obHterated from the 
mind. The origin of the concept seems to come from savagery 
when the sky was considered as a firmament and the earth as the 
floor which inclosed a void space. This we now know is a pseudo- 
concept, yet it was confirmed by another when void minute spaces 
were conceived to exist. By the Greeks the ultimate particle was 
conceived to be round and rigid or hard, and the universe made 
up of round, hard particles would have interspaces. Now we 
must conceive that the ultimate particles are neither spherical nor 
rigid, but that they have extension, which may be deformed. 
Thus they may exist together in some other method of extension 
which may be deformed. Thus space is continuous without void. 
Yet there is another pseudo-concept which seems to mitigate 
against this doctrine when motion is considered as existing in void 
space. When space is considered as continuous, then motion 
must be considered as existing in continuous space. To clearly 
conceive this we must give an illustration : 

A hollow cylinder may be conceived as being filled with smaller 
cyHnders which touch one another without intervening voids ; 
thus one cannot move without all moving. In the same manner 
we must conceive that the ultimate particles touch each other 
without intervening voids, but in order that one may move all 
must move with like and constant speed. One particle therefore 
cannot move unless all move. This conception harmonizes with 
the space of scientific teaching and also with the motion of scien- 
tific teaching. 

Number is totally unlike space, space is totally unlike motion, 
motion is totally unlike time, and time is totally unlike inference. 
Every one is totally unlike every other one. Space cannot be 
transmuted into number, motion cannot be transmuted into space, 
time cannot be transmuted into motion, and inference cannot 
be transmuted into time. No one of these quantities can be 

AM. ANTH. N. s., 3—27. 

41 8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [xN. s., 3, igoi 

transmuted into any other one ; that is, they are wholly unlike 
one another and wholly underived one from another. 

Thus we have demonstrated a third pentalogic group of 
simples or categories. 


Particles constitute bodies, and we may consider them severally 
as particles or conjointly as bodies. From the standpoint of 
particles, quantities are involved ; from the standpoint of bodies, 
properties are involved. Properties are founded on quantities, 
quantities are founded on relations, and relations are founded on 

Passing from the consideration of these particles to the con- 
sideration of bodies, number is considered as class, space is con- 
sidered as form, motion is considered as force, time is considered 
as causation, and inference is considered as conception. This may 
be stated in another way : In the process of organizing particles 
into bodies, number becomes class, space becomes form, motion 
becomes force, time becomes causation, and inference becomes 
conception. Thus there is an objective reality corresponding to 
the subjective reality. The quantities still remain as quantities 
if we consider the particles, but the properties appear if we con- 
sider the bodies. For example, here are ten hollow cylinders or 
pipes, but they are organized into a gas stove. If we consider 
the pipes they are of cylindrical form, but the stove is not cylin- 
drical. There are many attributes of the pipes which are not the 
same as the stove. Water is composed of oxygen and hydrogen, 
but there are attributes of water which are not found in oxygen 
and hydrogen severally. Vessels will float on water, but not on 
oxygen or hydrogen gas. 

Number and class are reciprocal ; space and form are reciprocal ; 
motion and energy are reciprocal ; time and causation are recip- 
rocal, and, finally, inference and conception are reciprocal ; that 
is, number in the particles becomes class in the organized body ; 
motion in the particles becomes energy in the organized body; 


time in the particles becomes causation in the organized body, 
and inference in the particles becomes conception in the organ- 
ized body. 

As absolutes are wholly unlike one another and cannot be 
derived one from another, and as relations are wholly unlike one 
another and cannot be derived one from another, and as quantities 
are wholly unlike one another and cannot be derived one from 
another, so properties are wholly unlike one another and cannot 
be derived one from another. 

Thus we have demonstrated a fourth group of simples or 


Particles and bodies inspire purposes when they are con- 
sidered as good or evil. This gives rise to qualities. A quality 
is the good or evil of a property, quantity, or relation of a 
particle or body for a purpose had in view. Qualities are 
founded upon absolutes, relations, quantities, and properties, for 
these are necessary to qualities. 

Qualities are grouped by purposes, and these are five-fold, 
viz., pleasure, welfare, morality, expression, and opinion. 

All qualities are good or evil, and are thus antithetic or posi- 
tive and negative. Thus pain is antithetic to pleasure, illfare is 
antithetic to welfare, morality is antithetic to immorality, ex- 
pression has its antitheses in truth and error, while opinion has 
its antitheses in wisdom and folly. 

These purposes give rise to five arts ; they are esthetics, in- 
dustries, institutions, languages, and instructions. 

Pleasure, welfare, morality, truth, and wisdom are totally un- 
like one another, and they are totally underived one from an- 
other, yet they are concomitant in every effect on men and in 
every human act. There can be no pleasure or pain that is not 
also welfare or illfare. There can be no welfare or illfare that 
is not also moral or immoral. There can be no morality or im- 
morality that is not also expressed as truth or error, and there 

420 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

can be no expression that is not also opinion as wisdom or folly. 

Although these categories are disparate, yet they are interde- 
pendent. There is pleasure in welfare, pleasure in morality, 
pleasure in expression, and pleasure in opinion. There is wel- 
fare in pleasure, welfare in morality, welfare in expression, and 
welfare in opinion. There is morality in pleasure, morality in 
welfare, morality in expression, and morality in opinion. There 
is expression of pleasure, expression of welfare, expression of 
morality, and expression of opinion ; and finally there is opinion 
about pleasure, about welfare, about morality, and about ex- 
pression. They are thus doubly concomitant. 

Thus we have demonstrated a fifth group of simples or cate- 

The categories which we have thus demonstrated are grouped 
as absolutes, relations, quantities, properties, and qualities. These 
rubrics we call secondary categories^ and the categories into which 
they are resolved, primary categories ; that is, there are five 
groups of secondary categories, every one composed of five 
primary categories. 

Secondary categories constitute an ascending series. There 
can be no relations without absolutes ; no quantities without re- 1 
lations and absolutes; no properties without quantities, relations, j 
and absolutes ; and no qualities without properties, quantities, j 
relations, and absolutes. The series is ascended, for the upper is j 
constituted of all the lower. I 

It will be found useful and important that we should give I 
names to each group of the primary categories. Unity, plurality, I 
number, class, and pleasure we shall call the unit categories. \ 
Extension, position, space, form, and welfare we shall call the 
extension categories. Speed, path, motion, force, and justice we 
shall call the speed categories. Persistence, change, time, causa- 
tion, and expression we shall call the persistence categories. 
Consciousness, choice, inference, conception, and opinion we shall , 


call the consciousness categories. Thus we have unit categories, 
extension categories, speed categories, persistence categories, and 
consciousness categories. 

These categories are all unlike one another, and hence they 
are not classes. A class is founded upon likeness, and degrees of 
likeness make different classes, while categories are founded on 
unlikeness. Categories are abstractions ; classes are concrete 
things or entities. These are fundamental distinctions between 
1 class and categor}\ 

Classification is not abstraction. Berkeley was the first to set 
forth this doctrine, if my reading serves me well. The concept 
of a horse is not an abstraction, and the concept of any horse or 
all horses is not an abstraction. The concept of a class includes 
: all of the class. The concept of vertebrates includes all of the ver- 
jtebrates with all of their attributes. Every individual vertebrate 
animal has more attributes or marks than those which are com- 
mon to all vertebrates, for it has its own peculiar marks which 
distinguish it from all other members of the class. This is true 
of every individual vertebrate, and the sum of the individuals 
which constitute the class have the sum of the characters which 
the individuals possess. Mammals, birds, reptiles, batrachians, and 
pshes are all vertebrates, but every such class has characters pecu- 
liar to itself which distinguish it from other groups. Yet one bird 
pas all the characters which make it a bird and all the characters 
iwhich make it an individual, and the class of birds have all the 
Characters of the individual members of the class, and there does 
not exist any concrete being having only the attributes common 
to all birds. 

The rule of formal logic that the intension of a class term is 
nversely proportional to its extension is invalid, because it is a 
Jseudo abstraction. The mental act of generalization is totally 
listinct from the mental act of abstraction. What is valid is 
his: When we consider a kind in one of a series and discover an 
ittribute in it, we expect to find that attribute in every other 

422 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, igoi 

member of the series ; or, knowing the attribute in one of the 
series, we seek to find it in the others, and only those attributes 
common to the series are considered as marks of the class. 

Laws are applicable to classes of bodies inversely proportional 
to the extent of the class. 

A bad habit of speech may result in a fallacy of thought. In 
the evolution of language this phenomenon is often found. 
Max M Ciller, in one of its manifestations, has called it a disease of 
language. Metaphysic has inherited this disease. The ancients 
thought categories to be distinct entities; that is, they reified 
categories, and it was very natural for them to speak of matter and 
energy as if they were separate existences ; it was also natural 
for them to speak of mind and body as if they were separate ex- : 
istences, for they firmly believed in the ghost notion. This habit; 
of speaking of mind and body, or of force and body, or of mindi 
and force and body, or of matter and mind and force, was legit-j 
imate to the primitive mind. Of course we may still continue 
to speak of matter and mind, of matter and cause, of matter and' 
force, of matter and form, or of matter and class ; but he who 
really understands the nature of the categories in their concom-i 
itance will understand it as a faulty method of expression. Ill 
is a false method of expression to speak of a particle or body anc 
one of its categories as if they were distinct entities. 

Abstraction is not symbolism, with which it is sometimes con{ 
founded. A verbal symbol is a representative of a concept, whil'| 
a concept is a subjective representative or symbol of an objec 
tive phenomenon, but the act of abstraction is totally differenlj 
Abstractions may be symbolized and concretes may be symbo 
ized ; particulars may be symbolized and generals may be syoj 
bolized ; but we must properly distinguish between abstractioi 
symbolism, and generalization. 1 

TJie Development of Attributes 

Let us next consider the development of attributes by c| 


Attributes are evolved when particles become bodies. Thus 
particles of chlorine and particles of sodium become common 
salt, and salt has attributes additional to that of chlorine and 
sodium. The particles of common soda are sodium and carbon. 
Sodium is a white metal, and carbon is a gray graphite which, 
when crystallized, is the diamond. Thus the particles have their 
own attributes while the bodies have additional attributes. 

The law may be stated thus : Particles in becoming bodies 
have additional attributes. 

Now I wish to show how the abstracts which we call cate- 
gories are developed when particles are organized into bodies. 

Units. — Number is unity and plurality. When ultimate par- 
ticles are organized into bodies, number becomes class, for a new 
class is constituted, while the unity becomes a kind and the 
plurality becomes a series of this kind. Or otherwise stated, the 
particles in number are all alike ; hence they have no class, for a 
class involves likeness and difference, but a body is a class like 
other such bodies but different from its particles. Class begins 
with the incorporation of bodies from ultimate particles. When 
one class is organized with another, as molecules with molecules, 
by affinity, then class is organized with class and a third class is 
produced with additional attributes, and this process may con- 
tmue to the limit of the organization of classes, and with every 
class formed new attributes will appear. Thus attributes of class 
are greatly multiplied. We may formulate this law : 

I. As kinds are multiplied by organization, attributes are 
Icorrespondingly multiplied. 

, Extension. — Let us again consider particles and bodies in 
jrespect to the organization of extension, which is the second 
labsolute category. Space is extension and position. By organi- 
jZation space becomes form, because the extensions of the 
particles become the figure of the body while the positions of the 
particles become the structure of the body. Otherwise stated: 
The particles in space have no figure but their own, but the 

424 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

particles in the body have a new figure. The particles in space 
have no structure but their own, but the particles in the body 
have a new structure. 

When forms have been produced they may be organized with 
other forms by gravity in an ascending series of compound forms, 
and with every such organization additional attributes will appear. 
Hence we may formulate the law : 

II. As forms are multiplied by organization, attributes are 
correspondingly multiplied. 

Speed. — Let us again consider bodies and particles in respect 
to the organization of speed, which is the third absolute. Motion 
is speed and path. By the organization of motion into force, 
speed becomes inertia or resistance to deflection, while path 
becomes velocity. 

When a body is in motion in a straight line and another im- 
pinges upon it from the right or left, it is deflected ; if the other 
body impinges upon it in the direction of that line from ahead it 
is turned back, or at least checked in its velocity proportional to 
its mass ; if the impinging body strikes it from the rear, its 
velocity is increased. In all of these cases the change in the] 
molecular motion of the body is the deflection of its particles.' 
Here we must remember that the particles are deflected in all, 
their components of path in vortex motion. 

When forces have been produced, they may again be ori 
ganized with other forces by pressure in an ascending series, ano 
with every new force additional attributes will appear. Henci 
we may formulate the law : 

III. When forces are multiplied by organization, attribute 
are correspondingly multiplied. I 

Persistence. — Let us now consider the same particles an'| 
bodies with respect to persistence, which is the fourth absolut 
category. The ultimate particle, which has persistence as an al| 
solute, also has change as a relative. Persistence and chang 
constitute time. When time is organized, it becomes causatio! 


and the persistence becomes state and the state becomes event. 
When causation is organized with causation it becomes repro- 
duction, while state becomes heredity and change becomes varia- 
tion. Reproduction with heredity and variation are abstracts of 
the concrete known as parent and child. Causations may be 
partially organized when the parent becomes a number of off- 
spring. This is fissiparous reproduction ; but the complete 
organization of causations requires bisexual conjugation. Causa- 
tion may be organized in an ascending series of bodies, and at 
every organization additional attributes will appear. We may 
jformulate the law : 

IV. When causations are multiplied by organization, at- 
tributes are correspondingly multiplied. 

Consciousness. — Yet we have to consider the same particles 
and bodies from the standpoint of the fifth absolute. 

When particles are organized into animate bodies, inference 
becomes conception, because consciousness becomes memory and 
choice becomes recollection. This is only primary conception. 
When concepts are organized with concepts, secondary concepts 
are developed and thus concepts are still further multiplied. 
Hence the law may be stated thus : 

V. When concepts are multiplied by organization, attributes 
are correspondingly multiplied. 

There is yet one more organization to be considered. This is 
a conventional organization of men or other animals into demotic 
bodies to accomplish purposes. By this method material bodies 
jare not developed, but only ideal bodies. It has sometimes been 
called super-organization, but I shall call it demotic orgatiization. 
It is but the continuation of the organization which begins with 
the forming of bodies from ultimate particles by affinity, but 
now it is the ideal organization of individuals into demotic 

The fundamental demotic bodies exist in a hierarchy of units, 
so that every individual exists in an ascending series ; for 

426 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

example, the man may exist in a township, and by reason of that 
he exists in a county, and by reason of that he exists in a state, 
and by reason of that he exists in the nation. But there are 
many ancillary societies to which he may belong. His ecclesias- 
tical societies may be organized into a hierarchy of bodies. He 
may belong to various industrial organizations, to various organ- 
izations for pleasure, or, in fine, to any one or many of the 
organizations which men devise to accomplish their purposes. 

Through every demotic organization attributes are multiplied. 
These attributes we call qualities. All qualities are good or evil 
and they depend upon the purposes entertained ; thus purpose 
informs all the actions and activities of the universe. 

When demotic bodies are organized, an entirely new class of 
concepts are evolved ; they are concepts of qualities which are 
good or evil. They are properly grouped in five divisions as con- i 
cepts of pleasure and pain, concepts of welfare and illfare, concepts 
of morality and immorality, concepts of truth and error, and con- : 
cepts of wisdom and folly. This further multiplication of con- 
cepts gives rise to a vast multitude of attributes which must 
be considered as the most important factor in the totality of 
those we assign to bodies. 

The Fundamental Classes of Bodies 1 

The physical bodies of the universe are incorporated in an 
ascending series by discrete degrees of organization. A part of 
the ultimate particles of the universe is organized into mole- 
cules being integrated by afifinity. Of the molecules that are in- 
corporated, a part only remains in this condition without further 
organization. The larger part of these gases is contained ir: 
nebulae. The study of nebulae I shall denominate the science 

Another part of the molecules is organized into stars, but thi 
stars are composed of fluids in which the molecules are organ 
ized into forms. Forms do not appear in gases, but are firs, 



jevolved in fluids and under gravity they assume the spheroidal 
!form ; but the fluid portion of the stars is surrounded by a gase- 
ous envelope. Stars are therefore both fluid and gaseous ; they 
are thus integrated by afifinity and gravity, and differentiated as 
[classes by chemism and into spheres by heat. Thus forms are 
[organized of classes and these forms are again organized with 
classes that remain without form. 

A still smaller part of the incorporated molecules are organ- 
ized as forces in the planets and their satellites. Thus the plan- 
pts have a higher organization than the stars. The planets are 
■incorporated spheres with a fluid nucleus or centrosphere envel- 
oped in a lithosphere, outside of which there is a hydrosphere 
and outside of this an atmosphere. The molecules of the planet 
are primarily integrated by af^nity, further integrated by gravity, 
and still further integrated by lithifaction ; and they are differen- 
jtiated by chemism, heat, and pressure. I call this science ^^^;^- 
\pmy; but at the present time we can as a certitude speak only of 
the earth, though we may, with some show of reason, infer that 
the other planets of the solar system and other celestial spheres 
which are not stars have a like organization. 

A still smaller part of the molecules are organized into plants. 
The bodies incorporated still require gas for their environment 
hich they incorporate, they still require a fluid which they in- 
'corporate, and they still require solids which they incorporate. 
jThey have leaves which they spread in the air for the gas, and 
Ithey have roots which gather the moisture and penetrate the 
solids; and the plants themselves are gaseous, fluid, and solid. 
They develop a mode of motion which is called life. This is all 
accomplished by their organization of times into causations and 
of causations with causations to evolve reproduction. I call the 
science of these hod'xQs phytonomy. 

A still smaller part of the molecules of the universe are organ- 
ized into animals. The bodies incorporated require for their 
organization plants in their environment which they devour; they 


428 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

require solids in their environment which they also devour; 
they require fluids in their environment which they drink, and they 
require gases in their environment which they breathe ; and in 
the bodies themselves gases, fluids, solids, and plants are devel- 
oped, and life is exhibited in their constitution. This organiza- I 
tion is dependent upon the higher organization of mind, when I 
concepts are organized from inferences and concepts are organized 
with concepts. I call the science of these bodies zoonomy. 

There are five states of organized matter — gaseous, fluid, 
solid, vital, and mental. There are five systems of bodies that 
are organized out of these states of matter : they are molecules, 
the science of which is nephelonomy ; stars, the science of which 
is astronomy ; secondary celestial spheres, the science of which 
is geonomy ; plants, the science of which is phytonomy ; and 
animals, the science of which is zoonomy. In addition to this 
there are the ultimate particles exhibited in the ether, the science 
of which I call ethronomy, and there are ideally organized bodies, 
the science of which I call demonomy . Thus that which has been 
established by induction I have established by deduction. In 
the history of the development of science induction precedes 

I have thus demonstrated that all natural and conventional or 
human organization is inspired by purpose. In this stage it is j 
legitimate to inquire. What purpose ? — to which the ready answer j 
can be given, The betterment of condition. Until mind was j 
organized in the animal world, this was accomplished by spon- \ 
taneous choice on instantaneous occasion ; but when mind was i 
organized with memory, purpose was developed into design, or 
predetermined purpose. The purpose was betterment and the 
agency for betterment has always been cooperation. 

Remark: The fundamental law of evolution is the law of 
affinity ; but there are ancillary laws by which evolution is accel- 
erated ; the first was demonstrated by Laplace, though not named ' 
by him ; it is the law of adaptation to environment. The second 




ancillary law was demonstrated in my volume entitled The Geology 
of the Unita Mountains ; I named it "the instability of the hetero- 
geneous." The third law was by Darwin, and it may be called 
the "survival of the fittest." The fourth law was demonstrated 
by Lamarck; it is the law of exercise. The fifth law was demon- 
strated by myself in 1883, ^"cl it is the law of culture. Thus 
evolution by affinity has been progressively accelerated. 
Below are tabulated the twenty-five categories : 

































By a careful inspection of this table it will be seen that no one 
of the twenty-five attributes is like another, that no attribute in 
one column can be derived from an attribute in another column, 
but that the attributes in each column can be derived one from 
another in the order from above downward. Hence we may 
formulate the following laws or axioms for the categories : 

Categorical Axioms 
I. The unit categories are derived from unity. 
II. The extension categories are derived from extension. 

III. The speed categories are derived from speed. 

IV. The persistence categories are derived from persistence. 

V. The consciousness categories are derived from conscious- 
VI. One absolute cannot be derived from another of a different 
VII. One relative cannot be derived from another of a different 
VIII. One quantity cannot be derived from another of a different 

430 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

IX. One property cannot be derived from another of a different 
X. One quality cannot be derived from another of a different 

We have already formulated the laws or axioms of the evolu- 
tion of attributes, but will repeat them here. 

Evolutional Axioms 

I. As kinds are multiplied by organization, attributes are corre- 
spondingly multiplied. 
II. As forms are multiplied by organization, attributes are 
correspondingly multiplied. 

III. As forces are multiplied by organization, attributes are corre- 

spondingly multiplied. 

IV. As causations are multiplied by organization, attributes are 

correspondingly multiplied. 
V. As concepts are multiplied by organization, attributes are 
correspondingly multiplied. 

In considering categories we must properly discriminate one 
from another. Unity must be discriminated from extension, ex- 
tension must be discriminated from speed, speed must be dis- 
criminated from persistence, and persistence must be discriminated 
from consciousness. In like manner the five relatives must be 
discriminated, the five quantities must be discriminated, the five 
properties must be discriminated, and the five qualities must be 
discriminated. So also absolutes, relatives, quantities, properties, 
and qualities must be discriminated. The failure to make these 
discriminations is the source of many logical fallacies. 

To avoid these fallacies the categorical axioms are given as 
the foundation of all deductive reasoning. 



In 1899 the Peabody Museum of Harvard University received 
as a gift from the proprietors of the Boston Museum Theater the 
valuable archeological and ethnological material which for many 
years had been preserved in the exhibition cases of the museum 
formerly connected with that institution. Many of these objects 
had previously belonged to the Charles Wilson Peale Museum 
(established in Philadelphia in 1785) and were collected in the 
eighteenth and the first part of the nineteenth century. 

This material included several incomplete sets of arrows, 
probably obtained at an early date from some of the south- 
eastern tribes. Examples of these are illustrated in plate X. a 
represents one of three arrows from a set ; it is 30^ inches 
long; the shaft of split hickory is without grooves, is about five- 
sixteenths of an inch in diameter at the center, and tapers gradu- 
ally toward either end. The point is of antler, lozenge-shaped in 
cross-section, carefully finished, and painted red, the end of the 
shaft being inserted in a hole in its base. The feathering con- 
sists of three split feathers of the wild turkey trimmed to abrupt 
points at their lower ends. The two feathers bearing white 
blotches are wing quills, and the one with reddish-brown marking 
is from the tail. The feathers are seized at either end with 
sinew. The colored markings on the shaftment (the riband) are 
in red and black. 

Plate X, b, in every way but the point, is a duplicate of a^ 
and evidently belonged to the same quiver. The point is round 
in cross-section, is made from the tip of an antler prong, and has 


432 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

also been painted red. The base of the point is cut to form two 

Plate X, c, belongs to a different set from the ones described. 
The shaft is made from a shoot of a shrub or small tree, and is 
feathered with three split feathers of the wild turkey, their lower 
ends trimmed to a tapering point. The riband is in black and 
red. The double-barbed point is of antler and is not painted. 

Plate X, d, shows the best preserved of four arrows from a 
third set. The shaft, like that of the preceding one, is made 
from a shoot of a shrub with opposite leaves, probably the cornus. 
The feathers are of the wild turkey, split and trimmed to three- 
eighths of an inch in width to within one-eighth of an inch of the 
lower extremities. The remainder of the web is left uncut and 
forms a tail or trailer at the end of each feather. The riband is 
in red and black, and the unpainted antler point is furnished with 
two barbs. The principal differences to be noted between this 
arrow and the one last described are the riband and the trimming 
of the lower extremities of the feathers. 

Unfortunately there is no record accompanying these arrows. 
We may assume, however, with a reasonable degree of certainty, 
that they were obtained from southern Algonquian tribes or from 
one of the neighboring stocks. 

The hickory tree from which the shafts of plate X, a and b, 
are made, is found in that portion of Canada bordering Lake 
Erie, Lake Ontario, and St Lawrence river, in New England and 
the middle states, the northern and western portions of the 
southern states, and westward to central Kansas and Nebraska. 
This tree extended into the Siouan region and was used to a 
certain extent for bows by the Sioux and neighboring tribes. 

In studying the arrows of historic primitive peoples of differ- 
ent parts of the world, we find that, excepting among the Indians 
of central and western North America and in a few other re- 
stricted localities, flint points seem to have been the exception. 
This may be explained in some sections by the absence of suita- 

willoughby] ANTLER.POINTED ARROWS 433 

ble stone for making arrowpoints. It should be remembered, 
however, that only a portion of the so-called flint arrowpoints 
found throughout America were ever attached to arrowshafts. 
The majority are probably rejects ; many of them were knife 
blades attached to short handles, others were points to pro- 
jectiles thrown with the hand or by the aid of some form of 

There is little evidence of the use of stone arrowpoints in 
New England within historic times. Gosnold in 1602 found the 
natives supplied with "copper" points, "some very red, some of 
a paler color " (brass ?) ; Waymouth three years later saw 
arrows headed with points made from the long shank-bone of the 
deer; Champlain at about the same date found them tipped 
with the tail of the horseshoe crab ; Mourt's Relation refers to 
arrowheads of brass, eagle claws, and hartshorn ; Higgeson, writing 
in 1629, speaks of bone and brass arrowtips; Wood also men- 
tions brass points, and writes of the feathering of the arrows with 
the wing and tail feathers of the eagle. 

The Indians in several places in Massachusetts and southern 
Maine showed Champlain turkey- feathers "with which they 
feathered their arrows." The excellency of New England arrows 
is shown by the fact of their use as an article of trade with the 
tribes of the St Lawrence region, where Champlain found stone 
arrowpoints in use. None of the above writers refers to stone- 
pointed arrows within New England ; they seem to have fallen 
into disuse at an early period. There are brief references to 
stone-pointed arrows in the regions adjoining the northern, 
western, and southwestern portions of New England. Holm 
mentions arrowpoints of stone, bone, horn, and the teeth of large 
fishes or animals among the Delawares ; and Kalm refers to 
points made from stone, from the bones of animals, and from the 
claws of birds and beasts among the Indians of the same region. 
Smith mentions stone arrowpoints among the Virginia Indians. 
Beverly in his History of the Present State of Virginia (1705) 

434 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 

refers to arrows of reeds or small wands fledged with turkey. 
feathers and headed with stone or the spurs of the wild turkey- 
cock. Adair, writing of the Cherokee, describes arrows pointed 
with "scooped" points of buckhorn, turkey-cock's spurs, and 
stone. Timberlake mentions points of brass, copper, bone, and 
the scales of a certain fish ; he writes that some of the points 
were of triangular form, and were inserted in the split end of the 
shaft, which was usually made of a reed. The point was secured 
by wrapping the end of the shaft with sinew, and passing the 
cord through a perforation in the metal point (compare fig. 56). 
In the province of Cofachiqui, De Soto employed an Indian 
guide whose quiver contained arrows with reed shafts, some of 
them tipped with buckhorn wrought " with four corners like a 
diamond " (compare plate X, a), some with bones of fishes cu- 
riously fashioned, others with hardwood or with flint. 

While stone-pointed arrows were doubtless used to a greater 
or less extent by all the tribes of the United States, some other 
material seems generally to have been preferred in certain sec- 
tions, notably the east. 

Besides the stone-pointed arrow the early Siouan tribes used 
arrows pointed with splinters of the leg-bone of the buffalo or 
elk ground thin and smooth. An old example of this type in 
the Peabody Museum has the shaft grooves and proportionally 
long shaftment characteristic of the Siouan arrows. The thin 
bone point is of the same general form as the iron points adopted 
later which were obtained principally from white traders. 

There is ample archeological evidence that antler-tipped 
arrows of the type illustrated in b, c, and d, plate X, were used 
from Maine to Arkansas. The Peabody Museum in Cambridge 
and the American Museum of Natural History in New York 
have collections of these points in all stages of formation. They 
are all from the Algonquian area or the region immediately bor- 
dering it. The unfinished point shown in fig. 54, a, is from the 
shell-heaps of Maine. There are two other specimens from the 
same locality in the Peabody Museum collection. 




Fig. 54, d and e, were taken with several others from a grave 
on Staten island by Mr George H. Pepper of the American 
Museum. Some of the points were found embedded in the 
bones of the skeleton. 

Fig. 54— Antler arrowpoints (one-half nat. size), a, Maine ; b^ c, Ohio ; 1^, e. New York ; f, Kentucky ; 
^, ^, », Arkansas, a, 6, c, g; A, t, Peabody Museum; </, e, f, American Museum of Natural 

Fig. 54, d and c, are from the ash-pits of the village site and 
cemetery at Madisonville, Ohio. They were obtained by the 
score in all stages of manufacture, from the antler branch with 
the shallow, encircling groove marking the first step in the pro- 
cess of manufacture to the finished and carefully polished point. 

F^g- 54)/^ is from the village site and burial place near May's 
Lick, Kentucky, and was obtained with many others by Mr Har- 
lan I. Smith who conducted the exploration for the American 
Museum. Specimens g; h, and i are from the mounds and village 
sites in Poinsett and Cass counties, Arkansas. A few of the points 
shown in outline are finished or nearly so. The others in the 
same figure are evidently rejects, discarded on account of some 

In the manufacture of these points the antler prong was encir- 
cled by a groove cut to the required depth at a proper distance 
from the point (fig. 55, a) ; the point was then broken off, drilled, 
and afterward cut and scraped to the required form, then ground 
and polished (fig. 55, b-e). The base of the point was cut either 
straight across or in such manner as to form one or two barbs. 



[n. s., 3, 1901 

Accompanying the antler-pointed arrows illustrated in plate X 
and doubtless obtained from the same general region, were eleven 
from a fourth set having triangular copper points smaller but of 

the same type as those of copper and 
brass occasionally found in the graves 
and village sites in New 
England. The copper 
point is perforated near 
the center, and is inserted 
for about half its length 
in a slot cut in the end of 
the arrowshaft to which 
it is bound by sinew, the 
cord passing through the 
perforation in the metal 
point (fig. 56), a method 
followed by the southern 
Indians and also by the 
Indians of New England.' Indians (fu 

° size). 

The well-made shaft of 
split hickory is without grooves. The nock is expanding and 
the notch is deeply cut. The feathering consists of three differ- 
ently colored split feathers of the wild turkey trimmed to a uni- 
form width of a little more than three-eighths of an inch. These 
are seized at either end with sinew, the white-spotted feather 
taken from the turkey's wing being stained yellow. The riband 

Fig. 55 — Antler arrowpoints, illus- 
trating process of manufacture. From 
village site and cemetery, Madison- 
ville, Ohio. (Peabody Museum ; one- 
half natural size.) 

Fig. 56 -Cop- 
per-pointed ar- 
ro w of the 
southeas tern 

' The perforated, triangular brass arrowpoints found with the famous " .Skeleton in 
Armor" Indian at Fall River in 1831 were attached to the shafts by a cord wrapped 
around the end of the shaft and passed through the perforation in the point. The 
upper portion of the shafts and the cord wrapping were preserved by contact with the 
metal. The " armor " and other metallic contents of this grave are fully described 
and illustrated in M^moiresde la Soci^t^ des Antiquaires du Nord, 1 840-1844, pp. 104- 
1 10 and pi. V. They are preserved in the Ethnographiske Museum at Copenhagen 
(with the exception of two of the brass tubes which are in the Peabody Museum at 
Cambridge), only the skeleton having been destroyed by fire at Fail River. 


H- S. . VOL. 3. PL 

i ^ 




willoughby] antler-pointed ARROWS 437 

I consists of two narrow encircling bands of red placed almost to- 
gether near the center of the shaftment, and two additional bands 
of red at either end of the sinew wrapping which holds the feathers 

: farthest from the nock. The sinew wrapping below the copper 

j point is also painted red. 

' In studying the arrows of the tribes inhabiting the region east 
of the Mississippi it should be remembered that the full-sized bow 
of the Iroquoian tribes and the Atlantic coast Algonquians meas- 

j ured approximately five and one-half to six feet, with arrows of 

i proportional length. The hickory self bow taken from an Indian 
at Sudbury, Massachusetts, in 1664, and now in the Peabody Mu- 
seum, measures five feet six inches. The unique Abnaki com- 
pound bow belonging to Big Thunder, a Penobscot Indian, 
measures about five feet seven inches in length. The various 
accounts by early writers and the drawings by John White (1585) 
and other early artists, of the southern coast tribes, show that the 
shorter bow of the Algonquians of the interior and other tribes 
of the west was not commonly used by the coast Indians. Judg- 
ing by the length of the antler- and copper-pointed arrows herein 
illustrated, they were used with bows of medium length and 
probably belonged to interior southeastern tribes. 



Fire is or was regarded by the Hopi Indians of northeastern 
Arizona as a living being, its cultus consisting primarily of rites 
for germination, and, secondarily, for rain-making. When " new 
fire " is ceremonially kindled, this act and the accompanying rites 
are " prayers " to the Fire-gods, or, what is practically the same 
thing, to the personations of great magic powers, male and fe- 
male, which generate or " create " living beings. 

The Greater New-fire festival ' occurs at Walpi in November 
and is celebrated by all male adults of the pueblos on the East 
Mesa of Tusayan. The "gods" worshiped at that time are (i) 
the male Germ-god, Masaiifi, God of Fire and ruler of the abode 
of the dead ; and (2) his female complement, the Germ-mother, ; 
called Al6saka-\voYa2iX\ or Talatiimsi, and Tuzvapoiitiimsi or Earth- < 
woman. ^ 

The festival is celebrated at Walpi ^ in an abbreviated and 1 
an elaborate form, and is the most complicated ceremony per- 1 
formed on the East Mesa. I 

There is another Fire festival, of much less complication and I 
possibly of different geographical origin, performed in the two East | 

' " The New-fire Ceremony at Walpi," American Anthropologist, o. s., 1898. 

'^ Talatumsi is so called because her idol is worshiped at sunrise (^tald) ; Aldsaka- 
woman because at Awatobi, from which pueblo her cult was derived, her complement. 
the Germ-god, was called by this name. The Earth- woman ( Tuwapoiitumsi) is repre- 
sented by a log of petrified wood, an archaic personation of Mother Earth. (For an 
illustration see " The New-fire Ceremony at Walpi," op. cit.) 

^ It was in part derived from .Awatobi, a Hopi pueblo destroyed two hundred years 
ago, and may justly be supposed to contain many ceremonial survivals of that ill-fated 
village. I 



N. S., VOL. 3, PL. XI 



Mesa pueblos of Hano and Walpi. This festival is controlled by 
a single priesthood, still represented in New Mexican pueblos. 
The Hopi call it Sumaikoli ; in this article it is designated the 
iLesser Fire ceremony. As the Sumaikoli is much simpler than 
'the Wiiwiltcimti, or Greater New-fire ceremony, its meaning is 
less difficult to discover, the essentials in it not being obscured by 
secondary accretions. This meaning is found to be identical 
jwith that of the Greater New-fire ceremony, that is, a " prayer " 
\Xo Kokyan-wiiqti,^ with added prayers to the Sun, Moon, Masaiiil, 
land the cardinal points. 

I The Sumaikoli is a special ceremony of a fraternity of priests 
called the Yaya, and occurs in the months of July and March. 
It has no connection with the Greater New-fire festival in No- 
vember, which is controlled by four other fraternities.^ Two of 
the East Mesa pueblos celebrate this lesser festival, and as one of 
these, Hano, is a Tanoan village, the author believes that it was 
introduced from New Mexico by Tanoan clans — a conclusion 
supported by the fact that it is not observed at Oraibi, where the 
influence of colonists of this kinship is less marked than at Walpi. 
While the fact that it is celebrated in Hano is enough to betray 
its Tanoan derivation, there are other arguments which point to 
the same origin. Its name is not Hopi, and its chief, Simotci, 
belongs to a clan generally identified as of eastern, possibly 
of Tanoan, origin. 

The summer or July Sumaikoli at Hano was first witnessed 
by the author in 1891 ; he has never seen the spring presentation 
of this festival at that pueblo, for the old chief, Kalacai, died 
about 1892, and his successor did not give the performance in 
IQCX), when the author was living in the neighborhood. The 

'Spider-woman, an animal personation of the magic power of Earth ; called, in 
the Greater New Fire, A losaka-vfoma.n or Talatumsi, and Ttnvapontumsi . Also 
known as Old \Yoman, MuyihwA-\\orri2.w, and by numerous other names. 

'■* Almost all the great Hopi festivals have a major and a minor celebration of their 
mysteries, occurring six months apart, but Sumaikoli is not a minor celebration of the 

440 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 3, 1901 ' 

chamber in which the masks and other paraphernaHa are kept 
has often been visited in recent years and the objects have fre- 
quently been inspected by the author and his friends. 

So far as known, the only published pictures of the public 
masked Siimaikoli are those of Dellenbaugh,' who, however, fails 
to add any new facts that would lead to an interpretation of its 
meaning. The Hano Siimaikoli has already been described," but 
up to the present time nothing has been published on the Walpi 
variant. The present account is based on notes made in March, 
1900, while the author was engaged in ethnological work in 1 
Arizona for the Bureau of American Ethnology. 

The Yaya Priests 

The fraternity of priests known as the Yaya is an ancient one, i 
represented by distinct organizations in both Hano and Walpi. j 
From existing legends it appears that this fraternity had muchj 
greater power in ancient than in modern times, and was formerly" 
more conspicuous in the ritual.^ The living members claim for 
their predecessors most extraordinarj^ power over fire and recount 
incredible stories of their magic. These latter are practically be- 
lieved by the older members, who say that they have witnessed 
the events described. They assert that members of the priest- 
hood once swallowed fire without harm ; were able to leap into a| 
bonfire uninjured, and could carry bundles of fagots about thfl 
plaza until their bodies were covered with burns and their hair conj 
sumed, without suffering either pain or injury; while their magi(| 

' North Americans of Yesterday, New York, 1901. j 

* Journ. Amer. Eth. and Arch., Vol. II. The row of objects called "shields" ii 
this description are not war-shields, but masks or "face-shields." They are callei 
sumaikoli, and the personators who wear them bear the same name. The ceremon 
is likewise called Sumaikoli, but the priests who control it are known as Yaya. Th| 
signification of the terms Yaya and Sumaikoli is unknown to the writer. j 

^ The accompanying figures (plate xi) show the costume and paraphernalia of 
Yaya priest. Attention is called to the peculiar framework rattles which these prieslj 
carry in their left hands. The original drawings, here reproduced, were made by | 
Hopi Indian. } 


jower over fire is said to have been so great that they could cure 
ts ill effects on the human body. 

Numerous other stories of the marvelous magic of the early 
jriests are current among their present representatives. The 
mcient Yaya were accustomed, it is said, to seat themselves on 
the edge of the mesa and throw themselves, without harm, head- 
ong to the plain several hundred feet below. A member of the 
lid priesthood, they say, performed the following deed by his 
jnagic power : The "■ Giant's Chair " is a large butte visible from 
jhe Walpi plaza, although over thirty miles distant. One of the 
Yayai in presence of many spectators, took his stand in the plaza, 
tiolding in one hand a bowl of white pigment and in the other 
ii fragment of cloth ; he dipped the cloth in the pigment, held it 
lip before the witnesses, made a pass in the air as if rubbing the 
jlistant butte, and his power was so great that the mountain 
urned white. Shortly afterward the same man made another 
)ass with his hand, and the Giant's Chair resumed its ordinary 
lark or black color. Many other marvelous stories are told of 
he magic powers of the ancient Fire-priests, but those cited will 
erve to show their general nature. 

At the present time, although much less important than for- 
nerly, the Yaya priests are still believed to have great shamanistic 
>ower in curing disease. Their method of treatment is quite 
)revalent in primitive medicine, based on reasoning by analogy, 
o constant in savage philosophy. For example, skin eruptions 
)resent analogies to the effect of fire ; they itch or burn, hence 
hey can be cured by fire or it